PICTURE-WRITING 



OF THE 



AMERICAN INDIANS 



BY 



GARRICK MALLERY 



EXTRACT FROM THE TFNTH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGV 




WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
1894 

5 



ACCOMPANYING PAPER. 



10 ETH 1 



SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION— BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

11 Y 

GrARRICK MALLERY. 



CONT HNTS. 



Pace. 

Introduction 25 

Chapter I. Petroglyphs 31 

Chapter II. Petroglyphs iu North America 37 

Section 1. Petroglyphs in Canada 37 

Nova Scotia 1(7 

Ontario 42 

Manitoba ' 43 

British Columbia 44 

Section 2. Petroglyphs in the United States 45 

Alaska 47 

Arizona 48 

California 52 

Owens Valley 56 

Colorado 72 

Connecticut 75 

Georgia 76 

Idaho 77 

Illinois 77 

Iowa 80 

Kansas . 1 80 

Kentucky 81 

Maine 81 

Maryland 83 

Massachusetts 86 

Minnesota 87 

Montana 90 

Nebraska 90 

Nevada 92 

New Mexico 96 

New York 98 

North Carolina 99 

Ohio 101 

Oregon 104 

Pennsylvania 106 

Ehode Island 113 

South Dakota 114 

Tennessee 114 

Texas 115 

Utah 116 

Virginia 121 

Washington 122 

West Virginia 124 

Wisconsin 126 

Wyoming ' 128 

Section 3. Petroglyphs iu Mexico 131 



6 CONTENTS. 

Chapter II. Petroglyphs in North America — Continued. Page. 

Section 4. Petroglyphs in the West Indies 136 

Puerto Eico 136 

The Bahama islands 137 

Guadeloupe 139 

Aruba 139 

Chapter III. Petroglyphs in Central and South America 141 

Section 1. Petroglyphs in Central America 141 

Nicaragua 141 

Guatemala 142 

Section 2. Petroglyphs in South America 142 

United States of Colombia 143 

Guiana 144 

Venezuela 147 

Brazil.. 150 

Argentine Republic 157 

Peru 157 

Chile 159 

Chapter IV. Extra-limital petroglyphs 161 

Section 1. Petroglypps in Australia 161 

Section 2. Petroglyphs in Oceanica 165 

New Zealand 165 

Kei islands 167 

Easter island 169 

Section 3. Petroglyphs in Europe 171 

Great Britain and Ireland 171 

Sweden 173 

France 175 

Spain 177 

Italy 178 

Section 4. Petroglyphs in Africa 178 

Algeria - _ 178 

Egypt 179 

South Africa 180 

Canary islands 183 

Section 5. Petroglyphs in Asia 185 

China 185 

Japan 185 

India 186 

Siberia 186 

Chapter V. Cup sculptures 189 

Chapter VI. Pictographs generally 201 

Chapter VII. Substances on which pictographs are made 205 

Section 1. The human body , 205 

Section 2. Natural objects other than the human body 205 

Stone 205 

Bone 206 

Skins 206 

Feathers and quills 207 

Gourds .• 208 

Shells 209 

Earth and sand 210 

Copper 212 

Wood 213 



CONTENTS. 7 

Chapter VII. Substances on which pictographs are made Conti >d. Page 

Section 3. Artificial objects 215 

Fictile fabrics ! 215 

Textile fabrics 215 

Chapter VIII. Instruments and materials by which pictographs are made 218 

Section 3. Coloring matter and its application. . 219 

Chapter IX. Mnemonic 223 

Section 1. Knotted cords and objects tied 223 

Section 2. Notched or marked sticks 227 

Section 3. Wampum 228 

Section 4. Order of songs 231 



winter count 27.1 

id's winter count 287 

329 

3 of visit, departure and direction 329 

tion by drawing topographic features 341 

e of condition 347 



West African aroko 3d 

Chapter XIII. Totems, titles, and names 376 

Section 1. Pictorial tribal designations 377 

Iroquoian 377 

Eastern Algonquian 378 

Siouan and other designations 379 

Absaroka, or Crow 380 

Arapaho 

Arikara, or Ree 381 

Assiniboin 381 

Brule" 382 

Cheyenne 382 

Dakota, or Sioux 383 

Hidatsa, Gros Ventre or Minitari 384 

Kaiowa... 

Maudan 385 

Mandan and Arikara 385 

Ojibwa - 385 

Omaha 385 



8 



CONTENTS. 



Chapter XIII. Totems, titles, and names — Continued. 
Section 1. Pictorial tribal designations — Continued. 

Siouan and other designations — Continued. Page. 

Ponka..... 386 

Shoshoni 387 

Section 2. Gentile and elan designations 388 

Section 3. Significance of tattoo 391 

Tattoo in North America 392 

On the Pacific coast 1 396 

Tattoo in South America 407 

Extra-limital tattoo 407 

Scarification 1 416 

Summary of studies on tattooing 418 

Section 4. Designations of individuals 419 

Insignia, or tokens of authority 419 

Signs of individual achievements 433 

Property marks , 441 

Personal names 442 

Objective 447 

Metaphoric 453 

Animal 455 

Vegetable 458 

Chapter XIV. Religion 461 

Section 1. Symbols of the supernatural 462 

Section 2. Myths and mythic animals. 468 

Thunder birds 483 

Section 3. Shamanism - 490 

Section 4. Charms and amulets 501 

Section 5. Religious ceremonies 505 

Section 6. Mortuary practices 517 

Chapter XV. Customs" . , 528 

Section 1. Cult societies - 528 

Section 2. Daily life and habits 530 

Section 3. Games 547 

Chapter XVI. History 551 

Section 1. Record of expedition 552 

Section 2. Record of battle 554 

Battle of the Little Bighorn - 563 

Section 3. Record of migration 566 

Section 4. Record of notable events 567 

Chapter XVII. Biography 571 

Section 1. Continuous record of events in life 571 

Section 2. Particular exploits or events 575 

Chapter XVIII. Ideography 583 

Section 1. Abstract ideas expressed pictorially 584 

After; age— old and young; bad; before; big; center; deaf; direction; 
disease; fast; fear; freshet; good; high; lean; little; lone; many, 
much; obscure; opposition; possession; prisoner; short; sight; 

slow; tall; trade; union; whirlwind; winter— cold, snow 585-606 

Section 2. Signs, symbols, and emblems 607 

Section 3. Significance of colors 618 

Decorati ve use of color 619 

Ideocrasy of colors 622 

Color in ceremonies ,-- 623 

Color relative to death and mourning 629 



CONTENTS. 9 

Chapter XVIII. Ideography— Continued. 

( 'olors for war and peace 631 

Color designating social status 633 

Section 4. Gesture and posture signs depicted 037 

Water til- 
child 643 

Negation 644 

Chapter XIX. Conventionalizing 649 

Section 1. Conventional devices : 650 

Hittite emblems 662 

Section 2. Syllabaries and alphabets 664 

The Micmac "hieroglyphics " 666 

Pictographs in alphabets 674 

Chapter XX. Special comparison 676 

Section 1. Typical style 676 

Section 2. Homomorphs and symmorphs 692 

Sky; sun and light; moon; day; night; cloud; rain; lightning; human 
form; human head and face; hand; feet and tracks; broken leg; 
voice and speech; dwellings; eclipse of the sun; meteors; the 

cross 694-733 

Section 3. Composite forms 735 

Section 4. Artistic skill and methods 738 

Chapter XXI. Means of interpretation 745 

Section 1. Marked characters of known significance 745 

Section 2. Distinctive costumes, weapons, and ornaments 749 

Section 3. Ambiguous characters with ascertained meaning 755 

Chapter XXII. Controverted pictographs ... 75;) 

Section 1. The Grave creek stone 761 

Section 2. The Dighton rock 5. . 762 

Section 3. Imitations and forced interpretations 764 

Chapter XXIII. General conclusions 768 

List of works and authors cited 777 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Pl. I-XI. Petroslvphs in Owens Valley, California 56-76 

' i XII. Petroglyph in Maine 82 

- XIII. Petroglyphs'in Nebraska 92 

• XIV. The Stone of the Giants. Mexico 134 

XV. Powhatan's mantle 210 

XVI. Peruvian quipu and birch-bark drawings 226 

. ' XVII. Order of songs. Ojibwa 232 

: XVIII. Mnemonic songs. Ojibwa ' 236 

i XIX. Mnemonic songs. Ojibwa 244 

* XX. Lone-Dog's winter count... 266 

- XXI. Battiste Good's cycles. A. D. 901-1000 290 

- XXII. Battiste Good's cycles. A. D. 1141-1280 292 

i XXIII. Battiste Good's cycles. A. D. 1421-1700 294 

i XXIV. Ha ida double thunder-bird 400 

v XXV. Haida dog-fish 402 

* XXVI. Oglala chiefs 420 

«- XXVII. Oglala subchiefs 422 

- XXVIII. Mexican military insignia 432 

- XXIX. Mexican military insignia 434 

. XXX. Hidatsa dancers, bearing exploit marks 440 

i XXXI. Petroglyph in rock shelter, West Virgina 476 

, XXXII. Wasko and mythic raven, Haida 480 

. XXXIII. Mantle of invisibility 504 

XXXIV. Mexican treatment of new-born children 542 

. XXXV. Education of Mexican children. Three to six years 544 

. XXXVI. Education of Mexican children. Seven to ten years 546 

. XXXVII. Education of Mexican children. Eleven to fourteen years 548 

i XXXVIII. Adoption of profession and marriage. Mexican 550 

t. XXXIX. Map of Little Bighorn battlefield 564 

t XL. Battle of Little Bighorn. Indian camp 566 

' XLI. Battle of Little Bighorn. Soldiers charging Indian camp 568 

- XLII. Battle of Little Bighorn. Sioux chaiging soldiers 570 

- XLIII. Battle of Little Bighorn. Sioux fighting Custer's battalion 572 

t XLIV. Battle of Little Bighorn. The dead Sioux 574 

: XLV. Battle of Little Bighorn. The dead Sioux 576 

. XL VI. Battle of Little Bighorn. Custer's dead cavalry 578 

«■ XLVII. Battle of Little Bighorn. Indians leaving battle-ground 580 

. XLVIII. Battle of Little Bighorn. Indians leaving battle-ground -&82 

t XLIX. Mexican symbols 614 

t. L. Tablets at Aucon, Peru 706 

^ LI. Thruston tablet, Tennessee 734 

11 



12 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Page 

Pl. * LII. Pictures on Dotaku, japan 736 

i hill. German knights and Apache warriors 740 

V LIV. Dighton rock 762 

Fig. 1-2. Palimpsests on Fairy rocks, Nova Scotia 40-41 

3. Petroglyph on Vancouver island 44 

4. Petroglyphs in Alaska 47 

5-8. Petroglyphs in Arizona 48-50 

9. Petroglyph in Shinumo canyon, Arizona 51 

10. Petroglyph in Mound canyon, Arizona 52 

11. Petroglyphs near Visalia, California 53 

12-16. Petroglyphs at Tule river, California 54-57 

17. View of Chalk grade petroglyphs, Owens valley, California 59 

18. Petroglyphs in Death valley, California. 60 

19. Rattlesnake rock, Mojave desert, California 61 

20. Petroglyph near San Marcos pass, California 62-67 

21-22. Petroglyphs near San Marcos pass, California 62-63 

23-28. Petroglyphs in Najowe valley, California : 63-67 

29-30. Petroglyphs near Santa Barbara, California 67-68 

31. Petroglyphs in Azuza canyon, California 69 

32-33. Petroglyphs in Santa Barbara county, California 70-71 

34-35. Petroglyphs on the Rio Mancos, Colorado 73 

36-37. Petroglyphs on the Rio San Juan 74-75 

38. Petroglyphs in Georgia 76 

39. Petroglyphs in Idaho, Shoshonean 77 

40-41. The Piasa Petroglyph 78-79 

42. Petroglyph on the Illinois river 79 

43. Petroglyph near Alton, Illinois 80 

44. Petroglyphs in Kansas 81 

45. Bald Friar rock, Maryland 84 

46. Slab from Bald Friar rock 85 

47. Top of Bald Friar rock 85 

48. Characters from Bald Friar rock 86 

49. Dighton rock, Massachusetts 86 

50. Petroglyphs at Pipestone, Minnesota 88 

51. Petroglyphs in Brown's valley, Minnesota 89 

52-53. Characters from Nebraska petroglyphs 91-92 

54. Petroglyphs on Carson river, Nevada 92 

55. Petroglyphs at Reveille', Nevada 94 

56. Petroglyphs at Dead mountain, Nevada 95 

57. Inscription rock, New Mexico 96 

58-59 Petroglyphs at Ojo de Benado, New Mexico 97-98 

60. Petroglyph at Esopus, New York 98 

61. Paint rock, North Carolina 100 

62. Petroglyphs on Paint rock, North Carolina 100 

63. Newark Track rock, Ohio 101 

64. Independence stone, Ohio 102 

65. Barnesville Track rock, Ohio 103 

66. Characters from Barnesville Track rock 103 

67. Barnesville Track rock, No. 2 104 

68. Petroglyphs, Wellsville, Ohio 104 

69. Petroglyphs in Lake county, Oregon 106 

70. Big Indian rock, Pennsylvania 107 

71. Little Indian rock, Pennsylvania 108 

72. Petroglyph at McCalls ferry, Pennsylvania 108 

73. Petroglyph near Washington, Pednsylvauia 109 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



I'd 



Fig. 74. Petroglyphs on " Indian God Rock," Pennsylvania L10 

75. Petroglyph at Millsboro, Pennsylvania Ill 

77 79* I'cIiIm' i.v].!^ in K-.lxTis county, South Dakota Ill 

80*. Petrogl'vphs near El Paso, Texas 116 

81. Petroglyphs near Manti, Utah 118 

82-85. Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah 118-120 

86. Petroglyphs at ri,M- Spring. I 120 

8d. Petroglyphs in Shiuumo can von, I tali 121 

90. Petroglyphs in Tazewell county, Virginia 121 

91. Petroglyphs in Browns cave, Wisconsin 120 

92. Petroglyphs at Trempealeau, Wisconsin 127 

93-95. Petroglyphs iu Wind river valley, Wyoming 128-1241 

96-97. Petroglyphs near Sage creek, Wyoming - - - 130 

98. Petroglyphs iu Mexico ... 132 

99. The emperor Ahuitzotzin 134 

100-102. Petroglyphs in the Bahamas 138-139 

103. Petroglyph in Guadeloupe W0 

104. Petroglyphs in Nicaragua 141 

105. Petroglyphs in Colombia : 14 1 

106. Shallow carvings iu Guiana '. 145 

107. Sculptured rock in Venezuela 147 

108. Rock near Caicara, Venezuela 148 

109. Petroglyphs of Chicagua rapids, Venezuela 149 

110. Petroglyphs on the Cachoeira do Ribeirao, Brazil 151 

111. The rock Itamaraca, Brazil 151 

112. Petroglyphs on the Rio Negro, Brazil 152 

113. Petroglyphs at Caldierao do Inferno, Brazil 152 

114. Petroglyphs at the falls of Girao, Brazil 153 

115. Petroglyphs at Pederneira, Brazil - 153 

116. Petroglyphs at Araras rapids, Brazil 154 

117. Petroglyphs at Ribeirao, Brazil 154 

118. Character at Madeira rapid, Brazil 155 

119. Petroglyphs at Pao Grande, Brazil 155 

120. Petroglyph in Ceara, Brazil - 156 

121-122. Petroglyphs in Morcego, Brazil ' 156 

123. Petroglyphs iu Inhamuu, Brazil 157 

124. Petroglyphs Pedra Lavrada, Brazil 158 

125. Inscribed rock at Bajo de Canota, Argentine Republic 158 

126. Petroglyphs near Araquipa, Peru 159 

127. Petroglyph in Huaytara, Peru 15!' 

128. Sculptured boulder iu Chile 160 

129. Petroglyph iu Cajon de los Cipreses, Chile 160 

130. Petroglyph ou Finke river, Australia 162 

131. Petroglyph in Depuch island, Australia 163 

132. Petroglyph at Bantry bay, Australia 164 

133. Petroglyph in New Zealand 166 

134. Petroglyphs in Kei islands 168 

135. Petroglyphs iu Easter island 169 

136. Tablet from Easter island 1~0 

137-138. Petroglyph in Bokuslafi, Sweden 171-175 

139. Petroglyph in Epoue, France- - — 176 



14 . ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Paee. 

Pig. 140. Petroglyphs at Tyout, Algeria 179 

141. Petroglyphs at Moghar, Algeria 180 

142. Petroglyph in Leribe", South Africa 182 

143. Petroglyphs in Basutoland, South Africa 183 

144-145. Petroglyphs in the Canary islands 183-184 

145a. Petroglyph in Yezo, Japan 185 

146. Petroglyphs at Chandeskwar, India 187 

147. Types of cup sculptures 190 

148. Variants of cup sculptures 191 

149. Cup sculptures at Auchnabreach, Scotland 192 

150. Cup sculptures at Ballymenach, Scotland 193 

151. Cup sculptures in Chiriqui 194 

152-153. Cup sculptures in Venezuela 195 

154-155. Cup sculptures in Brazil 195-196 

156. Cup sculptures in India 197 

157. Comanche drawing on shoulder blade 206 

158. Quill pictograph 208 

159. Pictograph on gourd 208 

160. Pictograph* on wood, Washington 214 

161. Haida basketry hat 216 

162. Tshirashian blanket , 217 

163. Wampum strings 228 

164. Penn wampum belt 230 

165. Song for medicine hunting 247 

166. Song for beaver hunting 249 

167. Osage chart 251 

168. Mide' record 252 

169. Mide' records 253 

170. Mfnabo'zho -254 

171. Mide' practicing incantation 254 

172. Jessakki'd curing a woman 254 

173. The origin of the Indians 256 

174. Record of treaty 257 

175-177. Shop account 259-261 

178-180. Book account 262 

181. Notched sticks 263 

182. Device denoting the succession of time. Dakota 265 

183-196. Lone-Dog's Winter Count 273-276 

197. Whooping-cough. The-Flauie's Winter Count, 1813-'14 276 

198. Whooping-cough. The-Swan's Winter Count, 1813-'14 276 

199-255. Lone-Dog's Winter Count 276-286 

256. Battiste Good's Revelation 289 

257-436. Battiste Good's Winter Count 293-328 

437. Petroglyphs at Oakley Springs, Arizona 329 

438. Hunting notices 331 

439. Alaskan notice of hunt 332 

440. Alaskan notice of departure 332 

441. Alaskan notice of hunt 333 

442-144. Alaskan notice of direction - 333-334 

445. Abnaki notice of direction 335 

446. Amalecite notice of trip 336 

447-448. Ojibwa notice of direction 337-338 

449. Penobscot notice of direction . . . . : 338 

450. Passamaquoddy notice of direction 339 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 1 - r > 

Fig. 451. Micmac notice of direction 341 

452. Lean-Wolf's map. Hidatsa 342 

453. Chart of battlefield 343 

454. Topographic features 344 

455. Greenland map 345 

456-458. Passamaquoddy wikhegan 348-350 

459. Alaskan notice of distress 351 

460. Alaskan notice of departure aud refuge 351 

461. Alaskan notice of departure to relieve distress 351 

463. Assistance wanted in the hunt. Alaskan 352 

464-465. Starving hunters. Alaskan 352-353 

466. No thoroughfare ..' 354 

467. Rock paintings in Azuza canyon, California 354 

468. Site of paintings in Azuza canyon, California 355 

469. Sketches from Azuza canyon 355 

470. West African message 361 

471. Ojibwa love letter 363 

472. Cheyenne letter 364 

473. Ojibwa invitations 365 

474. Ojibwa invitation sticks 366 

475. Summons to Mide" ceremony 367 

476. Passamaquoddy wikhegan 367 

477. Australian message sticks 370 

478-479. West African aroko 371 

480-481. Jebu complaint 375 

482. Samoyed requisition 375 

483. Eastern Algonqnian tribal designations 379 

484-487. Absaroka tribal designations .. .380-381 

488. Arapaho tribal designation , . . . 381 

489-490. Arikara tribal designations 381 

491. Assiniboin tribal designation 381 

492-493. Brule" tribal designations 382 

491-497. Cheyenne tribal designations 382-383 

498. Dakota tribal designation 383 

499. Hidatsa tribal designation 384 

500-501. Kaiowa tribal designations 384 

502. Mandan tribal designation 385 

503. Mandan and Arikara tribal designations 385 

504-506. Omaha tribal designations 385 

507-509. Pawnee tribal designations 386 

510-512. Ponka tribal designations 386-3S7 

513. Tamga of Kirghise tribes 387 

514. Dakota gentile designations 389 

515. Kwakiutl carviugs 390 

516. Virginia tattoo designs 393 

517. Haida tattooing. Sculpin and dragon-fly 397 

518. Haida tattooing. Thunder-bird 3(18 

519. Haida tattooing. Thunder-bird aud tshimos 3!'9 

520. Haida tattooing. Bear 399 

521. Haida tattooing. Mountain goat 400 

522. Haida tattooing. Double thunder-bird 401 

523. Haida tattooing. Double raven 401 

524. Haida tattooing. Dog-fish 4(H) 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Page. 

>-526. Tattooed Haidas t()i'-40:i 

527. Two forms of skulpin. Haida 404 

528. Frog. Haida 405 

529. Cod. Haida 405 

530. Squid. Haida 405 

531. Wolf. Haida 405 

532. Australian grave and carved trees 408 

533. New Zealand tattooed head and chin mark 409 

534. Tattoo design on bone. New Zealand 409 

535. Tattooed woman. New Zealand 410 

536. Tattoo on Papuan chief 411 

537. Tattooed Papuan woman 412 

538. Badaga tattoo marks 413 

539. Chukchi tattoo marks 414 

540. Big-Road 421 

541. Charging-Hawk 422 

542. Feather-on-his-head. . . .. 422 

543. White-Tail •_ . 423 

544. White-Bear 423 

545. Standing-Bear 423 

546. Four-horn calumet 424 

547. Two-Strike as partisan 424 

548. Lean-Wolf as partisan 425 

549. Micmac headdress in pictograph 425 

550. Micmae eliiet'tainess in pictograph 426 

551. Insignia traced on rocks, Nova Scotia 427 

552. Chilkat ceremonial shirt 428 

553. Chilkat ceremonial cloak. 429 

554. Chilkat ceremonial blanket 430 

555. Chilkat ceremonial coat 430 

556. Bella Coola Indians 431 

557. Guatemala priest 431 

558. Mark of exploit. Dakota 433 

559. Killed with fist. Dakota 433 

560. Killed an enemy. Dakota 434 

561. Cut throat and scalped. Dakota 434 

562. Cut enemy's throat. Dakota 434 

563. Third to strike. Dakota 434 

564. Fourth to strike. Dakota 434 

565. Fifth to strike. Dakota 434 

566. Many wounds. Dakota 434 

-568. Marks of exploits. Hidatsa 437 

569. Successful defense. Hidatsa 438 

570. Two successful defenses. Hidatsa 438 

571. Captured a horse. Hidatsa 438 

572. Exploit marks. Hidatsa 438 

573. Record of exploits 439 

574. Record of exploits 439 

575. Exploit marks as worn 439 

576. Scalp taken 440 

577. Scalp and gun taken 440 

578. Boat paddle. Arikara 442 

579. African property mark 442 

580. Owner's marks. Slesvick 44-2 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 17 

Fiu. 581. Signature of Running Antelope. Dakota 445 

582. Solinger sword makers' marks 445 

583-613. Personal names. Objective 147-453 

614-621. Personal names. Metaphoric 153-454 

622-634. Personal names. Animal 455-458 

635-637. Personal names. Vegetable 458 

638. Lond-Talker 459 

639. Mexican names r 460 

640-651. Symbols of tbo supernatural 162-466 

652. Dream. Ojibwa 466 

653. Religious symbols 467 

654. My th of Pokinsquss 469 

655. Myth of Atosis 470 

656. Myth of the Weasel girls 471 

657. The giant hird Kaloo 472 

658. Kiwach, the strong blower 473 

659. Story of Glooscap 474 

660. Ojibwa shamanistic symbols 474 

661. Baho-li-kong-ya. Arizona 476 

662. Mythic serpents. Innuit 476 

663. Haida -wind-spirit 477 

664. Orca. Haida 477 

665. Bear mother. Haida 478 

666. Thunder-bird grasping whale 479 

667. Haokah. Dakota giant 480 

668. Ojibwa manido 480 

669. Menomoni -white bear manido 481 

670. Mythic -wild cats. Ojibwa 482 

671. Winnebago magic animal 482 

672. Mythic buffalo 482 

673-674. Thunder- birds. Dakota 483 

675. Wingless thunder-bird. Dakota 483 

676-677. Thunder-birds. Dakota 484 

678. Thunder-bird. Haida 485 

679. Thunder-bird. Twana 485 

680. Medicine-bird. Dakota 486 

681. Five-Thunders. Dakota 486 

682. Thunder-pipe. Dakota 486 

683. Micmac thunder-bird 487 

684. Venezuelan thunder-bird 487 

685. Ojibwa thunder-birds 487 

686. Moki rain-bird 488 

687. Ahuitzotl 488 

688. Peruvian fabulous animals 488 

689. Australian mythic personages 489 

690. Ojibwa Mide' wigwam 493 

691. Lodge of a Mide' 493 

692. Lodge of a Jessakkl'd 493 

693-697. Making medicine. Dakota: 494 

698. Magic killing 495 

699. Held-a-ghost-lodge 495 

700-701. Muzzin-ne-neence. Ojibwa 495-496 

702. Ojibwa divination. Ojibwa 497 

703. Shaman exorcising demon. Alaska 497 

10 ETH 2 



18 , ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Page. 

Fig. 704. Supplication for success. Alassa 499 

705. Skokomisk tarnahous 498 

706. Mdewakantawan fetich 500 

707. Medicine bag, as worn 501 

708. Medicine bag, bung up 502 

709-711. Magic arrows 503 

712. Hunter's cbarm. Australia. 504 

713. Moki masks traced on rocks. Arizona 506 

714. Shaman's lodge. Alaska 507 

715. Ak-ton-we-tuck 509 

716. On-saw-kie 510 

717. Medicine lodge. Micmac 510 

718. Juggler lodge. Micmac. ; 511 

719.. Moki ceremonial 511 

720. Peruvian ceremony 513 

721-723. Tartar and Mongol drums 515-517 

724. Votive offering. Alaska 519 

725-726. Grave posts. Alaska 520 

727. Village and burial ground. Alaska. 520' 

728. Menomoni grave post 521 

729. Incised lines on Menomoni grave post 522 

730. Grave boxes and posts 523 

731. Commemoration of dead. Dakota 523 

732. Ossuary ceremonial. Dakota 523 

733. Kalosb grave boxes 524 

734. New Zealand grave effigy 525 

735. New Zealand grave post 526 

736. Nicobarese mortuary tablet 526 

737. The policeman 529 

738. Ottawa pipestem 530 

739-740. Shooting fish. Micmac 531 

741. Lancing fish. Micmac 531 

742. Whale hunting. Innuit 531 

743. Hunting in canoe. Ojibwa 532 

744. Eecord of hunting. Ojibwa 532 

745. Fruit gatherers. Hidatsa 533 

746. Hunting antelope. Hidatsa 533 

747. Hunting buffalo. Hidatsa 534 

748. Counting coups. Dakota 534 

749-750. Counting coup. Dakota 535 

751-752. Scalp displayed. Dakota 535-536 

753. Scalped head. Dakota '. 536 

754. Scalp taken. Dakota 536 

755-757. Antelope hunting. Dakota 536-537 

758. Wife's punishment. Dakota 537 

759. Decorated horse. Dakota 537 

760. Suicide. Dakota 537 

761. Eagle hunting. Arikara 537 

762. Eagle hunting. Ojibwa 538 

763. Gathering pomme blanche 538 

764. Moving tipi 538 

765. Claiming sanctuary 538 

766-769. Raising war party. Dakota 540 

770. Walrus hunting. Alaska 541 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 19 
Pa K e. 

Fig. 771. Records carved on ivory. Alaska 54] 

772-773. Hakagamo. Dakota 517 

774. Haida gambling sticks 548 

775. Pebbles from Mas d'A/.il 549 

776-781. Records of expeditions. Dakota 553-551 

782-783. Records of battles 556 

784. Battle of 1797. Ojibwa 557 

785. Battle of Hard river. Winnebago 559 

786. Battle between Ojibwa and Sioux 559 

787. Megaque's last battle 560 

788-795. Records of battles. Dakota 561-563 

796. Record of Ojibwa migration 566 

797. Origin of Brul6. Dakota 567 

798. Kiyuksas 5 8 

799-802. First coming of traders 568 

803. Boy scalped 568 

804. Boy scalped alive 569 

805. Horses killed 569 

806-808. Annuities received 569 

809. Mexican blankets bought 569 

810. Wagon captured 570 

811. Clerk killed 570 

812. Flagstaff cut down 570 

813. Horses taken 570 

814. Killed two Arikara 571 

815. Shot and scalped an Arikara 572 

816. Killed ten men and three women 572 

817. Killed two chiefs 573 

818. Killed one Arikara 573 

819. Killed two Arikara hunters 574 

820. Killed five Arikara 574 

821. Peruvian biography 575 

822. Hunting record. Iroquois 575 

823. Martial exploits. Iroquois 576 

824. Cross-Bear's death 576 

825. A dangerous trading trip 577 

826. Shoshoni raid for horses 578 

827. Life risked for water 578 

828. Runs by the enemy 579 

829. Runs around 579 

830. Goes through the camp 579 

- 831. Cut tb rough 579 

832. Killed in tipi 579 

833. Killed in tipi 579 

834. Took the warpath 579 

835. White-Bull killed : 580 

836. Brave-Bear killed 580 

837. Brave-man killed : 580 

838. Crazy Horse killed 580 

839. Killed for whipping wife 580 

840. Killed for whipping wife 580 

841-842. Close shooting 581 

843. Lean- Wolf 's exploits. Hidatsa 581 

844. Record of hunt. Alaska 581 



20 



ILLUSTKATIONS. 



Page. 

Fig. 845. Charge after 585 

846. Killed after 585 

847. Old-Horse 585 

848. Old-Mexican 585 

849. Young -Rabbit 585 

850. Bad-Boy 585 

851. Bad-Horn 585 

852. Bad-Face 586 

853. Bad. Ojibwa 586 

854. Got- there-first 586 

• 855-860. Big 586-587 

861. Center-Feather 587 

862. Deaf Woman 587 

863-867. Direction 588 

868. Whooping cough 588 

869. Measles y 589 

870. Measles or smallpox 589 

871. Ate buffalo and died 589 

872. Died of "whistle" 589 

873-874. Smallpox 589 

875. Smallpox. Mexican 589 

876. Died of cramps 589 

877-878. Died in childbirth 590 

879. Sickness. Ojibwa 590 

880. Sickness. Chinese 590 

881. Fast-Horse 590 

882. Fast-Elk 590 

883-887. Fear 591 

888-890. River freshet 591-592 

891. Good- Weasel 592 

892-897. High 592-593 

898-903. Lean 593-594 

904-915. Little 594-595 

916. Lone-AVoman 595 

917. Lone-Bear 596 

918. Many shells 596 

919. Many deer 596 

920. Much snow 596 

921. Great, much 596 

922. Ring-Cloud . 597 

923. Cloud-Ring 597 

924. Fog 597 

925. Kills-Back 597 

926. Keeps-the-Battle 597 

927. Keeps-the-Battle 597 

928. His-Fight 597 

929. River fight 598 

930. Owns-the-arrows 598 

931. Has-somethiug-sharp 598 

932. Prisoner. Dakota 598 

933. Takes enemy 598 

934. Iroquois triumph 599 

935. Prisoners. Dakota 599 

936. Prisoners. Iroquois 600 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 2 1 

Page. 

Fig. 937. Prisoners. Mexico 600 

938. Short bull 600 

939-944. S^ght 600-601 

945. Slow bear 601 

946-954. Tall 601-602 

955-956. Trade 603 

957. Brothers 603 

958. Same tribe 603 

959. Husband and wife 604 

960. Same tribe 604 

961. Same tribe 604 

962-966. Whirlwind 604-605 

967-975. Winter, cola, snow = 605-606 

976. Peruvian garrison 607 

977. Comet. Mexican 613 

978. Robbery. Mexican 613 

979. Guatemalan symbols 614 

980. Chibcha symbols 616 

981. Syrian symbols 616 

982. Piaroa color stamps 621 

983. Rock painting. Tule river, California 638 

984-998. Gesture signs in pictographs 639-641 

999. Water symbols 642 

1000. Gesture sign for drink 642 

1001. Water. Egyptian 642 

1002. Gesture for raiD 643 

1003. Water signs. Moki 1 643 

1004. Symbols for child and man 644 

1005. Gestures for birth 644 

1006. Negation v 645 

1007. Hand 645 

1008. Signal of discovery 645 

1009. Pictured gestures. Maya 646 

1010. Pictured gestures. Guatemala 647 

1011-1019. Peace 650-651 

. 1020-1022. War 651-652 

1023.. Chief-Boy 652 

1024. War chief. Passamaquoddy 652 

1025-1029. Council : 653-654 

1030-1037. Plenty of food 654-655 

1038-1043. Famine 655-656 

1044-1046. Starvation 656 

- 1047-1051. Horses 656-657 

1052-1060. Horse stealing 657-658 

1061-1069. Kill and death 358-660 

1070. Killed. Dakota 660 

1071. Life and death. Obijwa 660 

1072. Dead. Iroquois 660 

1073. Dead man. Arikara 660 

1074-1078. Shot 661 

1079. Coming rain 662 

1080. Hittite emblems of known sound 663 

1081. Hittite emblems of uncertain sound 664 

1082. Title page of Kauder's Micmac Catechism 668 



22 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Page. 



Fig. 1083. Lord's Prayer in Micinac "hieroglyphics" 669 

1084-1085. Religious story. Sicasica 672 

1086. Mo-so MS. Desgodins 673 

1087. Pictographs in alphabets 675 

1088. Algonquian petroglyph, Hamilton farm, West Virginia 677 

1089. Algonquian petroglyphs, Sate Harbor, Pennsylvania 677 

1090. Algonquian petroglyphs, Cunningham's Island. Lake Erie 679 

1091. Algonquian petroglyphs, Wyoming 680 

1092. Shoshonean petroglyphs, Idaho 680 

1093. Shoshonean petroglyphs, Utah 681 

1094. Shoshonean rock painting, Utah 681 

1095-1096. Arizona petroglyphs 682-683 

1097-1098. Petroglyphs in Lower California 683 

1099. Haida totem post 684 

1100. New Zealand house posts 685 

1101. New Zealand tiki 686 

1102-1103. Nicaraguau petroglyphs 686 

1104. Deep carvings in Guiana 687 

1105-1106. Venezuelan petroglyphs 688 

1107. Brazilian petroglyphs 689 

1108. Spanish and Brazilian petroglyphs , 690 

1109-1111. Brazilian petroglyphs 690-691 

1112. Brazilian pictograph 691 

1113-1114. Brazilian petroglyphs 692 

1115. Tree 693 

1116. Grow 693 

1117. Sky 694 

1118. Sun. Oakley Springs 694 

1119. Sun. Gesture sign 695 

1120. Devices for sun 695 

1121. Sun and light 695 

1122. Light 695 

1123. Light and sun 696 

1124. Sun. Kwakiutl 696 

1125. Sun mask. Kwakiutl 696 

1126. Suns 696 

1127. Gesture for moon 696 

1128. Moon 697 

1129. Stars 697 

1130. Day. Ojibwa 697 

1131. Morning. Arizona 698 

1132. Day 698 

1133. Days. Apache 698 

1134. Clear, stormy. Ojibwa 699 

1135-1139. Night 699 

1140. Night. Ojibwa 699 

1141. Sign for night 700 

1142. Night. Egyptian 700 

1143. Night. Mexican 700 

1144. Cloud shield 700 

1145. Clouds. Moki 700 

1146. Cloud. Ojibwa 700 

1147. Rain. Ojibwa 701 

1148. Rain. Pueblo.... 701 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 23 
I'ace. 

Fig. 1149. Rain. Moki 701 

1150. Rain. Chinese 701 

1151-1153. Lightning. Moki 701-702 

1154. Lightning. Pueblo 702 

1155-1158. Human form 703 

1159. Human form. Alaska 704 

1160. Bird man. Siberia 704 

1161. American. Ojibwa ■ 704 

1162. Man. Yakut 704 

1163. Human forms. Moki 704 

1164. Human form. Navajo 705 

1165. Man and woman. Moki 705 

1166. Human form. Colombia 705 

1167. Human form. Peru 707 

1168. Human face. Brazil 708 

1169-1170. Human faces. Brazil 708 

1171. Double-faced head. Brazil 708 

1172. Funeral urn. Marajo 709 

1173. Marajo vase 709 

1174. Marajo vases 710 

1175. Human heads 711 

1176. Hand. Ojibwa . 711 

1177. Joined hands. Moki 712 

1178. Cave-painting. Australia 713 

1179. Irish cross 715 

1180. Roman standard 715 

1181-1185. Tracks 716 

1186. Feet 716 

1187-1192. Broken leg. Dakota 716-717 

1193. Broken leg. Chinese 717 

1194-1198. Voice 717-718 

1199. Speech. Ojibwa 719 

1200. Talk. Mexican 719 

1201. Talk. Maya 719 

1202. Talk. Guatemala 720 

1203. Dwellings 720 

1204-1210. Dwellings. Dakota 721 

1211. Dwellings. Moki 721 

1212. Dwelling. Maya 722 

1213. House. Egyptian 722 

1214. Eclipse of the sun 722 

1215-1223. Meteors 722-723 

1224. Meteors. Mexican 724 

1225. Cross. Dakota 725 

1226. Cross. Ohio mound 725 

1227. Dragonfly 725 

1228. Crosses. Eskimo 727 

1229. Cross. Tulare valley, California 727 

1230. Crosses. Owens valley, California 728 

1231. Cross. Innuit 729 

1232. Crosses. Moki 729 

1233. Crosses. Maya 729 

1234. Crosses. Nicaragua 730 

1235-1236. Crosses. Guatemala 730-731 



24 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Page. 

Fig. 1237. Crosses. Sword-makers' marks 732 

1238. Cross. Golasecca 733 

1239-1251. Composite forms 735-736 

1252. Wolf-man. Haida 737 

1253. Panther-man. Haida 737 

1254. Moose. Kejimkoojik 739 

1255. Hand. Kejimkoojik 740 

1256. Engravings on bamboo. New Caledonia 743 

1257. Typical character. Guiana • 745 

1258. Moki devices 746 

1259. Frames and arrows. Moki 746 

1260. Blossoms. Moki 746 

1261. Moki characters 748 

1262. Mantis. Kejimkoojik 749 

1263. Animal forms. Sonora 749 

1264-1278. Weapons and ornaments. Dakota 750-752 

1279. Weapons 753 

1280. Australian wommera and clubs 754 

1281. Turtle. Maya 756 

1282. Armadillo. Yucatan 756 

1283. Dakota drawings 756 

1284. Ojibwa drawings 757 

1285-1287. Grave creek stone 761-762 

1288. Imitated pictograph 765 

1289. Fraudulent pictograph 767 

1290. Chinese characters 767 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



By Garrick Mallery. 



INTRODUCTION. 

An essay entitled " Pictographs of the North American Indians: A 
Preliminary Paper," appeared in the Fourth Annual Eeport of the 
Bureau of Ethnology. The present woik is not a second edition of 
that essay, but is a continuation and elaboration of the same subject. 
Of the eighty-three plates in that paper not one is here reproduced, 
although three are presented with amendments: thus fifty-one of the 
fifty-four plates in this volume are new. Many of the text figures, 
however, are used again, as being necessary to the symmetry of the 
present work, but they are now arranged and correlated so as to be 
much more useful than Avhen unmethodically disposed as before, and 
the number of text figures now given is twelve hundred and ninety- 
five as against two hundred and nine, the total number in the former 
paper. The text itself has been rewritten and much enlarged. The 
publication of the u Preliminary Paper" has been of great value in the 
preparation of the present work, as it stimulated investigation and 
report on the subject to such an extent that it is now impossible 
to publish within reasonable limits of space all the material on band. 
Indeed, after the present work had been entirely written and sent to 
the Public Printer, new information came to hand which ought to be 
published, but can not now be inserted. 

It is also possible to give more attention than before to the picture- 
writing of the aboriginal inhabitants of America beyond the limits of 
the United States. While the requirements of the acts of Congress 
establishing the Bureau of Ethnology have been observed by directing 
main attention to the Indians of North America, there is sufficient 
notice of Central and South America to justify the present title, in 
which also the simpler term ''picture-writing" is used instead of ''picto- 
graphs." 

Picture-writing is a mode of expressing thoughts or noting facts by 
marks which at first were confined to the portrayal of natural or arti- 
ficial objects. It is one distinctive form of thought-writing without 



26 PICTURE-WRITING OP THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



reference to sound, gesture language being the other and probably ear- 
lier form. Whether remaining purely ideographic, or having become 
conventional, picture-writing is the direct and durable expression of 
ideas of which gesture language gives the transient expression. Orig- 
inally it was not connected with the words of any language. When 
adopted for syllabaries or alphabets, which is the historical course of 
its evolution, it ceased to be the immediate and became the secondary 
expression of the ideas framed in oral speech. The writing common 
in civilization may properly be styled sound-writing, as it does not 
directly record thoughts, but presents them indirectly, after they have 
passed through the phase of sound. The trace of pictographs in alpha- 
bets and syllabaries is discussed in the present work under its proper 
heading so far as is necessary after the voluminous treatises on the topic, 
and new illustrations are presented. It is sufficient for the present 
to note that all the varied characters of script and print now cur- 
rent are derived directly or mediately from pictorial representations 
of objects. Bacon well said that "pictures are dnmb histories," and he 
might have added that in the crude pictures of antiquity were con- 
tained the germs of written words. 

The importance of the study of picture-writing depends partly upon 
the result of its examination as a phase in the evolution of human 
culture. As the invention of alphabetic writing is admitted to be the 
great step marking the change from barbarism to civilization, the his- 
tory of its earlier development must be valuable. It is inferred from 
internal evidence, though not specifically reported in history, that pic- 
ture-writing preceded and generated the graphic systems of Egypt, 
Assyria, and China, but in America, especially in North America, its 
use is still current. It can be studied here without any requirement 
of inference or hypothesis, in actual existence as applied to records 
and communications. Furthermore, the commencement of its evolu- 
tion into signs of sound is apparent in the Aztec and the Maya 
characters, in which transition stage it was arrested by foreign con- 
quest. The earliest lessons of the genesis and growth of culture in 
this important branch of investigation may, therefore, be best learned 
from the western hemisphere. In this connection it should be noticed 
that picture-writing is found in sustained vigor on the same continent 
where sign language has prevailed and has continued in active opera- 
tion to an extent historically unknown in other parts of the Avorld. 
These modes of expression, i. e., transient and permanent thought- 
writing, are so correlated in their origin and development that neither 
can be studied to the best advantage without including the other. 
Unacquainted with these facts, but influenced by an assumption that 
America must have been populated from the eastern hemisphere, some 
enterprising persons have found or manufactured American inscrip- 
tions composed of characters which may be tortured into identity with 
some of the Eurasian alphabets or syllabaries, but which sometimes 



mallbry.] SIGN LANGUAGE AND PICTURE-WRITING CONNECTED. 27 



suggest letters of indigenous invention. This topic is discussed in its 
place. 

For the purposes of the present work there is no need to decide 
whether sign-language, which is closely connected with picture-writing, 
preceded articulate speech. It is sufficient to admit the high antiquity 
of thought-writing in both its forms, and yet it is proper to notice a 
strong current of recent opinions as indicated by Prof. Sayce (a) in his 
address to the anthropologic section of the British Association for the 
Advancement of Science, as follows: 

I seo no escape from the conclusions that the chief distinctions of race were estab- 
lished long before man acquired language. If the statement made by M. do Mortillet 
is true, that the absence of the mental tubercle, or bony excrescence in which the 
tongue is inserted, in a skull of the Neanderthal type found at La Naulette, indicates 
an absence of the faculty of speech, one race at least of pahcolithic man would have 
existed in Europe before it had as yet invented an articulate language. Indeed it is 
difficult to believe that man has known how to speak for any very great length of time. 
* * * We can still trace through the thin disguise of subsequent modifications 
and growth the elements, both lexical and grammatical, out of which language must 
have arisen. * * * The beginnings of articulate language are still too trans- 
parent to allow us to refer them to a very remote era. * * * In fact the evidence 
that he is a drawing animal * * * mounts back to a much earlier epoch than 
the evidence that he is a speaking animal. 

When a system of ideographic gesture signs prevailed and at the 
same time any form of artistic representation, however rude, existed, it 
would be expected that the delineations of the former would appear in 
the latter. It was but one more and an easy step to fasten upon bark, 
skins, or rocks the evanescent air pictures that still in pigments or 
carvings preserve their ideography or conventionalism in their original 
outlines. A transition stage between gestures and pictographs, in 
which the left hand is used as a supposed drafting surface, upon which 
the index draws lines, is exhibited in the Dialogue between Alaskan 
Indians in the First Annual Eeport of the Bureau of Ethnology (a). 
This device is common among deaf-mutes, without equal archeologic 
importance, as it may have been suggested by the art of writing, with 
which, even when not instructed in it, they are generally acquainted. 

The execution of the drawings, of which the several forms of picture- 
writing are composed, often exhibits the first crude efforts of graphic 
art, and their study in that relation is of value. 

When pictures are employed for the same purpose as writing, the 
conception intended to be presented is generally analyzed and only its 
most essential points are indicated, with the result that the characters 
when frequently repeated become conventional, and in their later form 
cease to be recognizable as objective portraitures. This exhibition of 
conventionalizing has its own historic import. 

It is not probable that much valuable information will ever be ob- 
tained from ancient rock carvings or paintings, but they are important 
as indications of the grades of culture reached by their authors, 
and of the subjects which interested those authors, as is shown 



28 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



in the appropriate chapters following. Some portions of these pic- 
tures can be interpreted. With regard to others, which are not yet 
interpreted and perhaps never can be, it is nevertheless useful to 
gather together for synoptic study and comparison a large number of 
their forms from many parts of the world. The present collection shows 
the interesting psychologic fact that primitive or at least very ancient 
man made the same figures in widely separated regions, though it is 
not established that the same figures had a common significance. In- 
dications of priscan habitat and migrations may sometimes be gained 
from the general style or type of the drawings and sculptures, which 
may be divided into groups, although the influence of the environing 
materials must always be considered. 

The more modern specimens of picture-writing displayed on skins, 
bark, and pottery are far more readily interpreted than those on rocks, 
and have already afforded information and verification as to points of 
tribal history, religion, customs, and other ethnologic details. 

A criticism has been made on the whole subject of |ficture- writing 
by the eminent anthropologist, Dr. Andree, who, in Ethnographische 
Parallelen und Vergleiche («.), has described and figured a large num- 
ber of examples of petroglyphs, a name given by him to rock-drawings 
and now generally adopted. His views are translated as follows : 

But if we take a connected view of the petroglyphs to which the rock pictures, 
generally made with red paint, are equivalent, and make a comparison of both, it 
becomes evident that they are usually made for mere pastime and are the first 
artistic efforts of rude nations. Nevertheless, we find in them the beginnings of 
writing, and in some instances their transition to pictography as developed among 
North American Indians becomes evident. 

It appears, therefore, that Dr. Andree carefully excludes the picture- 
writings of the North American Indians from his general censure, his 
conclusion being that those found in other parts of the world usually 
occupy a lower stage. It is possible that significance may yet be ascer- 
tained in many of the characters found in other regions, and perhaps 
this may be aided by the study of those in America; but no doubt 
should exist that the latter have purpose and meaning. The relegation 
to a trivial origin of such pictographs as are described and illustrated 
in the present work will be abandoned after a thorough knowledge of 
the labor and thought which frequently were necessary for their pro- 
duction. American pictographs are not to be regarded as mere curi- 
osities. In some localities they represent the only intellectual remains 
of the ancient inhabitants. Wherever found, they bear significantly 
upon the evolution of the human mind. 

Distrust concerning the actual significance of the ancient American 
petroglyphs may be dispelled by considering the practical use of similar 
devices by historic and living Indians for purposes as important to 
them as those of alphabetic writing, these serving to a surprising extent 
the same ends. This paper presents a large number of conclusive 



SIGNIFICANCE OF PICTOGRAPHY. 



29 



examples. The old devices are substantially the same as the modern, 
though improved and established in the course of evolution. Theideog- 
raphy and symbolism displayed in these devices present suggestive 
studies in psychology more interesting than the mere information or 
text contained in the pictures. It must also be observed that when 
Indians now make pictographs it is with intention and care — seldom for 
mere amusement. Even when the labor is undertaken merely to sup- 
ply the trade demand for painted robes or engraved pipes or bark rec- 
ords, it is a serious manufacture, though sometimes only imitative and 
not intrinsically significant. In all other known instances in which 
pictures are made without such specific intent as is indicated under the 
several headings of this work, they are purely ornamental; but in such 
cases they are often elaborate and artistic, not idle scrawls. 

This paper is limited in its terms to the presentation of the most im- 
portant known pictographs of the American Indians, but examples 
from other parts of the world are added for comparison. The proper 
classification and correlation of the matter collected has required more 
labor and thought than is apparent. The scheme of the work has been 
to give in an arrangement of chapters and sections some examples with 
illustrations in connection with each heading in the classification. This 
plan has involved a large amount of cross reference, because in many 
cases a character or a group of characters could be considered with 
reference to a number of different characteristics, and it was necessary 
to choose under which one of the headings it should be presented, 
involving reference to that from the other divisions of the work. Some- 
times the decision was determined by taste or judgment, and sometimes 
required by mechanical considerations. 

It may be mentioned that the limitation of the size of the present 
volume required that the space occupied by the text should be sub- 
ordinated to the large amount of illustration. It is obvious that a 
work on picture-writing should be composed largely of pictures, and 
to allow room for them many pages of the present writer's views have 
been omitted. Whatever may be the disadvantage of this omission 
it leaves to students of the work the opportunity to form their own 
judgments without bias. Indeed, this writer confesses that although 
he has examined and studied in their crude shape, as they went to the 
printer, all the illustrations and descriptions now presented, he expects 
that after the volume shall be delivered to him in printed form with its 
synoptic arrangement he will be better able than now to make appro- 
priate remarks on its subject-matter. Therefore he anticipates that 
careful readers will judiciously correct errors in the details of the work 
which may have escaped him and that they will extend and expand 
what is yet limited and partial. It may be proper to note that when 
the writer's observation has resulted in agreement with published 
authorities or contributors, the statements that could have been made 
on his own personal knowledge have been cited, when possible, from 



30 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

the printed or manuscript works of others. Quotation is still more 
requisite when there is disagreement with the authorities. 

Thanks for valuable assistance are due and rendered to correspond- 
ents and to officers of the Bureau of Ethnology and of the United 
States Geological Survey, whose names are generally mentioned in 
connection with their several contributions. Acknowledgment is also 
made now and throughout the work to Dr. W. J. Hoffman, who has 
officially assisted in its preparation during several years, by researches 
in the field, in which his familiarity with Indians and his artistic skill 
have been of great value. Similar recognition is due to Mr. De 
Lancey W. Gill, in charge of the art department of the Bureau of 
Ethnology and the U. S. Geological Survey, and to Mr. Wells M. 
Sawyer, his assistant, specially detailed on the duty, for their work on 
the illustrations presented. While mentioning the illustrations, it 
may be noted that the omission to furnish the scale on which some of 
them are produced is not from neglect, but because it was impossible to 
ascertain the dimensions of the originals in the few cases where no scale 
or measurement is stated. This omission is most frequently notice- 
able in the illustrations of petroglyphs which have not been procured 
directly by the officers of the Bureau of Ethnology. The rule in that 
Bureau is to copy petroglyphs on the scale of one-sixteenth actual 
size. Most of the other classes of pictographs are presented without- 
substantial reduction, and in those cases the scale is of little importance. 

It remains to give special notice to the reader regarding the mode 
adopted to designate the authors and works cited. A decision was 
formed that no footnotes should appear in the work. A difficulty in 
observing that rule arose from the fact that in the repeated citation of 
published works the text would be cumbered with many words and 
numbers to specify titles, pages and editions. The experiment was 
tried of printing in the text only the most abbreviated mention, gen- 
erally by the author's name alone, of the several works cited, and 
to present a list of them arranged in alphabetic order with cross 
references and catch titles. This list appears at the end of the work 
with further details and examples of its use. It is not a bibliography 
of the subject of picture-writing, nor even a list of authorities read 
and studied in the preparation of the work, but it is simply a special 
list, prepared for the convenience of readers, of the works and authors 
cited in the text, and gives the page and volume, when there is more 
than one volume in the edition, from which the quotation is taken. 



CHAPTEK [. 



PETROGLYPHS. 

In the plan of* this work a distinction has been made between a 
petroglyph, as Andree names the class, or rock-writing, as Ewbank 
called it, and all other descriptions of picture-writing. The criterion 
for the former is that the picture, whether carved or pecked, or other- 
wise incised, and whether figured only by coloration or by coloration 
and incision together, is upon a rock either in situ or sufficiently large 
for inference that the picture was imposed upon it where it was found. 
This criterion allows geographic classification. In presenting the geo- 
graphic distribution, prominence is necessarily (because of the laws 
authorizing this work) given to the territory occupied by the United 
States of America, but examples are added from various parts of the 
globe, not only for comparison of the several designs, but to exhibit the 
prevalence of the pictographic practice in an ancient form, though prob- 
ably not the earliest form. The rocks have preserved archaic figures, 
while designs which probably were made still earlier on less enduring- 
substances are lost. 

Throughout the world in places where rocks of a suitable character 
appear, and notably in South America, markings on them have been 
found similar to those in North America, though until lately they have 
seldom been reported with distinct description or with illustration. 
They are not understood by the inhabitants of their vicinity, who gen- 
erally hold them in superstitious regard, and many of them appear 
to have been executed from religious motives. They are now most 
commonly found remaining where the population has continued to be 
sparse, or where civilization has not been of recent introduction, with 
exceptions such as appear in high development on the Nile. 

The superstitions concerning petroglyphs are in accord with all other 
instances where peoples in all ages and climes, when observing some 
phenomenon which they did not understand, accounted for it by super- 
natural action. The following examples are selected as of interest in 
the present connection. 

It must be premised with reference to the whole character of the 
mythology and folk-lore of the Indians that, even when professed con- 
verts to Christianity, they seem to have taken little interest in the 
stories of the Christian church, whether the biblical narratives or the 
lives and adventures of the saints, which are so constantly dwelt upon 



32 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



throughout the Christian world that they have become folk-lore. The 
general character of the Christian legends does not seem to have suited 
the taste of Indians and has not at all impaired their affection for or 
their belief in the aboriginal traditions. 

Among the gods or demigods of the Abnaki are those who particu- 
larly preside over the making of petroglyphs. Their name in the plural, 
for there are several personages, is Oonagamessok. They lived in 
caves by the shore and were never seen, but manifested their exist- 
ence by inscriptions on the rocks. The fact that these inscribed rocks 
are now very seldom found is accounted for by the statement that the 
Oonagamessok have become angry at the want of attention paid to 
them since the arrival of the white people and have caused the pictures 
to disappear. There is no evidence to determine whether this tradi- 
tion should be explained by the fact that the ingenious shamans of the 
last century would sometimes produce a miracle, carving the rocks 
themselves and interpreting the marks in their own way, or by the fact 
that the rock inscriptions were so old that their origin was not remem- 
bered and an explanation was, as usual, made by ascription to a special 
divinity, perhaps a chieftain famous in the old stage of mythology, or 
perhaps one invented for the occasion by the class of priests who from 
immemorial antiquity have explained whatever was inexplicable. 

At a rock near the mouth of the Magiguadavic river, at the time im- 
mediately before the Passamaquoddy Indians chose their first gover- 
nor after the manner of the whites, the old Indians say there suddenly 
appeared a white man's flag carved on the rocks. The old Indians 
interpreted this as a prophecy that the people would soon be abandoned 
to the white man's methods, and this came to pass shortly after. For- 
merly they had a " Mayouett" or chief. Many other rock carvings are 
said to have foretold what has since come to pass. Strange noises have 
also been heard near them. 

The Omaha superstition is mentioned on pages 91-92 infra. 

The Mandans had an oracle stone on which figures appeared on the 
morning after a night of public fasting. They were deciphered by the 
shaman, avIio doubtless had made them. 

Mr. T. H. Lewis {a) gives the following tradition relating to the in- 
cised bowlders in the upper Minnesota valley: 

In olden times there used to be an object that marked the bowlders at night. It 
could be seen, but its exact shape was indistinct. It would work making sounds 
like hammering, and occasionally emit a light similar to that of a firefly. After 
finishing its work it would give one hearty laugh like a woman laughing and then 
disappear. The next morning the Indians would find another pictured bowlder in 
the vicinity where the object had been seen the night previous. 

Mr. J. W. Lynd (a) says of the Dakotas : 

The deities upon which the most worship is bestowed, if, indeed, any particular 
one is nameable, are Tunkan (Inyan) the Stone God and AVakinyan, the Thunder 
Bird. The latter, as being the main god of war, receives constant worship and 
sacrifices; whilst the adoration of the former is an every-day affair. The Tunkan, 



[ALLESY.] 



SUPERSTITIONS ABOUT PETROGLYPHS 



33 



the Dakotas say, is the god that dwells in stones or rocks, and is the oldest god. If 
asked why it is considered the oldest, they will tell you because it is the hardest. 

Mr. Charles Hallock, on the authority of ('apt. Ed. Hunter, First 
Cavalry, U. S. A., furnishes the following information respecting the 
Assiniboin, Montana, rock pictures, which shows the reverence of these 
Indians for the petroglyphs even when in ruins: 

Some of the rocks of tho sculptured cliff cleaved off and tumbled to the ground, 
whereupon the Indians assembled in force, stuck up a pole, hung up some buffalo 
heads and dried meat, had a song and dance, and carefully covered the detached 
fragments (which were sculptured or painted) with cotton cloth and blankets. Jim 
Brown, a scout, told Capt. Hunter that the Indians assembled at this station at 
stated times to hold religious ceremonies. The pictures are drawn on the smooth 
face of an outcrop or rocky projection. 

Marcano (a) gives an account in which superstition is mixed with his- 
toiic tradition. It is translated as follows: 

The legend of the Tamanaques, transmitted by Father Gili, has also been invoked 
in favor of an ancient civilization. According to the beliefs of this nation, there 
took place in days of old a general inundation, which recalls the age of the great 
waters of the Mexicans, during which the scattered waves beat against the Encara- 
mada. All the Tamanaques were drowned except one man and one woman, who lied 
to the mountain of Tamaeu or Taraauacu, situated on the banks of Asiveru (Cuchi- 
vero). They threw above their heads the fruits of the palm tree, Mauritia, and sa w 
arising from their kernels the men and women who repeopled the earth. It was 
during this inundation that Amalavica, the creator of mankind, arrived on a bark 
and carved the inscription of Tepumereme. Amalavica remained long among the 
Tamanaques, and dwelt in Amalavica- Jeutitpe (house). After putting everything 
in order he set sail and returned " to the other shore," whence he had come. " Did 
you perchance meet him there?" said an Indian to father (Jili, after relating to him 
this story. In this connection Humboldt recalls that in Mexico, too, the monk Sa- 
hagun was asked whether he came from the other shore, whither Quetzalcoatl had 
retired. 

The same traveler adds: " When you ask the natives how the hieroglyphic charac- 
ters carved on the mountains of Urhana and Encaramada could have been traced, 
they rerdy that this was done in the age of the great -waters, at the time when their 
fathers were able to reach the heights in their canoes." 

If these legends and these petroglyphs are proof of an extinct civilization, it is 
astonishing that their authors should have left no other traces of their culture. To 
come to the point, is it admissible that they were replaced by savage tribes with- 
out leaving a trace of what they had heen, and can we. understand this retrograde 
march of civilization when progress everywhere follows an ascending course? 
These destructions of American tribes in plaoe are very convenient to prop up theo- 
ries, hut they are contrary to ethnologic laws. 

The remarkable height of some petroglyphs has misled authors of 
good repute as well as savages. Petroglyphs frequently appear on the 
face of rocks at heights and under conditions which seemed to render 
their production impossible without the appliances of advanced civil- 
ization, a large outlay, and the exercise of unusual skill. An instance 
among many of the same general character is in the petroglyphs at Lake 
Chelan, Washington, where they are about 30 feet above the present 
water level, on a perpendicular cliff, the base of which is in the lake. 
On simple examination the execution of the pictographic work would 
10 eth 3 



34 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



seem to involve details of wharflng, staging, and ladders if operated 
from the base, and no less elaborate machinery if approached from the 
summit. Strahlenberg suggests that such elevated drawings were 
made by the ingenious use of stone wedges driven into the rock, thus 
affording support for ascent or descent, and reports that he actually 
saw such stone wedges in position on the Yenesei river. A very 
rough geological theory has been presented by others to account for 
the phenomena by the rise of the rocks to a height far above the ad- 
jacent surface at a time later than their carving. 

But in the many cases observed in America it is not necessary to 
propose either the hypothesis involving such elaborate work as is sug- 
gested or one postulating enormous geological changes. The escarp- 
ment of cliffs is from time to time broken down by the action of the 
elements and the fragments fall to the base, frequently forming a talus 
of considerable height, on which it is easy to mount and incise or paint on 
the remaining perpendicular face of the cliff. When the latter adjoins 
a lake or large stream, the disintegrated debris is almost immediately 
carried off, leaving the drawings or paintings at an apparently inacces- 
sible altitude. When the cliff is on dry land, the rain, which is driven 
against the face of the cliff and thereby increased in volume and force 
at the point in question, also sweeps away the talus, though more 
slowly. The talus is ephemeral in all cases, and the face of the cliff 
may change in a week or a century, as it may happen, so its aspect 
gives but a slight evidence of age. The presence, therefore, of the 
pictures on the heights described proves neither extraordinary skill in 
their maker nor the great antiquity which would be indicated by the 
emergence of the pictured rocks through volcanic or other dynamic 
agency. The age of the paintings and sculptures must be inferred from 
other considerations. 

Pictures are sometimes found on the parts of rocks which at present 
are always, or nearly always, covered with water. On the sea shore at 
Machias bay, Maine, the peckiugs have been continued below the line 
of the lowest tides as known during the present generation. In such 
cases subsidence-of the rocky formation may be indicated. At Kejiin- 
koojik lake, Nova Scotia, incisions of the same character as those on 
the bare surface of the slate rocks can now be seen only by the aid of 
a water glass, and then only when the lake is at its lowest. This may 
be caused by subsidence of the rocks or by rise of the water through 
the substantial damming of the outlet. Some rocks on the shores of 
rivers, e. g., those on the Kanahwa, in West Virginia, show the same 
general result of the covering and concealment of petroglyphs by water, 
except in an unusual drought, which may more reasonably be attrib- 
uted to the gradual elevation of the river through the rise of the sur- 
face near its mouth than to the subsidence of the earth's crust at the 
locality of the pictured rocks. 

It must be admitted that no hermeheutic key has been discovered 



INTERPRETATION OF PETROGLYPHS. 



35 



applicable to American pictographs, whether ancient oil stone or mod- 
ern on hark, skins, linen, or paper. Nor has any such key been found 
which unlocks the petroglyphs of any other people. Symbolism was 
of individual origin and was soon variously obscured by conventional- 
izing; therefore it requires separate study in every region. No inter- 
preting laws of general application to petroglyphs so far appear, 
although types and tendencies can be classified. It was hoped that in 
some lands petroglyphs might tell of the characters and histories of 
extinct or emigrated, peoples, but it now seems that knowledge of the 
people who were the makers of the petroglyphs is necessary to any 
clear understanding of their work. The fanciful hypotheses winch 
have been formed without corroboration, wholly from such works as 
remain, are now generally discarded. 

There is a material reason why the interpretation of petroglyphs is 
attended with special difficulty. They have often become so blurred by 
the elements and so much defaced where civilized man has penetrated 
that they cease to have any distinct or at least incontrovertible fea- 
tures. The remarks relating to Dighton rock, infra, Chap, xxn, are 
in point. 

Rock-carving or picture-writing on rocks is so old among the Ameri- 
can tribes as to have acquired a nomenclature. The following general 
remarks of Schoolcraft (a) are of some value, though they apply with 
any accuracy ouly to the Ojibwa and are tinctured with a fondness 
for the mysterious : 

For their pictographic devices the North American Indians have two terms, namely, 
Kekeewin, or such things as are generally understood by the tribe, and Kekeenowin, 
or teachings of the medas or priests and jossakceds or prophets. The knowledge of 
the latter is chiefly confined to persons who are versed in their system of magic 
medicine, or their religion, and may be deemed hieratic. The former consists of 
the common figurative signs, such as are employed at places of sepulture or by 
hunting or traveling parties. It is also employed in the muzzhiabiks, or rock-writ- 
ings. Many of the figures are common to both and are seen in the drawings gener- 
ally; but it is to he understood that this results from the figure alphabet being pre- 
cisely the same in both, while the devices of the nugamoons or medicine, wabino, 
hunting, and war songs are known solely to the initiates who have learned them, 
and who always pay high to the native professors for this knowledge. 

In the Oglala Roster mentioned in Chapter xm, Section 4, infra, 
one of the heads of families is called Inyanowapi, translated as Painted 
(or inscribed) rock. A blue object in the shape of a bowlder is connected 
with the man's head by the usual line, and characters too minute for 
useful reproduction appear on the bowlder. The name is interesting as 
giving the current Dakota term for rock-inscriptions. The designation 
may have been given to this Indian because he was an authority on the 
subject and skilled either in the making or interpretation of petroglyphs. 

The name " Wikhegan" was and still is used by the Abnaki to sig- 
nify portable communications made in daily life, as distinct from the 
rock carvings mentioned above, which are regarded by them as myst ic. 



36 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



One of the curious facts iu connection with petroglyphs is the meager 
notice taken of them by explorers and even by residents other than 
the Indians, who are generally reticent concerning them. The present 
writer has sometimes been annoyed and sometimes amused by this 
indifference. The resident nearest to the many inscribed rocks at Ke 
jimkoojik Lake, Nova Scotia, described in Chapter II, Section 1, was a 
middle-aged farmer of respectable intelligence who had lived all his life 
about 3 miles from those rocks, but had only a vague notion of then- 
character, and with difficulty found them. A learned and industrious 
priest, who had been working for many years on the shores of Lake 
Superior preparing not only a dictionary and grammar of the Ojibwa 
language, but an account of Ojibwa religion and customs, denied the 
present existence of any objects in the nature of petroglyphs in that 
region. Yet he had lived for a year within a mile of a very important 
and conspicuous pictured rock, and, on being convinced of his error by 
sketches shown him, called in his Ojibwa assistant and for the first time 
learned the common use of a large group of words which bore upon the 
system of picture-writing, and which he thereupon inserted in his dic- 
tionary, thus gaining from the visitor, who had come from afar to study 
at the feet of this supposed Gamaliel, much more than the visitor gained 
from him. 



CHAPTER. II. 



PETROGLYPHS IN NORTH AMERICA. 
SECTION I. 
CANADA. 

The information thus far obtained about petroglyphs in Canada is 
meager. This may be partly due to the fact that through the region of 
the Dominion now most thoroughly known the tribes have generally 
resorted for their pictographic work to the bark of birch trees, which 
material is plentiful and well adapted for the purpose. Indeed the 
same fact affords an explanation of the paucity of rock-carvings or 
paintings in the lands immediately south of the boundary line sepa- 
rating the United States from the British possessions. Tt must also be 
considered that the country on both sides of that boundary was in 
general heavily timbered, and that even if petroglyphs are there they 
may not even yet have been noticed. But that the mere plenty of birch 
bark does not evince the actual absence of rock-pictures in regions 
where there was also an abundance of suitable rocks, and where the 
native inhabitants were known to be pictographers, is shown by the 
account given below of the multitudes of such pictures lately discovered 
in a single district of Nova Scotia. It is confidently believed that many 
petroglyphs will yet be found in the Dominion. Others maybe locally 
known and possibly already described in publications which have 
escaped the researches of the present writer. In fact, from corre- 
spondence and oral narrations, there are indications of petroglyphs in 
several parts of the Dominion besides those mentioned below, but their 
descriptions are too vague for presentation here. For instance, Dr. 
Boas says that he has seen a large number of petroglyphs in British 
Columbia, of which neither he nor any other traveler has made distinct 
report. 

NOVA SCOTIA. 

The only petroglyphs yet found in the peninsula of Nova Scotia are 
in large numbers within a small district in Queens county, and they 
comprise objects unique in execution and in interest. They were ex- 
amined by the present writer in the field seasons of 1S87 and 1SSS, and 
some were copied by him, but many more copies were taken in the last- 
mentioned year by Mr. George Creed, of South Bawdon, jSTova Scotia, 
who had guided the writer to the locality. Attention was at first 

37 



as 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



confined to Fairy lake and its rocks. This lake is really a bay of a 
larger lake -which is almost exactly on the boundary line between An- 
napolis and Queens counties, one of those forming the chain through 
which the Liverpool river runs, and called Oegemacaga in More's 
History of Queens County (a), but according to Dr. Silas Band in his 
Beading Book in the Micmac Language (a), Kejimkoojik, translated 
by him as "swelled parts," doubtless referring to the expansion of the 
Maitlaud river at its confluence with the Liverpool river. 

The Fairy rocks, as distinct from others in the lake, are three in 
number, and are situated on the east side of Kejimkoojik lake and 
south of the entrance to Fairy lake. The northernmost of the three 
rocks is immediately at the entrance, the westernmost and central rock 
showing but a small surface at high water and at the highest stage of 
the water being entirely submerged. Three other inscribed rocks are 
about 2 miles south of these, at Piels (a corruption of Pierre's) point, 
opposite an island called Glodes or Gload island, so named from a well- 
known Micmac family. These rocks are virtually a continuation of the 
same formation with depressions between them. Two other localities in 
the vicinity where the rocks are engraved, as hereafter described, are 
at Fort Medway river and Georges lake. As they are all of the same 
character, on the same material, and were obviously made by the same 
people, they are all classed together, when referred to in this paper, as 
at Kejimkoojik lake. All of these rocks are of schistose slate of the 
Silurian formation, and they lie with so gentle a dip that their magni- 
tudes vary greatly with a slight change in the height of the water. On 
August 27, 1887, when, according to the reports of the nearest residents, 
the water was one foot above the average summer level, the unsub- 
merged portion of the central rock then surrounded by water was an 
irregular oval, the dimensions of which were 47 by 60 feet. The high- 
est points of the Fairy rocks at that date were no more than three and 
few were more than two feet above the surface of the water. The in- 
clination near the surface is so small that a falling of the water of one 
foot would double the extent of that part of the surface which, by its 
smoothness and softness, is adapted to engraving. The inclination at 
Piels point is steeper, but still allows a great variation of exposed 
surface in the maimer mentioned. 

Mr. Creed first visited the Fairy rocks in July, 1881. His attention 
was directed exclusively to the northernmost rock, Avhich was then more 
exposed than it was in September, 1887, and much of the inscribed 
portion seen by him in 1881 was under water in 1887. The submerged 
parts of the rocks adjoining those exposed are covered with incisions. 
Many inscriptions were seen in 1881 by Mr. Creed through the water, 
and others became visible through a water glass in 1887. His recollec- 
tion of the inscribed dates seen in 1881 is that some with French names 
attached were of years near 1700, and that the worn appearance of the 
figures and names corresponded with the lapse of time indicated by 



mau.kky.'! PETROGLYPHS ON FAIRY ROCKS, NOVA SCOTIA 



39 



those dates. A number of markings were noticed by him which are 
not found in the parts now exposed, and wei r evidently more ancient 
than most of the engravings on bhe latter. From other sources of in- 
formation it is evident that either from a permanent rise in the water 
of the lake or from the sinking- of the rocks, fchey formerly showed, 
within the period of the recollection of people now living, a much 
larger exposed surface than of late years, and that the parts long since 
permanently submerged were covered with engravings. The inference 
is that .those engravings were made before Europeans had visited the 
locality. 

It is to be specially remarked that the exposed surfaces where the 
rocks were especially smooth were completely marked over, no space 
of 3 inches square being unmarked, and over nearly all of those choice 
parts there were two, and in many cases three, sets of markings, above 
one another, recognizable by their differing distinctness. It also 
seemed that the second or third marking was upon plane surfaces where 
the earlier markings had been nearly obliterated by time. With pains 
and skill the earlier markings can be traced, and these are the outlines 
which from intrinsic evidence are Indian, whereas the later and more 
sharpely marked outlines are obviously made by civilized men or boys, 
the latest being mere initials or full names of persons, with dates at- 
tached. Warning must be given that the ancient markings, which 
doubtless were made by the Micmacs, will probably not only escape 
the attention of the casual visitor, but even that an intelligent expert 
observer who travels to the scene with some information on the subject, 
and for the express purpose of finding the incisions, may fail to see 
anything but names, ships, houses, and similar figures of obviously 
modern design. This actually occurred within the week when the pres- 
ent writer was taking copies of* the drawings by a mode of printing 
which left no room for fancy or deception. Indeed, frequently the 
marks were not distinctly apparent until after they had been examined 
in the printed copies. 

The mode in which the copies were taken was by running over and 
through their outlines a blue aniline pencil, and then pressing a wetted 
sheet of ordinary printing paper upon them, so that the impressiou was 
actually taken by the process of printing. During the two field sea- 
sons mentioned, with the aid of Mr. Creed, three hundred and fifty 
different engravings and groups of engravings were thus printed. 
Some of these prints were of large dimensions, and included from ten 
to fifty separate characters and designs. 

On the parts exposed in 1387 there were dates from 1800 to the cur- 
rent year, the number for the last year being much the greatest, which 
was explained by the fact that the wonderfully beautiful lake had been 
selected for a Sunday-school excursion. Over the greater part of the 
surface visible in 1887 there were few levels specially favorable for mark- 
ing, and when these were found the double or treble use was in some 
instances noticed. 



40 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



After the writer had inspected the rocks and discovered their charac- 
teristics, and learned how to distinguish and copy their markings, it 
seemed that, with the exception of a few designs recently dug or chipped 
out by lumbermen or visitors, almost always initials, the only interest- 
ing or ancient portions were scratching^ which could be made on the 
soft slate by any sharp instrument. The faces of the rocks were im- 
mense soft and polished drawing-slates, presenting to any person who 
had ever drawn or Written before an irresistible temptation to draw or 




Fig. 1. — Palimpsest cm Fairy rocks, Xova Scotia. 



write. The writer, happening to have with him an Indian stone arrow 
which had been picked up in the neighborhood, used its point upon the 
surface, and it would make as good scratches as any found upon the 
rocks except the very latest, which were obviously cut by the whites 
with metal knives. 

As is above suggested, the peculiar multiplication of the characters 
upon the most attractive of the slates affords evidence as to their 
relative antiquity superior to that generally found in petroglyphs. 



PALIMPSEST PETROGLYPHS. 



11 



The existence of two or three different sets of markings, all visi- 
ble and of different degrees of obliteration or distinctness, is in itself 
important; but, in addition to that, it is frequently the case that the 
second raid third in the order of time have associated with them dates, 
from which the relative antiquity of the faintest, the dateless, can be 




Fig. 2.— Palimpsest on Fairy rocks. Nova Scotia. 



to some extent estimated. Dates of the third and most recent class 
are attached to English names and are associated with the forms of Eng- 
lish letters; those of the second class accompany French names, and in 
some cases have French designs. Figs. 1 and 2, about one-fourth orig- 
inal size, are presented to give an idea of these peculiar palimpsests. 



42 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



For examples of other copies printed from the rocks at Kejimkoojik 
lake, see Figs. 549, 550, 654, 655, 656, 657, 658, 717, 718, 739, 740, 741, 
1254, 1255, and 1262. These offer intrinsic evidence of the Micmac 
origin of the early class of engravings. 

The presence of French names and styles of art in the drawings is 
explained by a story which was communicated by Louis Labrador, 
whose great-grandfather, old Ledore, according to his account, guided 
a body of French Acadians who, at the time of the expidsion, were not 
shipped off with the majority. They escaped the English in 1756 and 
traveled from the valley of Annapolis to Shelbourne, at the extreme 
southeast of the peninsula. During that passage they halted for a 
considerable time to recruit in the beautiful valley along the Kejim- 
koojik lake, on the very ground where these markings appear, which 
also was on the ancient Indian trail. Another local tradition, told by 
a resident of the neighborhood, gives a still earlier date for the French 
work. He says that after the capture of Port Eoyal, now Annapolis, 
in 1710, a party of the defeated Frenchmen, with a number of Indians 
as guides, went with their cattle to the wide meadows upon Kejimkoojik 
lake and remained there for a long time. It is exceedingly probable 
that the French would have been attracted to scratch on this fascinat- 
ing smooth slate surface whether they had observed previous markings 
or not, but it seems evident that they did scratch over such previous 
markings. The latter, at least, antedated the beginning of the eight- 
eenth century. 

A general remark may be made regarding the Kejimkoojik drawings, 
that the aboriginal art displayed in them did not differ in any impor- 
tant degree from that shown in other drawings of the Micmacs and the 
Abnaki in the possession of the Bureau of Ethnology. Also that the 
rocks there reveal pictographic tendencies and practices which sug- 
gest explanations of similar work in other regions where less evidence 
remains of intent and significance. The attractive material of the 
slates and their convenient situation tempted past generations of In- 
dians to record upon them the images of their current thoughts and 
daily actions. Hence the pictographic practice went into operation 
at this locality with unusual vigor and continuity. Although at Ke- 
jimkoojik lake there is an exceptional facility for determining the rela- 
tive dates of the several horizons of scratchings, the suggestion there 
evoked may help to ascertain similar data elsewhere. 

ONTARIO. 

Mr Charles Hallock kindly communicates information concerning 
pictographs on Nipigon bay, which is a large lake in the province of On- 
tario, 30 miles northwest of Lake Superior, with which it is connected 
by ISipigon river. He says: 

The pictographs, which are principally of men and animals, occupy a zone some 60 
feet long and 5 feet broad, about midway of the face of the rock ; they are painted 
in blood-red characters, much darker than the color of the cliff itself. 



N.w.i... n. I PETBOGLYPHS IN ONTARIO AND MANITOBA. 43 

He also, later, incloses a letter received by himself from Mr. Newton 
Flanagan, of the Hudson Bay Company, an extract from which is as 
follOWS : 

About the dimensions of the red rock in Nipigon bay, ..]»<).. which appear the In- 
dian painted pictures, as near as I can give you at present, the face of the rock 

representations of human figures, Indians in canoes, aad of wild animals. They are 
supposed to have Keen painted ages ago, by what process or for what reason I am 
unahle to tell you, nor do I know how the paint is made indelible. 

As far as I can gather, the Indians here have no traditions in regard to those 
paiutiugs, which I understand occur in several places throughout the country, and 
none of the Indians hereabouts nowadays practice any such painting. 

MANITOBA. 

Mr. Hallock also furnishes information regarding a petroglyph, the 
locality of which he gives as follows: Koche PercCe, on the Souris 
river, in Manitoba, near the international boundary, 270 miles west of 
Dufferin, and nearly clue north from Bismarck. This is an isolated 
rock in the middle of a plain, covered with pictographs of memorable 
events. It stands back from the river a half mile. 

Mr. A.C.Lawson (a) gives an illustrated account of petroglyph s on the 
large peninsula extending into the Lake of the Woods and on an island 
adjacent to it. Strictly speaking this peninsula is in the district of 
Keewatiu, but it is very near the boundary line of Manitoba, to which 
it is attached for administrative purposes. The account is condensed 
as follows : 

On the north side of this peninsula, i. e., on the south shore of the northern half 
of the lake, about midway between the east and west shores, occurs one of the two 
sets of hieroglyphic markings. Lying off shore at a distance of a quarter to a half 
a mile, and making with it a long sheltered channel, is a chain of islands, trending 
east and west. On the south side of one of the se islands, less than a mile to the west 
of the first locality, is to be seen the other set of inscriptions. The first set occurs 
on the top of alow, glaciated, projecting point of rock, which presents the char- 
acters of an ordinary roehe moutonneV. The rock is a very soft, foliated, green, 
ehloritic schist, into which the characters are more or less deeply carved. The top 
of the rounded point is only a few feet above the high-water mark of the lake, whose 
waters rise and fall in different seasons through a range often feet. The antiquity 
of the inscriptions is at once forced upon the observer upon a careful comparison of 
their weathering with that of the glacial grooves and striaj, which are very dis- 
tinctly seen upon the same rock surface. Both the ice grooves and carved inscrip- 
tions are, so far as the eye can judge, identical in extent of weathering, though 
there was doubtless a considerable lapse of time between the disappearance of the 
glaciers and the date of the carving. 

The island ou which were found the other inscriptions is one of the many steep 
rocky islands known among the Indians as Ka-ka-ki-wa-bie min-nis, or Crow-rock 
island. The rock is a hard greenstone, not easily cut, and the inscriptions are not 
cut into the rock, but are painted with ochre, which is much faded in places. The 
surface upon which the characters are inscribed forms an overhanging wall pro- 
tected from the rain, part of which has fallen down. 



44 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The Indians of the present day have no traditions about these inscriptions 
beyond the supposition that they must have been made by the " old people" long ago. 

The sketches published as copies of* these glyphs show spirals, 
concentric circles, crosses, horseshoe forms, arrow shapes, and other 
characters similar to those found on rocks in the southwestern part of 
the United States, and also to petroglyphs in Brazil, examples from 
both of which regions are presented in this work, under their appro- 
priate headings. 

BRITISH COLUMBIA. 



Dr. Franz Boas (a) published an account of a petroglyph on Van- 
couver island (now presented as Fig. 3) which, slightly condensed, is 
translated as follows: 




Fig. 3 Petroglyph on Vancouver island. 



The accompanying rock picture is found on the eastern shore of 
Sproat lake, near its southern outlet. Sproat lake lies about 10 kilom- 
eters north of the upper end of the Alberni fiord, which cuts deep 
into the interior of Vancouver island. In former times this region was 
the territory of the Hopetschisath, a tribe of the Nootka or Aht, who 
even now have a village some miles below the lake, at the entrance of 
Stamp river into the main river. That tribe, according to the state- 
ment of some of its older members, was a branch of the Kowitchin, who 
occupy the east side of Vancouver island, some kilometers northeast 
of the upper end of Alberni fiord. At that time the Ts'eschaath, 
another tribe of the Nootka, are said to have ascended the fiord and 
mixed with the Hopetschisath. The present inhabitants of the region 
know nothing concerning the origin of the rock picture. According to 
their legend, the rock on which it is carved was once the house of 
Kwotiath. Kwotiath is the wandering divinity in Nootka mythology, 
and corresponds approximately to the raven of the Tliukit and Haida, 
the Qals of the Kowitchin. The picture is found on a perpendicular 
rock wall about 7 meters high, which drops directly into the lake, so 
that it was necessary to make the copy while standing in the water. 
The rock is traversed in the middle by a broad cleft, narrowing below, 
from which blocks have fallen out which bore part of the drawing. To 
the north and south of the rock wall the shore rises gently, but rocky 
portions are found everywhere. The lines of the drawing are flat 



malleby.J PETROGLYPH ON VANCOUVER ISLAND. 45 

grooves, about two or three lingers' breadth, and in many place- are 
.so weathered as to be hardly recognizable. They have been .scraped 
into the rock probably by the points of sticks rubbing moist sand 
against it. No marks of blows of any kind are found. The figures are 
here given in the same relative position in which they are found on t he 
rock, except that the upper one on the right hand is at a distance from 
all the others, at the southern end of the rock. The objects represented 
are evidently fishes or marine monsters. The middle figure to the left 
of the cleft may be a manned boat, the fore part of which is probably 
destroyed. 

Dr. Boas says that the copy as found in the Verhandlungen is incor- 
rect. The desigu on the right hand is reversed and is now corrected. 
Mr. G. M. Sproat (a) mentions this petroglyph: 

It is rudely done and apparently not of an old date. There arc half a dozen figures 
intended to represent fishes or birds — no one can say which. The natives affirm that 
Quawteaht made them. In their general character these figures correspond to the 
rude painting's sometimes seen on wooden boards among the Ahts, or on the seal- 
skin buoys that are attached to the whale and halibut harpoons and lances. The 
meaning of these figures is not understood by the people ; and I dare say if the 
truth were known, they are nothing but feeble attempts on the part of individual 
artists to imitate some visible objects which they had strongly in their minds. 

SECTION 2. 
UNITED STATES. 

Drawings or paintings on rocks are distributed generally over the 
greater part of the territory of the United States. 

They are found on bowlders formed by the sea waves or polished by 
ice of glacial epochs: on the faces of rock ledges adjoining lakes and 
streams ; on the high walls of canyons and cliffs ; on the sides and roofs 
of caves; in short, wherever smooth surfaces of rock appear. Yet?, 
while they are so frequent, there are localities to be distinguished in 
which they are especially abundant and noticeable. They differ mark- 
edly in character of execution and apparent subject-matter. 

An obvious division can be made between the glyphs bearing char- 
acters carved or pecked and those painted without incision. There is 
also a third, though small, class in which the characters are both incised 
and painted. This division seems to coincide to a certain extent 
with geographic areas and is not fully explained by the influence of 
materials; it inay, therefore, have some relation to the idiosyncrasy or 
development of the several authors, and consequently to tribal habitat 
and migrations. 

In examining a chart of the United States in use by the Bureau of 
Ethnology, upon which the distribution of the several varieties of 
petroglyphs is marked, two facts are noticeable: First, the pecked and 
incised characters are more numerous in the northern and those ex- 
pressed in colors more numerous in the southern areas. Second, there 



46 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



are two general groupings, distinguished by typical styles, one in the 
north Atlantic states and the other in the south Pacific states. 

The north Atlantic group is in the priscan habitat of the tribes of the 
Algonquiau linguistic family, and extends from Nova Scotia southward 
to Pennsylvania, where the sculpturings are frequent, especially on the 
Susquehanna, Monongahela, and Alleghany rivers, and across Ohio from 
Lake Erie to the Kanawha river, in West Virginia. Isolated localities 
bearing the same type are found westward on the Mississippi river 
and a few of its western tributaries, to and including the Wind river 
mountains, in Wyoming, the former habitat of the Blackfeet Indians. 
All of these petroglyphs present typical characters, sometimes unde- 
fined and complicated. From their presumed authors, they have been 
termed the Algonquiau type. Upon close study and comparison they 
show many features in common which are absent in extra-limital areas. 

Immediately south of the Kanawha river, in West Virginia, and ex- 
tending southward into Virginia, Tennessee, and North Carolina, the 
pecked or sculptured petroglyphs are replaced by painted figures of a 
style differing from the Algonquian. These are in the area usually de- 
signated as Cherokee territory, but there is no evidence that they are 
the work of that tribe; indeed, there is no indication of their author- 
ship. The absence of pecked characters in this area is certainly not 
due to an absence of convenient material upon which to record them 
as the country is as well adapted to the mode of incision as is the 
northern Atlantic area. 

Upon the Pacific slope a few pecked as well as colored petroglyphs 
occur scattered irregularly throughout the extreme northern area west 
of the Sierra Nevada, but on the eastern side of that range of moun- 
tains petroglyphs appear in Idaho, which have analogues extending 
south to New Mexico and Arizona, with remarkable groups at intervals 
between these extremes. All of these show sufficient similarity of form 
to be considered as belonging to a type which is here designated 
" Shoshonean." Tribes of that linguistic family still occupy, and for a 
long time have occupied, that territory. Most of this Shoshonean group 
consists of pecked or incised characters, though in the southern area 
unsculptured paintings predominate. 

On the western side of the Sierra Nevada, from Visalia southward, 
at Tulare agency, and thence westward and southward along the Santa 
Barbara coast, are other groups of colored petroglyphs showing typical 
features resembling the Shoshonean. This resemblance maybe merely 
accidental, but it is well known that there was intercourse between the 
tribes on the two sides of the Sierra Nevada, and the Shoshonean fam- 
ily is also represented on the Pacific slope south of the mountain range 
extending from San Bernardino west to Point Conception. In this man- 
ner the artistic delineation of the Santa Barbara tribes may have been 
influenced by contact with others. 

Petroglyphs have seldom been found in the central area of the United 



GROUPINGS OF PETROGLYPHS. 



47 



States. In the wooded region of the (! resit hikes diameters hsive been 
depicted upon birch bark for at least a century, while in the area be- 
tween the Mississippi river sind the Rocky mountains the skins of but 
falo and deer have been used. Large rocks and cliffs favorably situated 
sire not common in that country, which to a great extent is prairie. 

In the genera] area of these typical groups. characters are frequently 
found which appear intrusive, i. e., they have a strong resemblance 
not only to those found in other American groups, but are nearly iden- 
tical with characters in other parts of the world. This fact, clearly 
estsVblished, prevents the suloptiou of siuy theory as to the authorship 
of many of the petroglyphs and thwarts attempts to ascertain their 
signification. 

ALASKA. 

Ensign Albert P. Niblsick, U. S. Xsivy, («) gives a brief siccount, with 
sketches, reproduced here as Fig. 4, of petroglyphs in Alaska, which 
were taken from rocks from the ancient village of Stikine, near Fort 
Wrangell. Others were found on rocks just above high -water mark 
around the sites of ruined and abandoned villages. 




Fig. 4.— Petroglyphs in Alaska. 

In the upper character the Alaskan typical style of human faces is 
noticeable. The lower gives a representsition of the orca or whale 
killer, which the Haida believe to be a demon called Skana, about 
which there are many mythic tales, Mr. ISTiblack remarks: 

In their paintings the favorite colors used are black, light green, ami dark red. 
Whether produced in painting, tattooing, or relief carving, the designs are some- 
what conventional. However rude the outline, there are for some animals certain 
conventional signs that clearly indicate to the initiated what figure is meant. With 
the brown hear it is the protruding tongue ; with the beaver and wolf it is the char- 
acter of the teeth; with the orca, the fin; with the raven, the sharp beak: with the 
eagle, the curved beak, etc. 



48 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



ARIZONA. 

Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of tbe IT. S. Geological Survey, gives the follow- 
ing information concerning petroglyphs observed by hini in the vicinity 
of San Francisco mountain, Arizona: 

The localities of the sketches Figs. 5, 6, and 7 are about 35 miles east and south- 




Fig. 5.— Petroglyph in Arizona. 



east of San Francisco mountain, the material being a red sandstone, which stands 
in low huttes upon the plain. About these are mealiug stones, fragments of pottery 
and chipped flints, giving evidence of the residence of sedentary Indians. So many 
localities of petroglyphs were seen that I regard it as probable that a largo number 




Fw. 6.— Petroglyph in Arizona, 

could be found by search. The drawings in every case but one were produced by 
blows upon the surface of the rocks, breaking through the film of rock discolored by 
weathering so as to reveal (originally) the color of the interior of the rock. The 



PETROGLYPHS IN ARIZONA. 



49 



single exception is the first pattern in Fig. 6, similar to bhe patterns on potterj and 
blankets, produced l>y painting with a white pigment on red rock. The original 
arrangement of the drawings upon the rock was not as a rule preserved, bu1 they 
have approximately the original arrangement. I neglected to record the scale of 
the drawings, but the several pictures arc. drawn on approximate^ bhe same scale. 

All of these figures partake of the general type designated as the 
Shoshonean, and it is notable that close repetitions of some of the char 
acters appear in petroglyphs in Tulare valley and Owens valley, Cali- 
fornia, which are described and illustrated in this section. 

The object resembling a centipede, in Fig. <i, is a common form in 
various localities in Santa Barbara county, California, as will be ob- 
served by comparing the illustrations given in connection with that lo- 
cality. In other of the Arizona and New Mexican petroglyphs similar 
outlines are sometimes engraved to signify the inaize stalk. 




Mr. Paul Holman, of the U. 8. Geological Survey, reports that eight 
miles below Powers butte, on a mesa bordering on the Gila river and 
rising abruptly to the height of 150 feet, are pictographs covering the 
entire vertical face. Also on the summit of a spur of Oatman mountain, 
200 yards from the Gila and 300 feet above it, are numbers of picto- 
graphs. Many of them are almost obliterated where they are on ex- 
posed surfaces. 

Lieut. Col. Emory (a) reports that on a table-land near the Gila 
bend is a mound of granite bowlders, blackened by augite and covered 
with unknown characters, the work of human hands. On the ground 
near by were also traces of some of the figures, showing that some 
of the pictographs, at least, were the work of modern Indians. Others 
were of undoubted antiquity. He also reports iu the same volume (6) 
that characters upon rocks of questionable antiquity occur on the Gila 
river at 32° 38' 13" IS. lat. and 190° V 30" long. ' According to the 
plate, the figures are found upon bowlders and on the face of the cliff 
to the height of 30 feet. 

10 ETH 4 



50 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Lieut. Whipple (a) remarks upon petroglypbs at Yampais spring, 
Williams river, as follows: 

The spot is a secluded glen among the mountains. A high shelving rock forms a 
cave, within which is a pool of water and a crystal stream flowing from it. The 
lower surface of the rock is covered w ith pictographs. None of the devices seem 
to be of recent date. 

Many of the country rocks lying on the Colorado plateau of northern 
Arizona, east of Peach springs, bear petroglypbs of considerable artistic 
workmanship. Some figures, observed by Dr. W. J. Hoffman in 1872, 
were rather elaborate and represented the sun, human beings in vari- 
ous styles approaching the grotesque, and other characters not under- 
stood. All of those observed were made by pecking the surface of ba- 
salt with a harder variety of, stone. 

Mr. Gilbert also obtained sketches of etchings in November, 1878, on 
Partridge creek, northern Arizona, at the point where the Beale wagon 
road comes to it from the east. He says : " The rock is cross-laminated 
Aubrey sandstone and the surfaces used are faces of the laminae. All 




Pig. 8.— Petroglyph in Arizona. 

the work is done by blows with a sharp point. (Obsidian is abundant 
in the vicinity.) Some inscriptions are so fresh as to indicate that the 
locality is still resorted to. No Indians live in the immediate vicinity, 
but the region is a hunting ground of the Wallapais and Avasupais 
(Cosninos)." 

Notwithstanding the occasional visits of the above named tribes, 
the characters submitted more nearly resenfble those of other localities 
known to have been made by the Moki Pueblos. 

Rock drawings are of frequent occurrence along the entire extent of 
the valley of the Eio Verde, from a short distance below Camp Verde 
to the Gila river. 

Mr. Thomas V. Keam reports drawings on the rocks in Canyon Segy, 
and in Ream's canyon, northeastern Arizona. Some forms occurring at 
the latter locality are found also upon Moki pottery. 



PETROGLYPHS IN ARIZONA. 



51 



Petroglyphs are reported by Lieut. Theodore Mosher, Twenty-second 
Infantry, U. S. Army, to have been discovered by Lieut. Casey's party 
in December, 1887, on the Chiulee (or ChilaH) creek, 30 or 40 miles 
from its confluence with San Juan river, Arizona. A photograph 
made by the officer in charge of the party shows the characters to have 
been outlined by pecking, the designs resembling the Shoshoiiean type 
of pictographs, and those in Owens valley, California, a description of 
which is given below. 

A figure, consisting of two concentric circles with a straight line 
running out from the larger circle, occurs, among other carvings, on 
one of the many sculptured bowlders seen by Mr. J. R. Bartlett (a) in 
the valley of the Gila river in Arizona. His representation of this 
bowlder is here copied as Fig. 8. His language is as follows: 

I found hundreds of these howlders covered with rude figures of men, animals, and 
other objects of grotesque forms, all pecked in with a sharp instrument. Many of 
them, however, were so much defaced hy long exposure to the weather and by subse- 
quent markings, that it was impossible to make them out. Among these rocks I found 




Fig. 9.— Petroglynh in Shinumo canyon, Arizona. 



several which contained sculptures on the lower side, in such a position that it would 
be impossible to cut them where they then lay. Some weighed many tons each 
and would have required immense labor to place them there, and that, too, without 
an apparent object. The natural inference was that they had fallen down from the 
summit of the mountain after the sculptures were made on them. A few only 
seemed recent; the others bore the marks of great antiquity. 

In the collections of the Bureau of Ethnology is an album or sketch 
book, which contains many drawings made by Mr. F. S. Dellenbaugh, 
from which the following sketches of petroglyphs in Arizona are selected, 
together with the brief references attached to each sheet. 

Fig. 9 is a copy of characters appearing in fehmunio canyon, Arizona. 
They are painted, the middle and right hand figures being red, the 
human form having a white mark upon the abdomen; the left-hand 
figure of a man is painted yellow, the two plumes being red. 

The petroglyphs in Fig. 10 are rather indistinct and were copied from 
the vertical wall of Mound canyon. The most conspicuous forms 
appear to be serpents. 



52 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



CALIFORNIA. 

In the foothills of California, wherever overhanging and rain-protected 
rocks occur, they are covered with paintings of various kinds made by 
Indians. Those on Eocky hill, some 15 miles east of Visalia, are espe- 
cially interesting. The sheltered rocks are here covered with images of 
men, animals, and various inanimate objects, as well as curious figures. 
The paint used is red, black, and white, and wherever protected it has 
stood the ravages of time remarkably well. In many places the paint- 
ings are as vivid as the day they were laid on. Deer, antelope, coyotes, 
birds, and turtles are figured quite frequently, and may indicate either 
names of chiefs or tribes, or animals slain in the hunt. Here are also 
circles, spirals, crowns or bars, etc., signs the meaning of which is yet 
doubtful. 




Fig. 10.— Petroglyph in Mouml canyon, Arizona. 



Mr. H. W. Turner, in a letter dated June 3, 1891, furnishes sketches 
(Fig. 11) from this locality, and a description of them as follows: 

I send herewith a rough sheet of drawings of figures on the sheltered face of a 
huge granite cropping in Tulare county, California. One-half of the cropping had 
split off, leaving a nearly plane surface, on which the figures were drawn in red, 
white, and black pigments. The locality is known as Rocky point. They are now 
quarrying granite at the place. It lies about 12 miles nearly due east of Visalia, in 
the first foothills and south of Yokall creek. The figures appear to have been drawn 
many years ago, and numbers of them are now indistinct. 

During the summer of 1882 Dr. Hoffman visited the Tule river agency, 
California, where he found a large rock painting, of which Fig. 983, 
infra, is a copy made by him. His description of it is as follows : 

"The agency is upon the western side of the Sierra Nevada, in the 
headwater canyons of the branches of the south fork of Tule river. The 



PETEOGLYPHS IN CALIFORN] \. 



53 



country is at present occupied by several tribes of the Mariposan 
linguistic stock, and the only answer made to inquiries respecting the 
age or origin of the painting was that it was found there when the an- 
cestors of the present tribes arrived. The local migrations of the vari- 
ous Indian tribes of this part of California are not yet known with suffi- 
cient certainty to determine to whom the records may be credited, but 
all appearances with respect to the weathering and disintegration of the 
rock upon which the record is engraved, the appearance of I he coloring 



** 


11 






(nmnnmi) 






I 



Fig. 11 Petroglyphs near Visalia, California. 



matter subsequently applied, and the condition of the small depressions 
made at the time for mixing the pigments with a viscous substance, in- 
dicate that the work was performed about a century ago. 

"The Indians now at Tule river have occupied that part of the state 
for at least one hundred years, and the oldest now living state that the 
records were fouud by their ancestors, though whether more thau two 
generations ago could not be ascertained. 



54 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



" The drawings were outlined by pecking with a piece of quartz or other 
siliceous rock, the depth varying from a mere visible depression to a 
third of an inch. Having thus satisfactorily depicted the several ideas, 
colors were applied which appear to have penetrated the slight inter- 
stices between the crystalline particles of the rock, which had been 
bruised and slightly fractured by hammering with a piece of stone. It 
appears probable, too, that to insure better results the hammering was 
repeated after application of the colors. 

"Upon a small bowlder, under the natural archway formed by the 
breaking of the large rock, small depressions were found which had 
been used as mortars for grinding and mixing the colors. These de- 
pressions average 2 inches in diameter and about 1 inch in depth. 

V 




Fig. 12.— Petroglyph at Tule river, California. 



Traces of color still remain, mixed with a thin layer of a shining sub- 
stance resembling a coating of varnish and of flinty hardness. This 
coating is so thin that it can not be removed with a steel instrument, 
and appears to have become a part of the rock itself. 

"From the animals depicted upon the ceiling it seems that both beaver 
and deer were found in the country, and as the beaver tail and the hoofs 
of deer and antelope are boiled to procure glue, it is probable that the 
tribe which made these pictographs was as far advanced in respect to 
the making of glue and preparing of paints as most other tribes through- 
out the United States. 

» Examination shows that the dull red color is red ocher, found in vaii- 



PETPOGLYPHS IN CALIFORNIA. 



55 



ous places in tlie valley, while the yellow w as an ocherous clay, also 
found there. The white color was probably obtained there, and is evi- 
dently earthy, though of what aaturecai ly be surmised, not suffi 

cient being obtainable from the rock picture to make satisfactory analy- 
sis with the blow-pipe. The composition of the black is not known, 
unless it was made by mixing clay and powdered charcoal. The latter 
is u preparation eommon at this day among other tribes. 

"An immense granite bowlder, about 20 i'eet in thickness and .".() in 
length, is so broken that a lower quarter is removed, Leaving a large 




Pig. 13.— Petroglyph at Tule river, California. 



square passageway through its entire diameter almost northwest and 
southeast. Upon the western wall of this passageway is a collection of 
the colored sketches of which Fig. 9S3 is a reduced copy. The entire 
face of the rock uj)on which the pietograph occurs measures about 12 
or 15 feet in width and 8 in height. The largest human figure measures 
6 feet in height, from the end of the toes to the top of the head, the 
others being in proportion as represented. 

"Upon the ceiling are a number of well executed drawings of the 
beaver, bear, centipede (Fig. 12), and bald eagle (Fig. 13). Many of 
the other forms indicated appear to represent some variety of insects, 
several of which are drawn with exaggerated antenna?, as in Fig. 14, 
It is curious to note the gradual blending of forms, as, for instance, 
that of the bear with those resembling the human figure, often found 
among the Shoshonean types in Arizona and New Mexico, sonic of 
which are described and figured infra. 

"Fig. 15 embraces a number of characters on the ceiling. The left 
hand upper figure is in black, with a narrow line of red surrounding it. 
The drawing is executed neatly and measures about IS inches in length. 



56 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The remaining characters are in dull red, probably ocher, though the 
two ou the left hand, beneath the one just mentioned, are more yel- 
lowish. 

"The first three forms in Fig. 16 are copies of human-like figures 
painted on the ceiling. They are each about 12 inches in length. The 
other form in Fig. 16 is white and is on the southern vertical wall of the 
passageway facing the north. It resembles some of the human forms 
occurring elsewhere in the same series of petroglyphs." 




OWENS VALLEY. 

In the range of mountains forming the northwestern boundary of 
Owens valley are extensive groups of petroglyphs, apparently dissim- 
ilar to those found west of the Sierra Nevada. Dr. Hoffman, of 
the Bureau of Ethnology, hastily examined them in 1871 and more 
thoroughly in the autumn of 1884. They are now represented in Pis. I 
to XI. So large a space is given to these illustrations because of their 
intrinsic interest, and also because it is desirable to show for one 
locality what is true of some others, viz, the very large number of petro- 
glyphs still to be found in groups and series. Even with the present 
illustrations, the petroglyphs in Owens valley are by no means exhaust- 
ively shown. 

Dr. Hoffman's report is as follows: 




PETROQLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA. 




PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA. 




PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA. 



PETROULYPIIS IX CALIFOKNIA. 



57 



One of the most important Bories of groups is thai in the northern portion oi 
Owens valley, between the White mountains on the easl and the Benton rang* on 
the west. On the western slope of the latter, at Watterson's ranch, is a detached 
low butte or inesa, upon the blackened basaltic bow lders and cliffs oi whicL are 




Fig. 15.— Petroglyph at Tule river, Caliibruia. 



numerous deeply cut characters, the most interesting of which are reproduced in 
Pis. i and II. The illustrations aro, approximately, one-twelfth real size. The de- 
signs of footprints, in the lower left-hand corner of PI. i, vary in depth from half an 
inch to H inches. They appear to have been pecked and finally worked down to 




a uniform and smooth surface by rubbing, as if with :i piece of stone or with wood 
and sand. 

In almost all, if not all, instances throughout the entire series referred to in this 
description the sculptured surfaces have assumed the same shining blackened luster 
as the original and undisturbed surface of the bowlder, caused by gradual oxidation 
of the iron present. This would seem to indicate considerable antiquity of the 
petroglyphs. 



58 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



On the northeast angle of the mesa referred to were found the remains of an old 
camp, over which were scattered large quantities of arrowheads, knives, and Hakes 
of ohsidia-n. This in itself would he insignificant, but the fact that many of the 
specimens of this material have been lying exposed to the elements until the upper 
surface has undergone change in color, so as to become bleached and friable, in some 
instances to the depth of from one-tenth to one-fourth of an inch, warrants the infer- 
ence that the relics may have been made by the same people who made the petro- 
glyphs, as the worked relics generally differ from those of the present Indians by 
being larger and less elaborately finished. 

At the lower end of the southeastern slope of the mesa are a number of flat rocks 
bearing mortar holes, which have no doubt been used in grinding grass seed and 
other grains. 

In general type these petroglyphs correspond very closely to those of other areas, 
in which the so-caiJed Shoshonian types occur, the most common, apart from those 
presented in Pis. i and n, consisting of concentric circles, rings, footprints of the 
bear and of man, and various outlines of the human form, beside numerous unintelli- 
gible forms. 

Southeastward of this locality there is a low divide leading across the Benton 
range into the broad, arid, sloping sand desert of Owens valley proper, but it is not 
until a point 12 miles south of Benton, along the line of the old stage road, is reached 
that petroglyphs of any consequence are met with. From this point southward, for 
a distance of 6 miles, large exposures and bowlders of basalt are scattered, upon 
which are great numbers of petroglyphs, peeked into the rock to depths of from half 
an inch to It} inches, and representing circles, footprints, human forms, etc. 

The first series of illustrations, selected from numerous closely-connected bowlders, 
are here presented on Pis. in to vn. The designs marked a on PI. in resemble ser- 
pents, while that at d is obviously suen. This device is on the horizontal surface, 
and is pecked to the depth of about 1 inch. The scale of the drawing is one thir- 
tieth of the original petroglyph. The characters indicating the human form ine, <j, 
and h resemble the ordinary Shoshonian type, and are like those from various locali- 
ties in Arizona and southern Utah and Colorado. 

The upper characters in a on PI. iv represent the trail of a grizzly bear — as indi- 
cated by the immense claws — followed by a human footprint. The original sculp- 
turings are clearly cut, the toes of the man's foot being cup-like, as if drilled with a 
blunt piece of wood and sand. The tracks average 15 inches in length and vary in 
depth from half an inch to more than an inch. The course of direction of the tracks, 
which are cutnpon a horizontal surface, is from north-northeast to south-southwest. 

In k is the semblance of an apparently two-headed snake, as also in « on PI. VII. It 
is possible that this was pecked into the rock to record the finding of such an anom- 
aly. The occurrence of double-headed serpents is not unique, five or six instances 
having been recorded, one of which is from California, and a specimen may be seen 
in the collection of the U. S. National Museum. 

In PI. v, c, e, f/ are characters resembling some from the Canary islands [see Figs. 
144 and 145], as well as many of the cupstones and dumb-bell forms from Scotland 
[see Figs. 149 and 150]. 

An interesting specimen is presented in d, on PI. VI, resembling the Ojibwa thunder 
bird, as well as etchings of Innuit workmanship to denote man [as shown in Fig. 
1159]. The figures presented in PI. ill are the northernmost of the series, of which 
those on PI. vn form the southernmost examples, the distance between these two 
points being about 2 miles. 

For the space of 4 miles southward there are a few scattered petroglyphs, to which 
reference will be made below, and the greatest number of characters are not found 
until the southernmost extremity of the entire series is reached. These are over the 
surface of immense bowlders lying on the east side of the road where it passes 
through a little valley known locally as the Chalk grade, probably on account of 




PETROQLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA. 



PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY. 



59 



The fi ; 



an inch. Portions of it are much <lef;i< 
.strong summer winds. The characters i 
but of depth similar to the preceding. 

On PI. ix, a is one-twentieth the size of the original 
turings are about one-tenth size. The cross in « is sing 
the elaborateness of its execution. The .surface withh 
as to have the cross stand out hold and level with the o 
also of /on PI. vm. PI. ix, b, contains some animal fo 
New Mexico and Arizona, and Brazil [and presented i 



exception, each about one-thirtieth 
in e is upon the top of the largest 
depth of from one-fourth to one-ball 
■ugh erosion by sand blown by tin- 
only one-tenth of the original size. 



iculp- 




character to the right resembling a guanaco couchant, although, from its relation- 
ship to the figure of an antelope, in the same group, it no doubt is intended to rep- 
resent one of the latter species. 
On PI. x, as well as on others of this collection, are found many forms of circles with 

lines, and other seemingly endless arrangements. P Tbey are interesting from the fact 
of the occurrence of almost identical forms iu remote localities, as in the Canary 
islands and in Brazil. [These are figured and described infra.] 

It is probable that they are not meaningless, because the disposition of the Indian, 
as he is to-day, is such that no time would be spent upon such laborious work with- 
out an object, ami only motives of a religious or ceremonial nature would induce 
him to expend the time and labor necessary to accomplish such results as are still 
presented. On PI. xi. a. are more footprints and animal forms of the genus cernis 
or anle!oc(ti>ni. The figures in b and <1, having an upright line with two crossing it :il 
right angles, may signify either a lizard or man, the latter signification being prob- 
ably the true one, as similar forms are drawn in petroglyphs of a Shoshonian type, 
as in Arizona. [See supra.] 

The country over which these records are scattered is arid beyond description ami 
destitute of vegetation. Watterson's ranch group is more favorably located, there 
being an abundance of springs .-mil a stream running northward toward Black lake. 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The only Indians found in this vicinity are Pai Utes, but they are unacquainted 
with the significance of the characters, and declare that they have no knowledge of 
the authors. 

As to the age of the sculpturing* nothing can be learned. The external surface of 
all the bowlders, as well as the surface of the deepest figures, is a glistening brown- 
ish black, due. possibly, to the presence of iron. The color of a freshly broken sur- 
face becomes lighter in tint as depth is attained, until at about one-half or three- 
fourths of an inch from the surface the rock is chocolate brown. How long it 
would take the freshly broken surface of this variety of rock to become thoroughly 
oxidized and blackened it is impossible even to conjecture, taking into consideration 
the physical conditions of the region and the almost entire absence of rainfall. 

Upon following the most convenient course across the Benton range to reach 
Owen valley proper drawings are also found, though in limited numbers, and seem 




Fig. 18.— Petroglyphs in Death valley, California. 

to partake of the character of indicators as to course of travel. By this trail the: 
northernmost of the several groups of drawings above mentioned is the nearest and 
most easily reached. 

The pictures upon the bowlders at Watterson's are somewhat different from those 
found elsewhere. The number of specific designs is limited, many of them being 
reproduced from two to six or seven times, thus seeming to partake of the character 
of personal names. 

In a communication dated Saratoga Springs, at the lower part of 
Death valley, California, February 5, 1891, Mr. E. W. Nelson says that 
about 200 yards from the springs, and on the side of a hill, he found 




PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA. 



1 



62 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



about 30 miles west of the Mojave villages. These are carved upon a 
rock, "are numerous, appear old, and are too confusedly obscured to 
be easily tracea ble." They bear great general resemblance to dra w i 1 1 gs 
scattered over northeast Arizona, southern Utah, and western New 
Mexico. 



Fig. 20.— Petroglyph near Sail Marcos pass, California. 

From information received from Mr. Alphouse Pinart, pictographic 
records exist in the hills east of San Bernardino, somewhat resembling 
those at Tule river in the southern spurs of the Sierra Nevada, Kern 
county. 




Mr. Willard J. Whitney, of Elmhurst, Lackawanna county, Pennsyl- 
vania, gives information regarding nearly obliterated pecked petro- 
glyphs upon two flat granite rocks, or bowlders, on the summit of a 
mountain 4 miles directly west of Escondido, San Diego county, Cali 



mali.ery.i NEAR SAN MARCOS PASS, CALIFORNIA. <i."> 

fornia. The designs arc not colored, ami are not more than one eighth 
or one-fourth of an inch in depth. There is a good lookoul from the 





Fio. 22.— Petroglyphs near San Marcos pass, Caht'ornii 



eminence, but there are no indications of either trails or burials in the 
vicinity. 




Fig. 23.— Petroglyphs in Xajowe valley, California. 



64 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



This may be the locality mentioned by Mr. Barnes, of San Diego, 
who tarnished information relating to petroglyphs in San Diego county. 
Dr. Hoffmau reports the following additional localities in Santa Bar- 




Fig. 24.— Petroglypbs in Najowe valley. Californi 



bara and Los Angeles counties. Fifteen miles west of Santa Barbara, 
on the northern summit of the Santa Ynez range, and near the San 
Marcos pass, is a group of paintings in red and black. Fig. 20 resem- 
bles a portion of a checker-board in the arrangement of squares. 



MAI.LEItY. | 



IN NAJOWE VALLEY, CALIFORNIA, 




Fig. 25.— Petroglyphs, N;gow<- valley, California, 

used by visiting Indians daring the acorn season. Oaks are verj 
abundant, and their fruit formed one of the sources of subsistence. 

Three miles west-uorthwest of this locality, in the valley near the 
base of the mountain, are indistinct figures in faded red. painted upon a 
large rock. The characters appeal- similar, in general, to those above 
mentioned. 

Forty-three miles west of Santa Barbara, in the Najowe valley, is 

10 ETH 5 



66 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



promontory, at the base of which is a large shallow cavern, the opening 
being smaller than the interior, upon the roof and back of which are 




Fig. 26.— Petroglypha in Najowe valley, California. 

many designs, some of which are reproduced in Fig. 23, of forms similar 
to those observed at San Marcos pass. Several characters appear to 




Fig. 27.— Petroglypha in Najowe valley, California. 

have been drawn at a later date than others, such as horned cattle, etc. 
The black used was a manganese compound, while the red pigments 




% ® 

Fig. 29.— Petroglyphs near Santa Barbara, California. 

The characters in Fig. 25 resemble forms which occur at Tulare val- 
ley, and in Owens valley, respectively, and insect tonus also occur as 
in Fig. 26. 



68 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Other designs abounding at this locality are shown in Figs. 27 and 28. 

One of the most extensive groupings, and probably the most elabo 
l ately drawn, is in the Carisa plain, near Mr. Orena's ranch, 60 or 70 
miles due north of Santa Barbara. The most conspicuous figure is that 
of the sun, resembling a human face, with ornamental appendages at the 
cardinal points, and bearing striking resemblance to some Moki masks 
and pictographic work. Serpentine lines and anomalous forms also 
abound. 



Four miles northeast of Santa Barbara, near the residence of Mr. 
Stevens, is an isolated sandstone bowlder measuring about 20 feet high 




and 30 feet in diameter, upon the western side of which is a slight 
cavity bearing designs shown in Fig. 29, which correspond in general 
form to others in Santa Barbara county. The gesture for negation ap- 
pears in the attitude of the human figures. 

Half a mile farther cast, on Dr. Ooe's farm, is another smaller bowlder, 
in a cavity of which various engravings appear shown in Fig. 30. 
Parts of the drawings have disappeared through disintegration of the 
rock, which is called "Pulpit rock," on account of the shape of the 



IN AZUZA CANYON, CALIFORNIA. 



cavity, its position at the side of the narrow valley, and the echo ob- 
served upon speaking a little above the ordinary l OI|< ' of voice. 

Painted rocks also occur in the Azuza canyon, aboul 30 miles north 
east of Los Angeles, of which Fig. 31 gives copies. 

Just before his departure from the Santa Barbara region, I >r. Eoffman 
was informed of the existence of eight or nine painted records in I Iia1 
neighborhood, which up to that time had been observed only by a few 
sheep-herders and hunters. 




Fig. 31.— Petroglyphs in Azuza canyon, California. 



Mr. L. L. Frost, of Susanville, California, reports the occurrence of 
pictographs (undoubtedly petroglyphs) 15 miles south of that town, on 
Willow creek, and at Milford, in the lower end of the valley. No de- 
tails were furnished as to their general type and condition. 

On Porter creek, 9 miles southwest of Healdsburg, on a large bowlder 
of hornblende syenite, petroglyphs similar to those found in Arizona 
and Nevada are to be seen. They are generally oblong circles or ovals, 
some of which contain crosses. 

Figs. 32 and 33 are reduced copies - 3 \ s of original size of colored petro- 
glyphs found by Dr. Hoffman in September, 1884, 12 miles west-north 
west of the city of Santa Barbara, California. The locality is almost 
at the summit of the Santa Ynez range of mountains; the gray sand 



70 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



stone rock on which they are painted is about 30 feet high and pro- 
jects from a ridge so as to form a very marked promontory extending 
into a narrow mountain canyon. At the base of the western side of 
this bowlder is a rounded cavity, measuring on the inside about 15 
feet in width and 8 feet in height. The floor ascends rapidly toward 
the back of the cave, and the entrance is rather smaller in dimen- 
sions than the above measurements of the interior. About 40 yards 
west of this rock is a fine spring of water. One of the four old In- 
dian trails leading northward across the mountains passes by this 
locality, and it is probable that this was one of the camping places of 
the tribe which came south to trade, and that some of its members 
were the authors of the paintings. The three trails beside the one 
just mentioned cross the mountains at several points east of this, the 
most distant being about 15 ndles. Other trails were known, but 



these four were most direct to the immediate vicinity of the Spanish 
settlement which sprang up shortly after the establishment of the Santa 
Barbara mission in 1786. The appearance and position of these and 
other pictographs in the vicinity appear to be connected with the sev- 
eral trails. The colors used in the paintings are red and black. 

The circles figured in b and d of Pig. 32, and c, r, and w of Fig. 33, 
together with other similar circular marks bearing cross lines upon the 
interior, were at first unintelligible, as their forms among various tribes 
have very different signification. The character in Fig. 32, above and 
projecting from d, resembles the human form, with curious lateral bands 
of black and white, alternately. Two similar characters appear, also, 
in Fig. 33, a, b. In a the lines from the head would seem to indicate a 
superior rank or condition of the person depicted. 





FIG. 32. — Petronlypli in Santa I'.arliara county, California. 



MALI.EKV.] 



IN SANTA BARBARA, CALIFORNIA. 



71 



At the private ethnologic collection of Mr. A. P. (Joronel, of Los 
Angeles, California, Dr. Hoffman discovered a clue in t he general import 
of the above petroglyphs, as well as the signification of some of their 
characters. In a collection of colored illustrations of old Mexican cos 
tumes he found blankets bearing borders and colors nearly identical 
with those shown in the circles in Fig. 32, <l. and Fig. •'»■'!, c, r, w. It is 
probable that the circles represent bales of blankets which earlj be 
came articles of trade at the Santa Barbara mission, [f this supposi 
tion is correct, the cross lines would seem to represent the cords used 
in tying the blankets into bales, which same cross lines appear as 
cords in /, Fig. 33. Mr. Ooronel also possesses small figures of Mexi- 
cans, of various conditions of life, costumes, trades, and. professions, 




Fig. 33.— Petrogiyph in Santa Barbara county, California. 

one of which, a painted statuette, is a representation of a Mexican 
lying down flat upon an outspread serape, similar in color and form to 
the black and white bands shown in the upper figure of d, Fig. 32, and 
a, b, of Fig. 33, and instantly suggesting the explanation of those 
figures. Upon the latter the continuity of the black and white bands 
is broken, as the human figures are probably intended to be in front, 
or on top, of the drawings of the blankets. 

The small statuette above mentioned is that of a Mexican trader, and 
if the circles in the petroglyphs are considered to represent bales of 
blankets, the character in Fig. 32, d, is still more interesting, from the 
union of one of these circles with a character representing the trader, i.e., 
the man possessing the bales. Bales, or what appear to be bales, are 
represented to the top and right of the circle in d. in that figure. In 
Fig. 33, I, a bale is upon the back of what appears fco be a horse, led in 



72 



PICTURE- WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



an upward direction by an Indian whose headdress and ends of the 
breechcloth are visible. To the right of the bale are three short lines, 
evidently showing the knot or ends of the cords used in tying a bale of 
blankets without colors, therefore of less importance, or of other goods. 
Other human forms appear in the attitude of making gestures, one 
also in j, Fig. 33, probably carrying a bale of goods. In the same 
figure u represents a centipede, an insect found occasionally south of 
the mouutairs, but reported as extremely rare in the immediate north- 
ern regions. For remarks upon x in the same figure see Chapter xx, 
Section 2, under the heading The Cross. 

Mr. Coronel stated that when he first settled in Los Angeles, in 1843, 
the Indians living north of the San Fernando mountains manufactured 
blankets of the fur and hair of animals, showing transverse bands of 
black and white similar to those depicted, which were sold to the in- 
habitants of the valley of Los Angeles and to Indians who transported 
them to other tribes. 

It is probable that the pictographs are intended to represent the sali- 
ent features of a trading expedition from the north. The ceiling of the 
cavity found between the paintings represented in the two figures has 
disappeared, owing to disintegration, thus leaving a blank about 4 feet 
long, and 6 feet from the top to the bottom between the paintings as 
now presented. 

COLORADO. 

Petroglyphs are reported by Mr. Cyrus F. Newcornb as found upon 
cliffs on Rock creek, 15 miles from Eio Del Norte, Colorado. Three 
small photographs, submitted with this statement, indicate the char- 
acters to have been pecked; they consist of men on horseback, cross- 
shaped human figures, animals, and other designs greatly resembling 
those found in the country of the Shoshonean tribes, examples of which 
are given infra. 

Another notice of the same general locality is made by Capt. E. L. 
Berthoud (a) as follows : 

The place is 20 miles .southeast of Rio Del Norte, at the entrance of the canyon of the 
Piedra Pintada (Painted rock) creek. The carvings are found on the right of the 
canyon or valley and upon volcanic rocks. They bear the marks of age and are cut in, 
not painted, as is still done by the Utes everywhere. They are found for a quarter 
of a mile along the north wall of the canyon, on the ranches of W. M. Maguire 
and F. T. Hudson, and consist of all manner of pictures, symbols, and hieroglyphics 
done by artists whose memory even tradition does not now preserve. The fact that 
these are carvings done upon such hard rock invests them with additional interest, 
as they are quite distinct from the carvings I saw in New Mexico and Arizona on 
soft sandstone. Though some of them are evidently of much greater antiquity than 
others, yet all are ancient, the Utes admitting them to have been old when their 
fathers conquered the country. 

Mr. Charles D. Wright, of Durango, Colorado, in a communication 
dated February 20, 1885, gives an account of some "hieroglyphs" on 



ON Rio MANGA, 



73 



rocks and upon the wall 
Colorado and New Mex 
The following were painti 
natural rock wall) of a cliff 
spear and lance and wearin 
some twenty characters rep: 



of cliff Louses i 
o. Be says: 



painting measured about 12 by 16 feet. 

Mr. Wright further reports characters oi 
river. Four characters represent men as 
obligation, hands extended, and wearing 



near the San Juan 
Le act of taking an 
id of monogram on 




Fig. 34.— Petroglyplia on tin- Eio Mancos, Colorado. 

breast, and at their right are some hieroglyphics written in black paint 
covering a space 3 by 4 feet." 

The best discussed and probably the most interesting of the petro- 
glyphs in the region are described and illustrated by Mr. W. H. 
Holmes (a), of the Bureau of Ethnology. The illustrations are here 









4. 




— Petroglyphs on the Rio Mancos, Colorado. 

reproduced in Figs. 34 to 37, and the remarks of Mr. Holmes, slightly 
condensed, are as follows: 

ir the g: 



The forms reproduced in Fig. 34 occur on the Rio Man 
houses. They are chipped into the rock evidently by some ver; 
and rudely represent the human figure. They are certainly not s 
sent nature, but have the appearance rather of arbitrary forms, 
bolize some imaginary being. 

The forms shown in Fig. 35 were found in the same locality, i 
painted in red and white clay upon the smooth rocks. These wi 
by the cliff-builders, and probably while the houses were in proce: 
since the material used is identical with the plaster of the houses. 



i of cliff 
(dement 



7 1 



PICTURE-WEITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



notes were made by Mr. Brandegee. The reproduction is approximately one-twelfth 
the size of the original. 

The examples shown in Fig. 36 occur on the Rio San Juan about 10 miles below 
the mouth of the Rio La Plata and are actually in New Mexico. A low line of bluffs, 
composed of light-colored massive .sands! ones thai break down in greal smooth-faced 
blocks, rises from the river level and sweeps around toward the north. Each of 
these great blocks has offered a very tempting tablet to the graver of the primitive 
artist, and many of them contain curious and interesting inscriptions. Drawings 
were made of such of these as the limited time at my disposal would permit. They 
are all engraved or cut into the face of the rock, and the whole body of each figure 
has generally been chipped out, frequently to the depth of one-fourth or one-half of 
an inch. 




The work on some of the larger groups has been one of immense labor, and must 
owe its completion to strong and enduring motives. With a very few exceptions 
the engraving bears undoubted evidence of age. Such new figures as occur are 
quite easily distinguished both by the freshness of the chipped surfaces and by the 
designs themselves. The curious designs given in the final group hiive a very per- 
ceptible resemblance to many of the. figures used in the embellishment of pottery. 

The most striking group observed is given in Fig. 37 a, same locality. It consists 
of a great procession of men, birds, beasts, and fanciful figures. The whole picture 
as placed upon a rock is highly spirited and the idea of a general movement toward 
the right, skillfully portrayed. A pair of winged figures hover about the train as if 



IN CONNECTICUT. 



75 



to watch or direct its movements ; behind these are a number of odd figures, followed 
by an antlered animal resembling a deer, which seems to be drawing a notched 
sledge containing two figures of men. The figures forming the main body of the 
procession appear to be tied together in a continuous line, and in form resemble one 
living creature about as little as another. Many of the smaller figures above and 
below are certainly intended to represent dogs, while a number of men are stationed 
about here and there as if to keep the procession in order. 

As to the importance of the event recorded in this picture, no conclusions can be 
drawn ; it may represent the migration of a tribe or family or the trophies of a vic- 
tory. A number of figures are wanting in the drawing at the left, while some of 
those at the right may not belong properly to the main group. The reduction is, 
approximately, to one-twelfth. 

Designs B and C of the same figure represent only the more distinct portions of 
two other groups. The complication of figures is so great that a number of hours 
would have been necessary for their delineation, and an attempt to analyze them 
here would be fruitless. 



*?£fc?W V?* ^v? **** ^ 

? A 




B 


@ 

1 


r*fjh<! lw 



Fig. 37.— Petroglyphs on the Eio San Juan, ~Nevr Mexico. 



It will be noticed that the last two petroglyphs are in New Mexico, but 
they are so near the border of Colorado and so connected with the 
series in that state that they are presented nnder the same heading. 

CONNECTICUT. 

The following account is extracted from Eafn's Antiquitates Ameri- 
cans (a) : 

In the year 1789 Doctor Ezra Stiles, D. D., visited a rock situated in the Town- 
ship of Kent in the State of Connecticut, at a place called Scaticook, by the Indians. 
He thus describes it: " Over against Scaticook and about one hundred rods East of 
Housatonic Eiver, is an eminence or elevation which is called Cobble Hill. On the 
top of this stands the rock charged with antique unknown characters. This rock is 
by itself and not a portion of the Mountains ; it is of White Flint ; ranges North and 
South; is from twelve to fourteen feet long; and from eight to ten wide at base and 
top ; and of an uneven surface. On the top I did not perceive any characters ; but 
the sides all around are irregularly charged with unknown characters, made not 
indeed with the incision of a chisel, yet most certainly with an iron tool, and that by 



7(1 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



pecks or picking, after the manlier of the Dighton Rock. The Lacunae or excava- 
tions arc from a quarter to an inch wide ; and from one tenth to two tenths of an 
inch deep. The engraving did not appear to be recent or new, but very old." 

GEORGIA. 

Charles C. Jones, jr., (a) describes a petroglyph in Georgia as follows: 

In Forsyth county, Georgia, is a carved or incised bowlder of line grained granite, 
about 9 feet long, 4 feet 6 inches high, and 3 feet broad at its widest point. The 
figures are cut in the bowlder from one-half to three-fourths of an inch deep. It is 
generally believed that they are the work of the Cherokees. 

The illustration given by him is here reproduced in Fig. 38. It will be 
noted that the characters in it are chiefly circles, including plain, nucle- 
ated, and concentric, sometimes two or more being joined by straight 
lines, forming what is now known as the "spectacle shaped" figure. 
The illustrations should be compared with the many others presented 
in this paper under the heading of Cup Sculptures, see Chapter v, infra. 




Fig. 38.— Petroglyphs in Georgia. 



Dr. M. F. Stephenson (a) mentions sculptures of human feet, various 
animals, bear tracks, etc., in Enchanted mountain, Union county, Geor- 
gia. The whole number of sculptures is reported as one hundred and 
forty-six. 

Mr. Jones (b) gives a different resume of the objects depicted, as fol- 
lows : 

Upon the Enchanted mountain, in Union county, cut in plutonic rock, are the tracks 
of men, women, children, deer, bears, bisons, turkeys, and terrapins, and the out- 
lines of a snake, of t wo deer, and of a human hand. These sculptures— so far as they 
have been ascertained and counted— number one hundred and thirty-six. The most 
extravagant among them is that known as the footprint of the " Great Warrior." 
Lt measures 18 inches in length and has six toes. The other human tracks and those 
of the animals are delineated with commendable fidelity. 



PETKOGLYPHS IN IDAHO. 



77 



IDAHO. 

Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of the U. S. Geological Survey, has furnished a 
small collection of drawings of Shoshonean petroglyphs from Oneida, 
Idaho, shown in Fig. 39. Some of them appear to be totemic charac- 
ters, and possibly were made to record the names of visitors to the 
locality. 

Mr. Willard D. Johnson, of the TJ. S. Geological Survey, reports 
pictographic remains observed by him near Oneida, Idaho, in 1879. 
The figures represent human beings and were on a rock of basalt. 

A copy of another petroglyph found in Idaho appears in Fig. 1092, 
infra. 




fc'lG. 39.— Petroglyphs in Idaho (Shoshonesm). 



ILLINOIS. 

Petroglyphs are reported by Mr. John Criley as occurring near Ava, 
Jackson county, Illinois. The outlines of the characters observed by 
him were drawn from memory and submitted to Mr. Charles. S. Mason, 
of Toledo, Ohio, through whom they were furnished to the Bureau of 
Ethnology. Little reliance can be placed upon the accuracy of such 
drawing, but from the general appearance of the sketches the originals 
of which they are copies were probably made by one of the middle Al- 
gonquian tribes of Indians. 

The "Piasa" rock, as it is generally designated, was referred to by 
the missionary explorer Marquette in 1675. Its situation was immedi- 
ately above the city of Alton, Illinois. 



78 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Marquette's remarks ar<> translated by Dr. Francis Parkman (a) as 
follows : 

On the flat face of a high rock were painted, in red, black, and green, a pair of 
monsters, each ' ' as large as a calf, with horns like a deer, red eyes, a beard like 
a tiger, and a frightful expression of countenance. The face is something like that 
of a man, the body covered with scales; and the tail so long that it passes entirely 
round the body, over the head, and between the legs, ending like that of a fish." 

Another version, by Davidson and Struve (a), of the discovery of 
the petrog-lyph is as follows : 

Again they ( Joliet and Marquette) were floating on the broad bosom cf the un- 
known stream. Passing the mouth of the Illinois, they soon fell into the shadow of 
a tall promontory, and with great astonishment beheld the representation of two 
monsters painted on its lofty limestone front. According to Marquette, each of these 
frightful figures had the face of a man, the horns of a deer, the beard of a tiger, and 
the tail of a fish so long that it passed around the body, over the head, and between 
the legs. It was an object of Indian worship and greatly impressed the mind of the 
pious missionary with the necessity of substituting for this monstrous idolatry the 
worship of the true God. 

A footnote connected with the foregoing quotation gives the following 
description of the same rock : 

Near the mouth of the Piasa creek, on the bluff, there is a smooth rock in a cav- 
ernous cleft, under an overhanging cliff, on whose face, 50 feet from the base, are 
painted some ancient pictures or hieroglyphics, of great interest to the curious. 




Fig. 40.— The Piasa petroglyph. 



They are placed in a horizontal line from east to west, representing men, plants, and 
animals. The paintings, though protected from dampness and storms, are in great 
part destroyed, marred by portions of the rock becoming detached and falling down. 

Mr. McAdams (a), of Alton, Illinois, says "The name Piasa is Indian 
and signifies, in the Illini, 'The bird which devours men.'" He fur- 
nishes a spirited pen-and-ink sketch, 12 by 15 inches in size aud pur- 
porting to represent the ancient painting described by Marquette. On 
the picture is inscribed the following in ink: "Made by Wm. Dennis, 
April 3d, 1825." The date is in both letters and figures. On the top 
of the picture in large letters are the two words, " FLYING DBAGOK" 
This picture, which has been kept in the old Gilham family of Madison 
county and bears the evidence of its age, is reproduced as Fig. 40. 

He also publishes another representation (Fig. 41) with the follow- 
ing remarks : 

One of the most satisfactory pictures of the Piasa we have ever seen is in an old 
German publication entitled "The Valley of the Mississippi Illustrated. Eighty 



IN ILLINOIS, 



7!) 



illustrations from nature, by H. Lewis, from the Falls of St. Anthony to the Gulf of 
Mexico," published about the year 1839 by Arenz & Co., Diisseldorf, Germany. One 
of the large full-paue plates in this work gives a fine view of the bluff at Alton, with 
the figure of the Piasa on the face of the rock. It is represented to ha ve been taken 
on the spot by artists from Germany. We reproduce that part of the bluff (the 
whole picture being too large for this work) which shows the pictographs. In the 
German picture there is shown just behind the rather dim outlines of the second 
face a ragged crevice, as though of a fracture. Part of tbe bluff's face might have 
fallen and thus nearly destroyed one of the monsters, for in later years writers 
speak of but one figure. The whole face of the bluff was quarried away in 1846-47. 




Fig. 41.— The Piasa petroglyph. 



Under Myths and Mythic Animals, Chapter xiv, Section 2, are illus 
trations and descriptions which should be compared with these accounts, 
and Chapter xxn gives other examples of errors and discrepancies in 
the description and copying of petroglyphs. 

Mr. A. D. Jones (a) says of the same petroglyph : 

After the distribution of firearms among the Indians, bullets were substituted for 
arrows, and even to this day no savage presumes to pass the spot without discharg- 
ing his rifle and raising his shout of triumph. I visited the spot in June (1838) and 
examined the image and the ten thousand bullet marks on the cliff seemed to cor- 
roborate the tradition related to me in the neighborhood. 




Fig. 42.— Petroglyph on the niinois river. 



Mr. McAdams, loc. cit., also reports regarding Fig. 42 : 

Some twenty-five or thirty miles above the mouth of the Illinois river, on the west 
bank of that stream, high up on the smooth face of an overhanging cliff, is another 
interesting pictograph sculptured deeply in the hard rock. It remains to-day prob- 



80 



PICTURE WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



ably in nearly the same condition it was when the French voyagers first descended 
the river and got their first view of the Mississippi. The animal-like body, with the 
human head, is carved in the rock in outline. The huge eyes are depressions like 
saucers, an inch or more in depth, and the outline of the body has been scooped out 
in the same way ; also the mouth. 

The figure of the archer with the drawn bow, however, is painted, or rather 
stained with a reddish brown pigment, over the sculptured outline of the monster's 
face. 

Mr. McAdams suggests that the painted figure of the human form 
with the bow aud arrows was made later than the sculpture. 
The same author (b) says, describing Fig. 43: 

Some 3 or 4 miles above Alton, high up beneath the overhanging cliff, which forms 
a sort of cave shelter on the smooth face of a thick ledge of rock, is a series of paint- 
ings, twelve in number. They are painted or rather stained in the rock with a 
reddish brown pigment that seems to defy the tooth of time. It may be said, 
however, that their position is so sheltered that they remain almost perfectly dry. 
We made sketches of them some thirty years ago and on a recent visit could see that 
they had changed but little, although their appearance denotes great age. 

These pictographs are situated on the cliff more than a hundred feet above the 
river. A protruding ledge, which is easily reached from a hollow in the bluff, leads 
to the cavernous place in the rock. 

Fig. 43.— Petroglyph near Alton, Ulinois. 

Mr. James D. Middleton, formerly of the Bureau of Ethnology, 
mentions the occurrence of petroglyphs on the bluffs of the Mississippi 
river, in Jackson county, about 12 miles below Eockwood. Also of 
others about 4 or 5 miles from Prairie du Rocher, near the Mississippi 
river. 

IOWA. 

Mr. P. W. Norris, of the Bureau of Ethnology, found numerous caves 
on the banks of the Mississippi river, in northeastern Iowa, 4 miles 
south of New Albion, containing incised petroglyphs. Fifteen miles 
south of this locality paintings occur on the cliffs. He also discovered 
painted characters upon the cliffs on the Mississippi river, 19 miles be- 
low New Albion. 

KANSAS. 

Mr. Edward Miller reports in Proceedings of the American Philo- 
sophical Society, vol. x, 1869, p. 383, the discovery of a petroglyph near 
the line of the Union Pacific railroad, 15 miles southeast of Fort Harker, 
formerly known as Fort Ellsworth, Kansas. The petroglyph is upon 
a formation belonging to No. 1, Lower Cretaceous group, according to 
the classification of Meek and Hayden. 



MALLEEY. ] 



IN KANSAS AND KENTUCKY. 



8] 



The parts of the two plates vii and vin of the work cited, which bear 
the inscriptions, are now presented as Fig. 41, being from two views of 
the same rock. 




KENTUCKY. 

Mr. James D. Middletou, formerly of the Bureau of Ethnology, in 
a letter dated August 14, 1S86, reports that at a point in Union 
county, Kentucky, nearly opposite Shawneetown, Illinois, petroglyphs 
are found, and from the description given by him they appear to re- 
semble those in Jackson county, Illinois, mentioned above. 

Mr. W. E. Barton, of Wellington, Ohio, in a communication dated 
October 4, 1890, writes as follows : 

At Clover Bottom, Kentucky, on a spur of the Big Hill, in Jackson county, about 
13 miles from Berea. is a large rock which old settlers say was covered with soil and 
vegetation within their memory. Upon it are representations of human tracks, with 
what appear to be those of a bear, a horse, and a dog. These are all in the same 
direction, as though a man leading a horse, followed the dog upon the bear's track. 
Crossing these is a series of tracks of another and larger sort which I can not attempt 
to identify. The stone is a sandstone in the subcarboniferous. As I remember, the 
strata are nearly horizontal, but erosion has made the surface a slope of about 20°. 
The tracks ascending the slope cross the strata. I have not seen them for some years. 

The crossing of the strata shows that the tracks are the work of human hands, if 
indeed it were not preposterous to think of anything else in rocks of that period. 
Still the tracks are so well made that one is tempted to ask if they can be real. 
They alternate right and left, though the erosion and travel have worn out some of 
the left tracks. A wagon road passes over the rock and was the cause of the present 
exposure of the stone. It can be readily found a fourth of a mile or less from the 
Pine Grove schoolhouse. 

MAINE. 

A number of inscribed rocks have been found in Maine and informa- 
tion of others has been obtained. The most interesting of them and 
the largest group series yet discovered in Xew England is shown in 
PI. xn. 

The rock upon which the glyphs appear is in the town of Machias- 
port, Maine, at Clarks point, on the northwestern side of Machias bay, 
10 eth 6 



82 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



2 miles below the mouth of Machias river. The rock or ledge is about 
50 feet long from east to west and about fifteen feet in width, nearly 
horizontal for two-thirds its length, from the bank or western end at 
high water, thence inclining at an angle of 15° to low-water mark. Its 
southern face is inclined about 40°. The formation is schistose slate, 
having a transverse vein of trap dike extending nearly across its sec- 
tion. Nearly the entire ledge is of blue black color, very dense and 
hard except at the upper or western end, where the periodical forma- 
tion of ice has scaled off thin layers of surface and destroyed many 
figures which are remembered by persons now living. The ebb and 
flow of tides, the abrasion of moving beach stones or pebble wash and 
of ice-worn bowlders, have also effaced many figures along the southern 
side, until now but one or two indentations are discernible. Visitors, in 
seeking to remove some portion of the rock as a curiosity or in striving 
to perpetuate their initials, have obscured several of the most interest- 
ing, and until recently the best defined figures. It was also evident to 
the present writer, who carefully examined the rock in 1888, that it lay 
much deeper in the water than once had been the case. At the lowest 
tides there were markings seen still lower, which could not readily have 
been made if that part of the surface had not been continuously ex- 
posed. The depression of a rock of such great size, which was so 
gradual that it had not been observed by the inhabitants of the neigh- 
boring settlement, is an evidence of the antiquity of the peckings. 

The intaglio carving of all the figures was apparently made by 
repeated blows of a pointed instrument — doubtless of hard stone ; not 
held as a chisel, but working by a repetition of hammerings or peck- 
ings. The deepest now seen is about three-eighths of an inch. 
The amount of patient labor bestowed upon these figures must have 
been great, considering the hardness of the rock and the rude implement 
with which they were wrought. 

There is no extrinsic evidence of their age. The place was known 
to traders early in the seventeenth century, and much earlier was 
visited by Basque fishermen, and perhaps by the unfortunate Cortereals 
in 1500 and 1503. The descendants of the Mechises Indians, a tribal 
branch of the Abnaki, who once occupied the territory between the St. 
Croix and Narraguagus rivers, when questioned many years ago, would 
reply in substance that " all their old men knew of them," either by 
having seen them or by traditions handed down through many genera- 
tions. 

Several years ago Mr. H. E. Taylor, of Machias, who made the orig- 
inal sketch in 1868 and kindly furnished it to the Bureau of Ethnology, 
applied to a resideut Indian there (Feter Benoit, then nearly 80 
years old) for assistance in deciphering the characters. He gave little 
information, but pointed out that the figures must not all be read "from 
one side only , " thus, the one near the center of the sketch, which seen 
from the south was without significance, became from the opposite 



IN MAINE. 



S3 



point a squaw with sea fowl on her headj denoting, as he said, "that 
squaw had smashed canoe, saved beaver-skin, walked one-half moon 
all alone toward east, just same as heron wading alongshore." Also 
that the three lines below the figure mentioned, which together re- 
semble a bird track or a trident, represent the three rivers, the East, 
West, and Middle rivers of Machias, which join not far above the 
locality. The mark having a rough resemblance to a feather, next on 
the right of this river-sign, is a fissure in the rock. Most of the figures 
of human beings and other animals are easily recognizable. 

Peckings of a character similar to those on the Picture rock at 
Clarks point, above described, were found and copied 600 feet tsouth of 
it at high-water mark on a rock near Birch point. Others were dis- 
covered and traced on a rock on Hog island, in Holmes bay, a part of 
Machias bay. All these petroglyphs were without doubt of Abnaki 
origin, either of the Penobscot or the Passamaquoddy divisions of that 
body of Indians. The rocks lay on the common line of water com- 
munication between those divisions and were convenient as halting 
places. 

MARYLAND. 

In the Susquehanna river, about half a mile south of the state line, 
is a group of rocks, several of the most conspicuous being designated 
as the " Bald Friars." Near by are several mound-shaped bowlders 
of the so-called " nigger- head" rock, which is reported as a dark- 
greenish chlorite schist. Upon the several bowlders are deep sculp- 
turings, apparently finished by rubbing the depression with stone, or 
wood and sand, thus leaving sharp and distinct edges to the outlines. 
Some of these figures are an inch in depth, though the greater number 
are becoming more and more eroded by the frequent freshets, and by 
the running ice during the breaking up in early spring of the frozen 
river. 

The following account is given by Prof. P. Frazer (a) : 

Passing the Pennsylvania state line one reaches the southern barren serpentine 
rocks, which are in general tolerably level for a considerable distance. 

About 700 yards, or 640 meters, south of the line, on the river shore, are rocks which 
have been named the Bald Friars. French's tavern is here, at the mouth of a small 
stream which empties into the Susquehanna. About 874 yards (800 meters) south 
of this tavern are a number of islands which ha ve local names, but which arc curious 
as containing inscriptions of the aborigines. 

The material, of which most of these islands are composed is chlorite schist, but 
as this rock is almost always distinguished by the quart./, veins which intersect it, 
so in this case some of the islands are composed of this material almost exclusively, 
which gives them a very striking white appearance. 

One of these, containing the principal inscriptions, is called Miles island. 

The figures, which covered every part of the rocks that were exposed, were ap- 
parently of historical or at least narrative purport, since they seemed to be con- 
nected. Doubtless the larger portion of the inscription has been carried away by 
the successive vicissitudes which have broken up and defaced, and in some instances 
obliterated, parts of which we find evidence of the previous existence on the islands. 



84 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Every large bowlder seems to contain some traces of previous inscription, and in 
many instances the pictured side of the bowlder is on its tinder side, showing that 
it has been detached from its original place. The natural agencies are quite suf- 
ficient to account for any amount of this kind of displacement, for the rocks in their 
present condition are not refractory and offer no great resistance to the wear of 
weather and ice; but in addition to this must be added human agencies. 

Amongst other things, they represent the conventional Indian serpent's head, with 
varying numbers of lines. 

Some of the signs next frequently recurring were concentric circles, in some cases 
four and in other cases a lesser number. 

Fig. 45 is a reproduction of Prof. Frazer's illustration. 



- 


















■ . ■ ; V;': : :. ; -:.v._:":_ 







Fig. 45.— Bald Friar rock, Maryland. 



This region was also referred to by Dr. Charles Ban (a), his cut 
from the specimen in the collection of the Smithsonian Institution 
(Mus. No. 39010) being here reproduced as Fig. 46. 

During the autumn of the years 1888 and 1889 Dr. Hoffman visited 
these rocks, securing sketches and measurements, the former of which 
are reproduced in Figs. 47 and 48. The figures are deeply cut, as if 
rubbed down with sand and a round stick of green wood. The deepest 
channels, varying from three-fourths to 1£ inches across and almost as 
deep as they are wide, appear as if cut out with a gouge, and for this 
reason bear a strong resemblance to the petroglyphs in Owens valley, 
California. In whatever manner these sculp turings were made, it is 



MALLERY.j 



IN MARYLAND. 



85 



evident that much time and great labor were expended upon them, as 
this variety of rock, locally termed "Mgger-head," is extremely hard. 

Fig. 45 represents a bird's-eye 
view of the top of the rock, bearing 
the greater amount of workmanship. 
The petroglyphs cover a surface 
measuring about 5 feet by 4 feet 6 
inches. The extreme ends of the 
figures extend beyond the irregular 
horizontal surface and project over 
the rounded edge of the rock, so 
that the line, at the left-hand lower 
part of the illustration, dips at an 
angle of about 45°. The two short 
lines at the extreme right are upon 
the side of the upper edge of the 
rock, where the surface inclines at 
an angle of 30°. 

Some of the figures are indefinite, 
which is readily accounted for by 
the fact that the rock is in the river, 
a considerable distance from shore, 
and annually subjected to freshets 
and to erosion by floating logs and drift material. The characters at 




Fig. 46. — Sh.i. iimn 



r rock, Maryland. 




Fig. 47. -Top of Bald Friar rock, Maryland. 

the right end of the upper row resemble those near Washington, Lan- 
caster county, Pennsylvania. (See Fig. 73.) 



86 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

Fig. 48 presents three characters, selected from other portions of the 
rock, to illustrate the variety of designs found. They are like some 
found at Owens valley, California, as will be observed by comparing 
them with the descriptions and plates under that heading in this sec- 
tion. The left-hand figure is 4 inches in diameter, the middle one 0 
inches wide and about 15 inches in height, and the third, or right-hand, 
is composed of concentric rings, measuring about 10 inches across. 




Pig. 48.— Characters from Bald Friar rock, Maryland. 



MASSACHUSETTS. 

The following description of the much-discussed Dighton rock is 
taken from Schoolcraft (6), where it is accompanied with a plate, now 
reproduced as Fig. 49 : 

The ancient inscriptian on a bowlder of greenstone rock lying in the margin of 
the Assonet or Taunton river, in the area of ancient Vinland, was noticed by the 
New England colonists so early as 1680, -when Dr. Danforth made a drawing of it. 
This outline, together with several subsequent copies of it, at different eras, reaching 
to 1830, all differing considerably in their details, but preserving a certain general 
resemblance, is presented in the Antiquat6s Americanes [.sic] (Tables XI, XII), 
and referred to the same era of Scandinavian discoveiy. The imperfections of the 
drawings (including that executed under the auspices of the Rhode Island Historical 
Society in 1839, Table XII), and the recognition of some characters bearing more or 
less resemblance to antique Roman letters and figures, may be considered to have 
misled Mr. Magnusen in his interpretation of it. From whatever cause, nothing 
could, it would seem, have been wider from the purport and true interpretation of 
it. It is of purely Indian origin, and is executed in the peculiar symbolic character 
of the Kekeewin. 




FIG. 49.— Digliton rock, Massachusetts. 



A number of copies of the inscriptions on this rock, taken at different 
times by different persons, are given below in Chapter xxn, sec. 2, 
with i-emarks upon them. 

Dr. Hoffman visited the locality in 1886, and found that the surface 
was becoming rapidly destroyed from the frequent use of scrubbing 
with broom and water to remove the film of sand and dirt which is 



IN MASSACHUSETTS. 



87 



daily deposited by every tide, the rock being situated at a short dis- 
tance inshore. Visitors are frequent, and the guide or ferryman does 
not interfere with them so long as he can show his passengers the 
famous inscription. 

The resemblance between the characters on this rock and those found 
in western Pennsylvania, near Millsboro, Fig. 75, and south of Franklin, 
on the " Indian God rock," Fig. 74, will be noted v 

In Bafn's Antiq. Amer. (b) is the following account: 

A large stone, on which is a line of considerable length in unknown characters, 
has been recently found in Rutland, Worcester county, Massachusetts; they are 
regularly placed, and the strokes are filled with a black composition nearly as hard 
as the rock itself. The Committee also adds that a similar rock is to be found Tn 
Swanzy, county of Bristol and Commonwealth of Massachusetts, perhaps ten miles 
from the Dighton Rock. 

MINNESOTA. 

The late Mr. P. W. Sbrris, who was connected with the Bureau of 
Ethnology, reported large numbers of pecked totemic characters on the 
horizontal faces of the ledges of rook at Pipestone quarry in Minnesota, 
and presented some imitations of the peckings. There is a tradition 
that it was formerly the custom for each Indian who gathered stone 
(catlinite) for pipes, to inscribe his totem (whether clan or tribal or 
personal totem is not specified) upon the rock before venturing to 
quarry upon this ground. Some of the cliffs in the immediate vicinity 
were of too hard a nature to admit of pecking or scratching, and upon 
these the characters were placed in colors. Mr. Norris distinguished 
bird tracks, the outline of a bird resembling a pelican, deer, turtle, a 
circle with an interior cross, and a human figure. 

Examples of so-called totemic designs from this locality are given in 
Fig. 50, which are reproduced from the work of E. Oronau (a) : 

The same petroglyphs and also others at the Pipestone quarry are 
described and illustrated by Prof. N. H. Winchell (a). A part of his 
remarks is as follows : 

On the glaciated surface of the quartzite about the "Three Maidens," which is 
kept clean by the rebound of the winds, are a great many rude inscriptions, which 
were made by pecking <>ut the rock with some sharp-pointed instrument or by the 
use of other pieces of quartzite. They are of different sizes and dates, the latter 
being evinced by their manner of crossing and interfering and by the evident dif- 
ference in the weight of the instruments used. They generally represent some animal, 
such as the turtle, bear, wolf, buffalo, elk, and the human form. The "crane's foot " 
is the most common ; next is the image of men ; next the turtle. It would seem as if 
any warrior or hunter who had been successful and happened to pass here left his 
tribute of thanks to the great spirit in a rude representation of bis game and perhaps 
a figure of himself on the rocks about these bowlders, or perhaps had in a similar 
way invoked the good offices of the spirits of his clan when about to enter on some 
expedition. In some cases there is a connection of several figures by a continuous 
line, chipped in the surface of the rock in such a manner as i f sonic legend or adven- 
ture were narrated, but for the most part the figures are isolated. This is the "sacred 
ground" of the locality. Such markings can be seen at no other place, though there 
is abundance of bare, smooth rock. (Similar inscriptions are found on the red 



88 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



quartzite in Cottonwood county). The, excavation of the surface of the rock is very 
slight, generally not exceeding a sixteenth of an inch, and sometimes only enough 
to leave a tracing of the designed form. The hardness of the rock was a- harrier to 
deep sculpturing with the imperfect instruments of the ahorigines; hut it has effect- 
ually preserved the rude forms that were made. The fine glacial scratches that are 
abundantly scattered over this quartzite indicate the tenacity with which it retains 
all such impressions, and will warrant the assignment of any date to these inscrip- 
tions that may he called for within the human period. Yet it is prohahle that 
they date back to no very great antiquity. They pertain, at least, to the dynasty 
of the present Indian tribes. The totems of the turtle and the bear, which are 
known to have been powerful among the clans of the native races in America at the 
time of the earliest European knowledge of them, and which exist to this day, are 
the most frequent objects represented. The " crane?s foot," or " turkey foot," or 
"bird track," terms which refer perhaps to the same totem sign — the snipe — is not 
only common on these rocks, but is seen among the rock inscriptions of Ohio, and 
was one of the totems of the Iroquois, of New York. 




Fig. 50.— Petroglyplis at Pipestone. Minn. 



In June, 1892, Mr. W. H. Holmes, of the Bureau of Ethnology, visited 
the Pipestone quarry and took a number of tracings of the petroglyphs, 
which unfortunately were received too late for insertion in the present 
work. Some of his remarks are as follows: 

The trouble with the figures copied and published by Prof. Winchell is that they 
are not arranged in the original order. It will now be impossible to correct this 
entirely, as most of the stones have been taken up and removed. * * * The Win- 
chell drawings were evidently drawn by eye and have a very large personal equa- 
tion; besides, they are mixed up while appearing to be in some order. The few 
groups that I was able to get are, it seems to me, of more interest than all the single 
figures you could put in a book. There can be, little doubt that in the main this 



MALLEET.] 



IN MINNESOTA. 



89 



great group of pictures was arranged m definite order, agreeing with the arrange- 
ments of mythical personages and positions usual in the aboriginal ceremonials of 
the region. It is a great pity that the original order has been destroyed, but the 
inroads of relic hunters and inscription cranks made it necessary to take up the 
stones. One large stone was taken to Minneapolis by Prof. Winchell. There are a 
few pieces still in place. All were near the base of one of the great granite bowlders, 
and it is said here that formerly, within the memory of the living, the place was 
visited by Indians who wished to consult the gods. 

The following description is extracted from the account of Mr. James 
W. Lynd (6) : 

Numerous high bluffs and clifi's surround it; the Pipestone quarry and the alluvial 
flat below these, in which the quarry is situated, contains a huge bowlder that rests 
upon a flat rock of glistening, smooth appearance, the level of which is but a few 
inches above the surface of the ground. Upon the portions of this rock not covered 
by the bowlder above and upon bowlder itself are carved sundry wonderful figures — 
lizards, snakes, otters, Indian gods, rabbits with cloven feet, muskrats with human 
feet, and other strange and incomprehensible things — all cut into the solid granite, 
and not without a great deal of time and labor expended in the performance. * * * 




p f . . ... '* .... . * ';'*?iNcne* 

o ,o zo 30 *o SoceHTiMercRS 

Fig. 5] .— Petroglyplis in Brown's valley, Minnesota. 

A large party of Ehanktonwanna and Teetonwan Dakotas, says the legend, had 
gathered together at the quarry to dig the stone. Upon a sultry evening, just before 
sunset, the heavens suddenly became overclouded by a heavy rumbling thunder and 
every sign of an approaching storm, such as frequently arises on the prairie without 



90 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



much warning. Each one hurried to his lodge, expecting a storm, when a vivid flash 
of lightning, followed immediately l>y a crashing peal of thunder, broke over them, 
and, looking towards the huge bowlder beyond their camp, they saw a pillar or 
column of smoke standing upon it, which moved to and fro, and gradually settled 
down into the outline of a huge giant, seated upon the bowlder, with one long arm 
extended to heaven and the other pointing down to his feet. Peal after peal of 
thunder, and flashes of lightning in quick succession followed, and this figure then 
suddenly disappeared. The next morning the Sioux went to this bowlder and found 
these figures and images upon it, where before there had been nothing, and ever 
since that the place has been regarded as wakan or sacred. 

Mr. T. H. Lewis (b) gives a description of Fig. 51. 

This bowlder is in the edge of the public park, on the north end of the plateau at 
Brown's valley, Minnesota. The bowlder has a flat surface with a western exposure, 
is irregular in outline, and is about 5 feet 8 inches in diameter, and firmly imbedded 
in the terrace. 

The central figure, a, undoubtedly represents a man, although the form is some- 
what conventional; b represents a bird; c represents a tortoise; d is a cross and 
circle combined, but the circle has a groove extending from it; e, f, and g, although 
somewhat in t e shape of crosses, probably represent bird tracks ; 7i and i are non- 
descript in character, although there must be some meaning attached to them; k 
and I are small dots or cups cut into the bowlder. 

The figures as illustrated are one-eighth of their natural size, and are also correct 
in their relative positions one to the other. The work is neatly done although the 
depth of the incisions is very slight. 

MONTANA. 

Mr. Charles Hallock. of Washington. D. C, reports the occurrence 
of pictured rocks near Fort Assiuiboin, Montana, but does not mention 
whether they are colored or incised, and also fails to describe the gen- 
eral type of the characters found. 

NEBRASKA. 

The following (condensed) description of petroglyphs found in Dakota 
county, Nebraska, is furnished by Mr. J. H. Quick, of Sioux City, Iowa: 

The petroglyphs are found upon the face of a sandstone cliff in a deep ravine at a 
point where two watercourses (dry for the most part), meet about 20 miles south of 
Sioux City, Io-yva, but in Dakota county, in the State of Nebraska. At this point the 
range of bluffs which bounds the Missouri river bottom is deeply cut through by the 
above-mentioned ravine, which runs in a northerly direction towards the Missouri. 
Another ravine coming from the southwest leaves this narrow point of land between 
the two ravines, rising to a height of 50 to 75 feet above the bottom of the ravines. 
For some distance from the point this cape, if I may so term it, shows ledges of 
sandstone cropping out on both sides. And exactly at the point and for some rods 
back on the east side are found the pictographs under consideration. 

The rocks are of two kinds, a few feet of hard jasperous sandstone superimposed 
on about the same thickness of sandstone so soft that it can be crumbled to pieces in the 
fingers. The lower soft strata have been worn away, leaving the upper harder layers 
jutting out to a distance of several feet over and completely sheltering them. And 
on the smooth surface of these lower softstrata, protected by the overhanging ledge 
above, shut in by bluffs 200 feet high on the east and sheltered from the winds by 
dense underwood and scrubby forest trees, are carved these pictographs. These 
safeguards, combined with the advantage of a very secluded situation, have com- 
bined to preserve them, very little marred by careless and mischievous hands. 



1 



MALLERY.] 



IN NEBRASKA. 



91 



The eagle or "thunder-bird" figures are quite numerous. There are also many of 
the ' ' buffalo track " and of the ' ' turkey track " figures. I call tbem ' ' turkey tracks " 
because they all show a spur and seem to represent some of the large gallinaciw. 

In one of the groups, which I will call the " bear-fight group," we are at a loss to 
determine whether the figure of the small animal was a part of the original design 
or a subsequent interpolation. It seemed genuine, but was not so deeply carved as 
the other figures. The same may be said of the diagonal bars across the figure of 
the bear. 

In the other group, which I will term the "turkey-track group," there are some 
figures of which we could not even imagine the meaning. But they are undoubtedly 
genuine, and seem to belong to the same design as the other figure. 

The "bear-track" figures are very numerous and of several different sizes. A cat- 
like figure, which we call a panther, shows faintly. It is about effaced by time. 
Other figures reminded us of a crab or crawfish, but we were unable to determine 
whether the line runuing back just below belongs to it or not. 

1 am informed by the same gentleman who saw these petroglyphs in 1857 that there 
were at one time many more some 3 or 4 miles from this place, near Homer, Nebraska, 
in the vicinity of a large spring, but he also said that as it is a favorite picnic 
ground for the country people the carvings are probably destioyed. I presume 
others may be found in these bluffs. 

1 surmise that the almost cave-like nature of the place where the carvings I have 
above attempted to describe are situated rendered it a favorite camping ground and 
resting place; and also that the ravines above mentioned made easy trails from the 
Missouri bottom up to the higher grounds farther from the river, because it obviated 
the ascent of the very steep bluffs. 

The Winnebago Indian reservation is a few miles south of this locality, but they 
were placed here by the Government as late as from 1860 to 1865. Previous to that 
time I think this ground was occupied by the Omahas. I have been unable to gain 
any information as to the Indians who carved these figures or as to their meaning. 



The most instructive of the petroglyphs, copies of which are kindly 
furnished by Mr. Quick, is presented as PI. xiii, and selected sketches 
from that and the other petroglyphs copied are shown as Pigs. 52 and 53. 



Frank La Fleche, of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, in February, 1886, 
communicated the following: 

Ingna'^e gika^a-ina is the Omaha name of a rock ledge on the banks of the Mis- 
souri river, near the Santee agency, Nebraska. This ledge contains pictographs of 




Fig. 52.— Characters from Nebraska petroglyphs. 



92 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



men who passed to the happy limiting grounds, of life size, the sandstone being so 
soft that the engravings would he made with a piece of wood. They are represented 
with the special cause (arrow, gun, etc.), which sped them to hades. The souls 
themselves are said to make these pietographs before repairing "to the spirits." 




Fig. 63 Characters from Nebraska iwlroylyplm. 



Eev. J. Owen Dorsey, of the Bureau of Ethnology, says that the 
probable rendering of the term when corrected is, "Spirit(s) they- 
made-themselves the (place where)." 



Petroglyphs have been found by members of the U. S. Geological 
Survey at the lower extremity of Pyramid lake, Nevada, though no ac- 
curate reproductions are available. These characters are mentioned as 
incised upon the surface of basalt rocks. 

Petroglyphs also occur in considerable numbers on the western slope 
of Lone Butte, in the Carson desert. All of these appear to have been 
produced on the faces of bowlders and rocks by pecking and scratch- 
ing with some hard mineral material like quartz. 




A communication from Mr. R. L. Fulton, of Reno, Nevada, tells that 
the drawing now reproduced as Fig. 54 is a pencil sketch of curious 
petroglyphs on a rock on the Carson river, about 8 miles below old 



MALLEKY.] 



IN NEVADA. 



93 



Fort Churchill. It is the largest and most important one of a group 
of similar characters. It is basaltic, about 4 feet high and equally 
broad. 

Mr. Fulton gives the following description : 

The rook spoken of has an ohlong hole about 2 inches by 4 and 16 inches deep at 
the left end, which has been chipped out before the lines were drawn, if it was not 
some form of the ancient mill which is so common, as it seems to be the starting 
point for the whole scheme of the artist. The rock lies with a broad, smooth top 
face at an angle towards the south, and its top and southeast side are covered with 
lines and marks that convey to the present generation no intelligence whatever, so 
far as I can learn. 

A line half an inch wide starts at the hole on the left and sweeping downward 
forms a sort of border for the work until it reaches midway of the rock, when it suddenly 
turns up and mingles with the hieroglyphics above. Two or three similar lines cross 
at the top of the stone, and one runs across and turns along the north side, losing 
itself in a coating of moss that seems as hard and dry and old as the stone itself. 
From the line at the bottom a few scallopy looking marks hang that may be a part 
of the picture, or it may be a fringe or ornament. The figures are not pictures of 
any animal, bird, or reptile, but seem to be made up of all known forms and are 
connected by wavy, snake-like lines. Something which might be taken for a dog 
with a round and characterless head at each end of the body, looking towards you, 
occupies a place near the lower line. The features are all plain enough. A deer's 
head is joined to a patchwork that has something that might be taken for 4 legs 
beneath it. Bird's claws show up in two or three places, but no bird is near them. 
Snaky figures run promiscuously through the whole thing. A circle at the right 
end has spokes joining at the center which run out and lose themselves in the maze 
outside. 

The best known and largest collection of marks that I know of covers a large 
smooth ledge at Hopkins Soda Springs, 12 miles south of the summit on the Central 
Pacific railroad. The rock is much the same in character as those I have described, 
but the groundwork in this case is a solid ledge 10 feet one way and perhaps 40 the 
other, all closely covered with rude characters, many of which seem to point to 
human figures, animals, reptiles, etc. The ledge lies at an angle of 45°, and 
must have been a tempting place lor a lazy artist who chanced that way. 

Many other places on the Truckee river have such rocks all very much alike, and 
yet each bearing its own distinct features in the marking. Near a rock half a mile 
east of Verdi, a station on the Central Pacific railroad, 10 miles east of Eeno, lie 
two others, the larger of which has lines originating in a hole at the upper right- 
hand corner, all running in tangents and angles, making a double-ended kind of an 
arrangement of many-headed arrows, pointing three ways. A snail-like scroll lies 
between the two arms, but does not touch them. Below are blotches, as if the artist 
had tried his tools. 

This region has been roamed over by the Washoe Indians from a remote period, 
but none of them know anything of these works. One who has gray hair and more 
wrinkles than hairs, who is bent with age and who is said to be a hundred years 
old, was led to the spot. He said he saw them a heap long time ago, when he was 
only a few summers old, and they looked then just as they do now. 

Mr. Lovejoy, a well-known newspaper man, took up, in 1854, the ranche where 
the rocks lie, and said just before his death that they were in exactly the same con- 
dition when he first saw them as they are to-day. Others say the same, and they 
are certainly of a date prior to the settlement of this coast by Americans and proba- 
bly by the Spanish. 

They are very peculiar in many respects, and the rock is wonderfully adapted to 
the uses to which it has been put. Wherever the surface has been broken the color 



94 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



has changed to gray, and no amount of wear or weather seems to turn it hack. The 
indentation is so shallow as to he imperceptible to sight or touch, and yet the marks 
are as plain as they could be made, and can be seen as far as the rock can be dis- 
tinguished from its fellows. 

It is hardly likely that the work was done without some motive besides the simple 
love of doing it; and it was well and carefully done, too, showing much patience and 
doubtless consumed a good deal of time, as the tools were poor. 

A. large ledge is marked near Meadow lake in Nevada county, and in the state of 
Nevada the petroglyphs cover a route extending from the southeast to the north- 











1 




<XXIo 



Fig. 55.— Petroglyphs at Reveill6, Nevada. 

west corner of the state, crossing the line into California in Modoc county, and leav- 
ing a string of samples clear across the Madeline plains. 

Eight miles below Belmont, in Nye county, Nevada, an immense rock which at 
some time has fallen into the canyon from the porphyry ledge above it has a patch 
of marks nearly 20 feet square. It is so high that a man on horseback can not reach 
the top. 

A number at Reveille, in the same county, are also marked. On the road to Tybo 
every large rock is marked, one of the figures being a semicircle with a short verti- 
cal spoke within the curve. At Reno a heavy black rock a couple of feet across is 



IN NEVADA. 



95 



beautifully engraved to represent a hull's eye of 4 rings, an arrow with a very large 
feather, and one which may mean a man. In a steep canyon 15 miles northeast of 
Reno, in Spanish Spring mountains, several cliffs are well marked, and an exposed 
ledge, where the Carson river has cut off the point of a hill below Big Bend, is 
covered with rings and snakes by the hundred. Several triangles, a well-formed 
square and compass, a woman with outstretched arms holding an olive branch, etc., 

Humboldt county has its share, the best being on a bluff below the old Sheba 
mine. Ten miles south of Pioche are about 50 figures cut into the rock, many of 
them designed to represent mountain sheep. Highly miles farther south, near Kane's 
Spring, the most numerous and perfect specimens of this prehistoric art are found. 
Men on horseback engaged in the pursuit of animals are among the most numerous, 
best preserved, and carefully executed. 

The region I have gone over is of immense size, and must impress everyone with 
the importance of a set of symbols which extends in broken lines from Arizona far 
into Oregon. 

Fig. 55 exhibits engravings at Reveille, Nevada. Great numbers of 
incised characters of various kinds are also reported from the walls of 
rocks flanking Walker river, near Walker lake, Nevada. Waving 
lines, rings, and what appear to be vegetable forms are of frequent 
occurrence. The human form and footprints are also depicted. 

Fig. 56 is a copy of a drawing made by Lieut. A. G. Tassin, Twelfth 
IT. S. Infantry, in 1877, of an ancient rock-carving at the base and in 
the recesses of Dead mountain and the abode of dead bad Indians ac- 
cording to the Mohave mythology. This drawing and its description is 
from a manuscript report on the Mohave Indians, in the library of the 
of the Bureau of Ethnology, prepared by Lieut. Tassin. 

r\ 



^ AT & 4-oo A 



Fig. 56.— Petroglyphs at Dead mountain, Nevada. 

He explains some of the characters as follows : 

(a) Evidently the two different species of mesquite bean. 
(6) Would seem to refer to the bite of the cidatus, and to the use of a certain herb 
for its cure. 

(c) Presumably the olla or water cooler of the Mohaves. 



96 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

The whole of this series of petroglyphs is regarded as being Shinuino 
or Mold. They show a general resemblance to drawings in Arizona, 
known to have been made by the Moki Indians. The locality is within 
the territory of the Shoshonean linguistic division, and the drawings 
are in all probability the work of one or more of the numerous tribes 
comprised within that division. 

NEW MEXICO. 

On the north wall of Canyon de Ohelly, one-fourth of a mile east of 
its mouth, are several groups of petroglyphs, consisting chiefly of vari- 
ous grotesque forms of the human figure, and also numbers of animals, 
circles, etc. A few of them are painted black, the greater portion con- 
sisting of rather shallow lines, which are in some places considerably 
weathered. Further up the canyon, in the vicinity of the cliff dwell- 
ings, are numerous small groups of pictographic characters, consisting 
of men and animals, waving or zigzag lines, and other odd figures. 

Lieut. James H. Simpson (a), in his Journal of a Military Reeonnois- 
sance, etc., presents a number of plates bearing copies of inscriptions 
on rocks in the northwestern part of New Mexico, among which are 
those on the so-called "Inscription rock" at El Moro, here reproduced 
as Fig. 57. The petroglyphs are selected from the south face of the 
rock. Lieut. Simpson states that most of the characters are no higher 
than a man's head, and that some of them are undoubtedly of Indian 
origin. 




Among the many colored etchings and paintings on rock discovered 
by the Pacific railroad expedition in 1853-'54, Lieut. Whipple (e) notes 
those at Rocky dell creek, New Mexico, which were found between the 
edge of the Llano Estacado and the Canadian river.- The stream flows 
through a gorge, upon one side of which a shelving sandstone rock 
forms a sort of cave. The roof is covered with paintings, some evi- 
dently ancient, and beneath are innumerable carvings of footprints, 
animals, and symmetrical lines. He also remarks (d) that figures cut 
upon a rock at Arch spring, near Zuhi, present some faint similarity 
to those at Rocky dell creek. 



IN NEW MEXICO. 



97 



Near Ojo Pescado, in the vicinity of the ruins, are petroglpyhs, also 
reported by Lieut. Whipple (d), which are very much weather-worn 
and have "no trace of a modern hand about them." 

Mr. Edwin A. Hill, of Indianapolis, in a letter, notes petroglyphs on 
the Denver and Eio Grande railroad, between Antonite and Espanola. 
Below Tres Piedras and near Espanola are rude sculptures, lining the 
valley on both sides of the road for a long distance, at least several 
miles. The canyon has a slope of about 45° and contains many 
bowlders, and on every available face pictographs are cut. Figures of 
arrows, hatchets, circles, triangles, bows, spears, turtles, etc., are out- 
lined as if with some cutting-tool. The country had two years before- 
been occupied by Apaches, but far greater age is attributed to the 
petroglyphs. 

Other petroglyphs actually within the geographical area of New 
Mexico are so near the border that they are treated of in connection 
with those of Colorado. 

Prof. E. D. Cope (a) gives a copy of figures which he found on the 
side of a ravine near Abiquiu, on the river Chama. They are cut in 
Jurassic sandstone of medium hardness, and are quite worn and over- 
grown with the small lichen which is abundant on the face of the rock. 

Mr. Gilbert Thompson, of the U. S. Geological Survey, reports his 
observation of petroglyphs at San Antonio springs, 30 miles east of 
Fort Wingate, New Mexico. The human figure, in various forms, occurs, 




Pig. 58.— Petroglyphs at Ojo de Benado, New Mexico. 



as well as numerous other characters, strikingly similar to those fre- 
quent in the country farther west occupied by the Moki Indians. The 
peculiarity of these figures is that the outlines are incised and that 
the depressions thus formed are filled with red, blue or white pig- 
ments. The interior of the figures is simply painted with one or more 
of the same colors. 

Figs. 58 and 59 are reproductions of drawings of petroglyphs from 
Ojo de Benado, south of Zuni, New Mexico. The manuscripts which 
once accompanied them, and which were forwarded to the Bureau of 
10 eth 7 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Ethnology in the usual official manner, have become separated from the 
sketches, and on those there are no indications of the collectors' names. 

The characters are very like others from several localities in the ter- 
ritory and in the adjacent region. The type is that of the Pueblos gen- 
erally. 



J 



IYtroulvplis ;ll < )jc> i 



Mr. Bandelier, in conversation, reported having seen and sketched a 
petroglyph at JSambe, in a canyon about 2 miles east of the pueblo, 
also another at (Jueva Pintada, about 17 miles by the trail northwest 
of Oochiti. 

NEW YORK. 

The following is extracted from Schoolcraft (c) : 

There is a pictographic Indian inscription [now obliterated] in the valley of the 
Hudson, above the Highlands, which from its antiquity and character appears to 




IN NORTH CAROLINA. 



99 



denote the era of the introduction of firearms and gunpowder among the aboriginal 
tribes of that valley. This era, from the well-known historical events of the con- 
temporaneous settlement of New Netherlands and New France, may be with general 
accuracy placed between the years 1609, the date of Hudson's ascent of that stream 
above the Highlands, and the opening of the Indian trade with the Iroquois at the 
present site of Albany, by the erection of Fort Orange, in 1614. * * * 

In a map published at Amsterdam, in Holland, in 1659, the country, for some dis- 
tance both above and below Esopus creek, is delineated as inhabited by the Wara- 
nawankongs, who were a totemic division or enlarged family elan of the Mohikinder. 
They spoke a well-characterized dialect of the Mohigan,_and have left numerous 
geographical names on the streams and physical peculiarities of that part of the 
river coast quite to and above Coxsackie. The language is Algonquin. 

Esopus itself appears to be a word derived from Seepu, the Minsi-Algonquin name 
for a river. 

* * * The inscription may be supposed, if the era is properly conjectured, to 
have been made with metallic tools. The lines are deeply and plainly impressed. 
It is in double lines. The plumes from the head denote a chief or man skilled in the 
Indian medico-magical art. The gun is held at rest in the right hand; the left ap- 
pears to support a wand. [The position of the arm may be merely a gesture.] 

The reproduction here as Fig. 60 is from a rock on the western bank of 
the Hudson, at Esopus landing. It is presented mainly on account of 
the frequent allusions to it in literature. 

NORTH CAROLINA. 

Mr. James Mooney, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reports petroglyphs 
upon a gray gneissoid rock, a short distance east of Caney river, on the 
north side of the road from Asheville to Burnsville, North Carolina. The 
face of the surface is at an angle of 30° toward the south, and the 
sculptured area covers about 10 feet square. The characters consist 
chiefly of cup-shaped depressions, some about 2 inches deep, some being 
also connected. There are a few markings which appear to have been 
intended to represent footprints. The characters resemble, to some 
extent, those at Trap Bock gap, Georgia, and at the Juttaculla rock, 
North Carolina, on a branch of the Tuckasegee river, above Webster. 

The above-described sculptured rock is on the property of Ellis Gard- 
ner, and is known as Gardner's, or the " Garden rock." 

Mr. Mooney also reports that at Webster, North Carolina, there is 
one large rock bearing numerous petroglyphs, rings, cup-shaped depres- 
sions, fish-bone patterns, etc. He farther states, upon the authority 
of Dr. J. M. -Spainhour, of Lenoir, that upon a light gray rock measur- 
ing 4 feet by 30 are numerous cup-shaped petroglyphs, he having* 
counted 215. The rock is on the Yadkin river, 4 miles below Wilkes- 
boro, and is at times partly under water. 

Dr. Hoffman, who in 1886 visited western North Carolina, gives the 
following account of colored pictographs found there by him. 

" The locality known as 1 Paint rock ' is situated on the east or right 
bank of the French Broad river, about 100 yards above the Tennessee 
and North Carolina state line. The limestone cliff, which terminates 
abruptly near the river, measures about 100 feet in height and covers. 



100 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



an area from side to side of exposure of at least 100 yards. The accom- 
panying view (Fig. 61), taken from across the river, presents the wall 
of limestone rock and the position of the petroglyph, which is delineated 
in proper proportion nearly in the center of the illustration. 




Pig. 61 Paint rock, North Carolina. 



" The property belongs to Mr. J. W. Chockley, who has been living in 
the vicinity for about fifteen years. He states that during this time 
the pictograph has uudergone some change on account of gradual dis- 
integration or fracture of the rock. The first knowledge of the picto- 
graph, according to local tradition, dates back about sixty years, and 
no information as to its import could be learned, either from the white 
residents, who are few in number, or the straggling Cherokee Indians 
who visit the railway station at odd intervals." 

The pictograph is peculiar in design, no animal forms being apparent 
but an indefinite number of short, straight lines at right angles to one 
another, as shown in Fig. 62. One-thirty-sixth actual size. 




Fig. 62.— Petroglyphs on Paint rock, North Carolina. 

The characters are in dark red, probably a ferrous oxide, quantities 
of which are found in the neighborhood. The color appears to have 



IN NORTH CAROLINA AND OHIO. 



101 



penetrated the softer portions of the limestone, though upon the harder 
surfaces it has been removed by exposure to the elements. The lower- 
most figure appears to resemble a rude outline of a human form, with 
one arm lowered and reaching forward, though this is only a suggestion. 

Upon the face of the rock, a few yards to the right of the above, are 
indistinct outlines of circles, several of which indicate central spots, 
and one, at least, has a line extending from the center downward for 
about 8 inches. 

OHIO. 

A large number of petroglyphs are reported from this state. It is 
sufficient to present the following examples extracted, with reproduced 
illustrations and abbreviated descriptions, from the Report of the Com- 
mittee of the State Archaeological Society, published in the Report of 
the Ohio State Board of Centennial Managers. 

Fig 63 is a copy of the petroglyph on the Newark Track rock. 




Fig. 63.— Newark Track rock, Ohio. 



It is described in the volume cited, pages 94, 95, as follows: 

The inscriptions m ar Newark, in Licking county, Ohio, originally covered a ver- 
tical face of conglomerate rock, 50 or 60 feet in length, by 6 and 8 feet in height. 
This rock is soft and, therefore, the figures are easily erased * * *. About the 
year 1800 it became a place where white men sought to immortalize themselves by 
cutting their names across the old inscription * * *. 

On the rock faces and detached sandstone blocks of the banks of the Ohio river 
there are numerous groups of intaglios, but in them the style is quite different from 
those to which I have referred, and which are located in the interior. Those on the 
Ohio river resemble the symbolical records of the North American Indians, such as 
the Kelley Island stone, described in Schoolcraft by Capt. Eastman, the Dighton 
rock, the Big Indian rock of the Susquehanna, and the "God rock" of the Allegheny 
river. In those the supposed bird track is generally wanting. The large sculptured 
rock near Wellsville, which is only visible at low water of the Ohio, has among the 
figures one that is prominent on the Barnesville stones. This is the fore foot of the 
bear, with the outside toe distorted and set outward at right angles. 

Other sculptured rocks of a similar character have been found in Fairfield, Bel- 
mont, Cuyahoga, and Lorain counties. 



104 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



In Fig. 07, referring to another block mentioned in the same report, 
lying 20 feet south of the one first mentioned, there is a duplication of 
the characters before noted — human footprints, bear and turkey tracks, 
and the indication of what may be intended to represent a serpent. 




Fig. 08, from p. 105 of the same volume, gives copies of sketches from 
the rocks near Wellsville, Ohio, with remarks as follows: 

On the Ohio side of the river, 1 mile above Wellsville, there is a large group of 
sculptures on a fiat sand rock of the coal series, scarred by floating ice and flood 
wood. They are only visible in low water, as they are only 2 or 3 feet above the ex- 
treme low stage of the river. * * They are made in double outline and not by 
a single deep channel. The outlines are a series of dots made with a round-pointed 
instrument, seldom more than half an inch deep. 

The upper design is a rattlesnake with a fancy head and tail. Its length is 44- feet, 
a very clumsy affair, but intended for the common yellow rattlesnake of the West. 

The head of the snake, which occupies a space 6 inches square, 
is represented in the second character, which is reduced from 
a tracing size of nature. It brings to mind the horned snake 
of the Egyptians, which was an object of worship by them. 

The character at the left hand of the lower line may be an 
uncouth representation of a demon or evil spirit. The right- 
Fig. G8. — Petroglyphs, hand character is probably an otter carrying a vine or string 
WeUsville, Ohio. - n hig mout h. 

It is more probable that the lines from the mouth of the animal indi- 
cate magic or supernatural power, of which many examples appear in 
this paper, as also of the device in the region of the animal's heart, 
from which a line extends to the mouth. These characteristics connect 
the glyph with the Ojibwa drawings on bark. 



Many bowlders and rock escarpments at and near the Dalles of the 
Columbia river, Oregon, are covered with incised or pecked glyphs. 




IN OREGON. 



105 



Some of them are representations of human figures, but characters of 
other forms predominate. 

Mr. Albert S. Gatschet, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reports the dis- 
covery by him, in 1878, of rock etchings 4 miles from Gaston, Oregon, 
and 2i miles from the ancient settlement of the Tualati (or Atfalati) In- 
dians. These etchings are about 100 feet above the valley bottom on 
six rocks of soft sandstone, projecting from the grassy hillside of Pat- 
ten's valley, opposite Darling Smith's farm, and are surrounded with 
timber on two sides. 

This sandstone ledge extends for one-eighth of a mile horizontally 
along the hillside, upon the projecting portions of which the inscrip- 
tions are found. These rocks differ greatly in size, and slant forward 
so that the inscribed portions are exposed to the frequent rains of that 
region. The first rock, or that one nearest the mouth of the canyon, 
consists of horizontal zigzag lines and a detached straight line, also 
horizontal. On another side of the same rock is a series of oblique 
parallel lines. Some of the most striking characters found upon other 
exposed portions of the rock appear to be human figures, i. e., circles 
to which radiating lines are attached, and bear indications of eyes 
and mouth, long vertical lines running downward as if to represent the 
body, and terminating in a furcation, as if intended for legs, toes, etc. 
To the right of one figure is an arm and three-fingered hand (similar to 
some of the Moki characters), bent downward from the elbow, the 
humerus extending at a right angle from the body. Horizontal rows 
of short vertical lines are placed below and between some of the figures, 
probably numerical marks of some kind. 

Other charaders occur of various forms, the most striking being an 
arrow pointing upward, with two horizontal lines drawn across the 
shaft, and with vertical lines having short oblique lines attached 
thereto. 

Mr. Gatschet remarks that the Tualati tell a trivial story to explain 
the origin of these pictures, the substance of which is as follows : The 
Tillamuk warriors living on the Pacific coast were often at variance 
with the several Kalapuya tribes. One day, passing through Patten's 
valley to invade the country of the Tualati, they inquired of a woman 
how far they were from their camp. The woman, desirous not to betray 
her own countrymen, said they were yet at a distance of one (or two?) 
days' travel. This made them reflect over the intended invasion, and, 
holding a council, they decided to withdraw. In commemoration of 
this the inscription, with its numeration marks, was incised by the 
Tualati. 

Dr. Charles Ran received from Dr. James S. Denison, physician at 
the Klamath agency, Lake county, Oregon, a communication relative 
to the practice of painting figures on rocks in the territory of the Kla- 
math Indians in Oregon. There are in that neighborhood many rocks 
bearing painted figures; but Dr. Eau's (b) description refers specially 



106 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



to a single rock, called Kta-i Tupakshi (standing rock), situated about 
50 yards north of Sprague river and 150 yards from the junction of 
Sprague and Williamson rivers. It is about 10 feet high, 14 feet long, 
and 12 or 11 feet deep. Fig. 69, drawn one-twelfth of the natural size, 
illustrates the character of the paintings seen on the smooth southern 
surface of this rock. The most frequent designs are single or concen- 
tric circles, like Fig. 69, a, which consists of a dark red circle sur- 
rounded by a white one, the center being formed by a round red spot. 
Fig. 69, b, painted in dark red and white colors, exhibits a somewhat 
Mahadeo-like shape; the straight appendage of the circle is provided 
on each side with short projecting lines, alternately red and white, and 
almost producing the effect of the so-called herring-bone ornament. 




b c d 

PlO. G9.-Petroglyphs in Lake county, Oregon. 



Fig. 69, c and d, executed in dark red, are other designs seeu on the 
standing rock above mentioned. The colors, which, as the informant 
thinks, are rubbed in with grease, appear quite distinct on the dark 
surface of the rock. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Along the river courses in northern and western Pennsylvania many 
rocks are found bearing traces of carvings, though, on account of the 
character of the geological formations, some of them are nearly oblit- 
erated. 

In 1875 Mr. P. W. Shafer published in a historical map of Pennsylvania 
several groups of pictographs. These had before appeared in a rude 
and crowded form in the Transactions of the Anthropological Institute 
of New York, 1871-'72, page 66, where the localities are mentioned as 
"Big" and "Little" Indian rocks, respectively. One of these rocks is 
in the Susquehanna river, below the dam at Safe harbor, and the draw- 
ing clearly shows its Algonquian origin. The characters are nearly all 
either animals or various forms of the human body. Birds, bird tracks, 
and serpents also occur. A part of this pictograph is presented below, 
Fig. 1089. 

Dr. W. J. Hoffman visited this place during the autumn of 1889 and 
made sketches of the petroglyphs. The Algonquian type of delineation 
of objects is manifest. 



MALLERY.] 



BIG INDIAN ROCK, PENNSYLVANIA. 



107 



The rock known as "Big Indian rock" is in the Susquehanna rfver, 
three-fourths of a mile below the mouth of Conestoga creek and about 
400 yards from the eastern bank of the Susquehanna. It is one of 
many, but larger than any other in the immediate vicinity, measur- 
ing about 60 feet in length, 30 feet in width, and an average height of 
about 20 feet. The upper surface is uneven, though smoothly worn, 
and upon this are pecked the characters, shown in Pig. 70. 



y 




%7s 

A 

Fig. 70.— Big Indian rock, Pennsylvania. 

The characters, through exposure to the elements, are becoming 
rather indistinct, though a few of them are pecked so deep that they 
still present a depression of from one-fourth to one-half an inch in 
depth. The most conspicuous objects consist of human figures, thun- 
der birds, and animals resembling the panther. 

"Little Indian rock" is also situated in the Susquehanna river, one- 
fourth of a mile from the eastern bank and a like distance below the 
mouth of Conestoga creek. This rock, also of hard micaceous schist, 
is not so large as the one above mentioned, but bears more interesting 
characters, the most conspicuous being representations of the thunder 
bird, serpents, deer and bird tracks, etc. 

Prof. Persifor Frazer, jr., (b) remarks upon the gradual obliteration 
of these pictographs, and adds : 

In addition to these causes of obliteration it is a pity to have to record another, 
which is the vandalism of some visitors to the locality who ha ve thought it an e»xcel- 



108 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



lant practical joke to cut spurious figures alongside of and sometimes over those 
made by the Indians. It is not unlikely, too, that the "fish pots" here, as in the 
case of the Bald Friar's inscriptions, a few miles below the Maryland line, may have 
been constructed in great part out of fragments of rock containing these hieroglyph- 
ics, so that the parts of the connected story which they relate are separated and the 
record thus destroyed. 




Fig. 71.— Little Indian rock, Pennsylvania. 



Others have cut their initials or full names in these rocks, thus for an obscure 
record whose unriddling would award the antiquarian, substituting one, the correct 
deciphering of which leads to obscurity itself. 

At McOalls ferry, on the Susquehanna river, in Lancaster county, 
and on the right shore near the water's edge, is a gray gneissoid flat 
rock, bearing petroglyphs that have been pecked upon the surface. 
It is irregular in shape, measuring about 3i by 4 feet in superficial 
area, upon which is a circle covering nearly the entire surface, in the 
middle of which is a smaller circle with a central point. On one side 
of the inner space, between the outer and inner circles, are a number of 
characters resembling human figures and others of unintelligible form. 
The petroglyph is represented in Fig. 72. 




The resemblance between these drawings and those on Dighton rock 
is to be noted, as well as that between both of them and some in Ohio. 
All those localities are within the area formerly occupied by tribes of 
the Algonquian stock. 



IN PENNSYLVANIA. 



109 



Near Washington, Lancaster county, Pennsylvania, on "Mill stream," 
one-fourth of a mile above its junction with the Susquehauna river, is a 
large bowlder of gray saudstone (Fig. 73), the exposed portion of which 
bears several deeply incised liues which appear to have served as topo- 
graphic indicators, as several others of like kind occur farther down- 
stream. The longest incision is about 28 inches in length, the next one 
parallel to it, about 14 inches, while the third character is V-shaped, 
one arm of which is about 10 inches in length and the other 12. The 
apex of this character points in a southeast direction. 

One-eighth of a mile farther down is another bowlder, also near the 
water, which bears shorter lines than the preceding, but in general 
pointing almost southeast and northwest. 

The workmanship is similar to that at Oonowingo, Maryland, at the 
site of the Bald Friar rocks. The marks appear to have been chipped 
to a considerable depth and then rubbed with sand and some hard sub- 
stance so as to present a smooth and even surface, removing all or 
nearly all of the pecked surface. 




Fig. 73.— Petroglyph near Washington, Pennsylvania, 

Mr. P. W. Shafer, on the same historical map of Pennsylvauia before 
mentioned, presents also a group of pictures copied from the originals 
on the Alleghany river, in Venango county, 5 miles south of Franklin, 
on what is known as the Indian God rock. There are but six charac- 
ters furnished in his copy, three of which are variations of the human 
form, while the others are undetermined. 

This rock was visited in 1886 by Dr. Hoffman, who made a number of 
drawings of objects represented, of which only those in Fig. 74 are 
here reproduced. The face of the bowlder bearing the original petro- 
glyphs has been much disfigured by visitors who, in endeavoring to dis- 
play their skill by pecking upon the surface names, dates, and other 



110 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

designs, have so injured it that it is difficult to trace the original 
characters. 




Fig. 74.— Petroglyphs on "Indian God rock." 



Fig. 74, a, represents, apparently, a panther. Above and beneath it 
are markings resembling wolf tracks, while farther down is a turkey 
track, and in the left-hand lower corner is a human form, such as is 
usually found upon rocks in the areas represented by Shoshonian tribes. 

The design at b is much mutilated and eroded, and may originally 
have been a character like a, the first of this series. 

The characters at c and d are evidently human faces, the former rep- 
resenting that of the sun, the latter being very much like a mask. That 
at e is found upon other Algouquian rocks, notably those called "Bald 
Friar," Maryland, in the Susquehanna river, immediately below the 
state hue of Pennsylvania. 

The bowlder upon which these petroglyphs are engraved lies at the 
water's edge, and during each freshet the lower half of the surface and 
sometimes even more is under water. At these times floating logs, 
impelled according to tbe curve in the river immediately above, are 
directed toward tbis rock, which may explain the worn surface and 
the eroded condition of the sculpture. 

Mr. J. Sutton Wall, of Monongahela city, describes in correspond- 
ence a rock bearing pictographs opposite the town of Millsboro, in Fay- 
ette county, Pennsylvania. This rock is about 390 feet above the level 
of the Monongahela river, and belongs to tbe Waynesburg stratum of 
sandstone. It is detached and rests somewhat below its true horizon. 
It is about 6 feet in thickness, and lias vertical sides; only two figures 
are carved on the sides, the principal inscriptions being on tbe top, and 
all are now considerably worn. Mr. Wall mentions the outlines of 
animals and some other figures formed by grooves or channels cut from 
an inch to a mere trace in depth. No indications of tool marks were 



IN PENNSYLVANIA. 



Ill 



discovered. The footprints are carved depressions. The character 
marked z, near the lower left-hand corner, is a circular cavity 7 inches 
deep. A copy of the inscription made in 1882 by Mr. Wall and Mr. 
William Arison is reproduced as Fig. 75 




PiG. 75.— Petroglyph at Millsboro, Pennsylvania, 



Again the resemblance between these drawings, those on Dighton 
rock, and some of those in Ohio, introduced above, is to be noted, and 
the fact that all these localities are within the area formerly occupied 
by tribes of the Algonquian stock. 

Mr. Wall also contributes a group of glyphs on what is known as 
the "Geneva Picture rock," in the Monongahela valley, near Geneva. 
These are footprints and other characters similar to those from Hamil- 
ton farm, West Virginia, which are shown in Fig. 1088. 

Mr. L. W. Brown, of Bedstone, Fayette county, Pennsylvania, men- 
tions a rock near Layton, in that county, which measures about 15 
by 25 feet in area, upon the surface of which occur a number of petro- 
glyphs consisting of the human figure, animals, and footprints, some 



112 



PICTUJRE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



of which are difficult to trace, From a rough sketch reproduced as 
Fig. 76, made by Mr. Brown, these appear to be Algonquian in type. 




Fig. 76.— Petr«!jl.v|>lis m-ar l.ayton, IVniisylviiiiia 



Mr. Brown also submitted lor examination two pieces of chocolate- 
colored, smooth, fine grained slate, of hard texture, bearing upon the 
several sides outlines of incised figures. The specimens were found in 
Indian graves in Fayette county, Pennsylvania. The outline of the 



IN EHODE ISLAND. 



113 



incisions, although they are not strictly petroglyphs, are reproduced in 
Figs. 77 and 78. 

The designs are made in delicate lines, as if scratched with a sharply 
pointed piece of quartz, or possibly metal. The character d on Fig. 
78 is the representation of a fish, which has been accentuated by addi- 
tional cutting since found. The characters resemble the Algonquian 
type, many of them being frequently found among those tribes living 
along the Great Lakes. 




Fig. 78.— Glyphs in Fayette county, Pennsylvania. 



EHODE ISLAND. 

In 0. C. Rafn's Antiq. Amer. (c), is the following account: 
Portsmouth rocks. — The rocks, for there are several of them, are situated on the 
western side of the island of Rhode Island, in the town of Portsmouth, on the shore, 
about 7 miles from Newport, taking the western road, and 4 miles from Bristol 
ferry. * * * They are partially, if not entirely, covered by water at high tide; 
and such was the state of the tide and the lateness of the hour when the location 
was ascertained, that I was unable to make a thorough examination of them. I saw 
sufficient, however, to satisfy me that they were formerly well covered with char- 
acters, although a large portion of them have become obliterated by the action of 
air and moisture, and probably still more by the attrition of masses of stone against 
them in violent storms and gales, and by the ruthless ravages of that most destruc- 
tive power of all, the hand of man. 

Tiverton rocks [op. cit. rZ]. — Their situation may be thus known: by tracing along 
the east side of the map of Rhode Island until you strike Tiverton, and then follow- 
ing along to the southwest extremity of that town, the Indian name Puncoteast, also 
the English names Almy and High Hill, will be seen. The inscriptions are on masses 
of Graywacke. * * * We can only state they were occupied with some kind of 
characters. 

These two inscriptions are pictured, op. cit., Table xiii. 
10 eth 8 



114 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



SOUTH DAKOTA. 

Mr. T. H. Lewis (c), gives a description of Fig. 79 as follows: 

This bowlder is on a high terrace on the west side of the Minnesota river, 14 miles 
south of Browns valley, and is in Roberts county, South Dakota. It is oblong in 
form, being 34 feet in length, 2 feet in width, and is firmly imbedded in the ground. 

Of the characters a aud b are undoubtedly tortoises ; c is probably intended to repre- 
sent a bird track ; d represents a man, and is similar to the one at Browns valley, 
Minnesota, [Fig. 51, supra;] e is a nondescript of unusual form ; / is apparently in- 
tended to represent a headless bird, in that respect great ly resembling certain earthen 
effigies in the regions to the southeast. 

The figures are about one-fourth of an inch in depth and very smootb, excepting 
along their edges, which roughness is caused by asligbt uuevenDess of the surface 
of the bowlder. 

The same authority, op. cit., describes Fig. 79, g. 

This bowlder, 4 miles northwest of Browns valley, Minnesota, is in Roberts county, 
South Dakota. 

The figures here represented are roughly peeked into the stone, and were never 
finished ; for the grooves that form the pictograph on other bowlders in this region 
have been rubbed until they are perfectly smooth. The face of the bowlder upon 
which these occur is about 2 feet long and It} feet in width. 




Fig. 79.— Petroglyphs in Roberts county, South Dakota. 
TENNESSEE. 

Mr. John Haywood (a) gives the following account: 

About 2 miles below the road which crosses the Harpeth river from Nashville to 
Charlotte is a large mound 30 or 40 feet high. About 6 miles from it is a large rock, 
on the side of the river, with a perpendicular face of 70 or 80 feet altitude. On it, 
below the top some distance and on the side, are painted the sun and moon in yel- 
low colors, which have not faded since the white people first knew it. The figure 
of the sun is 6 feet in diameter; that of the moon is of the old moon. The sun and 
moon are also painted on a high rock on the side of the Cumberland river, in a spot 
which several ladders placed upon each other could not reach, and which is also in- 
aecessiblc except by ropes let down the summit of the rock to the place where the 
painting was performed. * * * The sun is also painted on a high rock on the 
side of the Cumberland river, 6 or 7 miles below Clarksville; and it is said to be 
painted also at the junction of the Holstou and French Broad rivers, above Knox- 
ville, in East Tennessee ; also on Duck river, below the bend called the Devil's El- 
bow, on the west side of the river, on a blutf ; and on a perpendicular flat rock facing 
the river, 20 feet below the top of the bluff and 60 above the water, out of which the 
rock rises, is the painted representation of the sun iu red and yellow colors, 6 feet 



MALLERY. ] 



IN TEXAS. 



115 



in circumference, yellow on the upper side and a yellowish red on the lower. The 
colors are very fresh and unfaded. The rays, both yellow and red, are represented 
as darting from the center. It has heen spoken of ever since the river was navigated 
and has been there from time immemorial. * * * 

The painting on Big Harpeth, before spoken of, is more than 80 feet from the 
water and 30 or 40 below the summit. All these paintings are in unfading colors, 
and on parts of the rock inaccessible to animals of every description except the fowls 
of the air. The painting is neatly executed, and was performed at an immense haz- 
ard of the operator. 

Mr. W. M. Clarke, in Smithsonian Eeport for 1877, page 275, says: 

On the bluffs of the Dig lfarpeth many pictures of Indians, doer, buffalo, and bows 
and arrows are to be seen. These pictures are rudely drawn, but the coloring is as 
perfect now as when first put on. 

Haywood (b) says: 

At a gap of the mountains and near the head of Brasstown creek, which is toward 
the head of the Hiawassee, and among the highlands, is a large horizontal rock on 
which are engraved the tracks of deer, bears, horses, wolves, turkeys, and barefooted 
human beings of all sizes. Some of tbe horses' tracks appear to have slipped for- 
ward. The direction of them is westward. Near them are signs of graves. 

He also (c) gives the following account : 

On the south bank of the Holston, 5 miles above the mouth of French Broad, is a 
bluff of limestone opposite the mounds and a cave in it. The bluff is 100 feet in height. 
On it are painted in red colors, like those on the Paint rock, the sun and moon, a man, 
birds, fishes, etc. The paintings have in part faded within a few years. Tradition 
says these paintings were made by the Cherokees, who were accustomed in their 
journeys to rest at this place. Wherever on the rivers of Tennessee are perpendic- 
ular bluffs, on the sides, and especially if caves be near, are often found mounds 
near them, inclosed in intrenchments, with the sun and moon painted on the rocks, 
and charcoal and ashes in the smaller mounds. These tokens seem to be evincive of 
a connection between the mounds, the charcoal and ashes, the paintings and the 
caves. 

TEXAS. 

Mr. J. E. Bartlett (b) gives the following account: 

About 30 miles from El Paso del Norte, in Texas, very near the boundary line of 
Mexico, there is an overhanging rock, extending for some distance, the whole sur- 
face of which is covered with rude paintings and sculptures, representing men, ani- 
mals, birds, snakes, and fantastic figures. The colors used are black, red, white, 
and a brownish yellow. The sculptures are mere peckings with a sharp instrument 
just below the surface of the rock. The accompanying engravings [reproduced in 
Fig. 80] show the character of the figures and the taste of the designers. Hundreds 
of similar ones are painted on the rocks at this place. Some of them, evidently of 
great age, had been partly defaced to make room for more recent devices. 

The overhanging rock, beneath which we encamped, seemed to have been a favorite 
place of resort for the Indians, as it is at the present day for all passing travelers. 
The recess formed by this rock is about 15 feet in length by 10 in width. Its entire 
surface is covered with paintings, one laid on over the other, so that it is difficult 
to make out those which belong to the aborigines. I copied a portion of these fig- 
ures, about which there can be no doubt as to the origin. They represent Indians 
with shields and bows, painted with a brownish earth ; horses, with their riders ; un- 
couth looking animals, and a large rattlesnake. Similar devices cover the rock in 
every part, but are much defaced. Near this overhanging rock is the largest and 
finest tank or pool of water to be found about here. It is only reached by clamber- 



116" PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



ing on the bauds and knees 15 or 20 feet up a steep rock. Over it projects a gigantic 
bowlder, which, resting- on or wedged between otber rocks, leaves a space of about 4 
feet above the surface of the water. On the underside of this bowlder are fantastic 
designs in red paint, wbicb could only bave been made by persons lying on tbeir 
backs in this cool and skeltered spot. 

Mr. Charles Hallock, of Washington, District of Columbia, gives in- 
formation that there is a locality termed the Painted caves, "on the 
Bio Grande, near Devil's river, in Crockett county, Texas, on the line 
of the ' Sunset ' railroad. Here the rock is gray limestone and the petro- 
glyphs are for the most part sculptured. They are in great variety, 
from a manifest antiquity to the most recent date ; for these cliff cav- 
erns have been from time immemorial the refuge and resort of all sorts 
of wayfarers, marauders, and adventurers, who have painted, cut, and 
carved in every geometrical and grotesque form imaginable." 




Fig. 80.— Petroglyphs near El Paso, Texas. 
UTAH. 



Carvings and paintings on rocks are found in such numbers in the 
southern interior of Utah that a locality there has been named Picto- 
graph rocks. 

Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of the U. S. Geological Survey, collected in 1875 
a number of copies of inscriptions in Temple creek canyon, southeastern 
Utah, and noted their finding as follows : 

The drawings were found only on tbe nortbeast wall of the canyon, wbere it cuts 
the Vermillion cliff sandstone. The chief parts are etched, apparently by pounding 
with a sharp point. The outline of a figure is usually more deeply cut than the 
body. Other marks are produced by rubbing or scraping, and still others by laying 
on colors. Some, not all, of the colors are accompanied by a rubbed appearance, as 
though the material had been a dry chalk. 

I could discover no tools at the foot of the wall, only fragments of pottery, flints, 
and a metate. 

Several fallen blocks of sandstone have rubbed depressions tbat may have been 



PETROGLYPHS IN UTAH. 



117 



ground out in the sharpening of tools. There have heen many dates of inscriptions, 
and each new generation has unscrupulously run its lines over the pictures already 
made. Upon the best protected surfaces, as well as the most exposed, there are 
drawings dimmed beyond restoration and others distinct. The period during which 
the work accumulated was longer by far than the time which has passed since the 
last. Some fallen blocks cover etchings on the wall, and are themselves etched. 

Colors are preserved only where there is almost complete shelter from rain. In 
two places the holes worn in the rock by swaying branches impinge on etchings, 
but the trees themselves have disappeared. Some etchings are left high and dry by 
a diminishing talus (15 to 20 feet), but I saw none partly buried by an increasing 
talus (except in the case of the fallen block already mentioned). 

The painted circles are exceedingly accurate, and it seems incredible that they 
were made without the use of a radius. 

In the collection contributed by Mr. Gilbert there are at least fifteen 
series or groups of figures, most of which consist of the human form 
(from the simplest to the most complex style of drawing), animals, 
either singly or in long files — as if driven — bird tracks, human feet and 
hands, etc. There are also circles, parallel lines, and waving or un- 
dulating liues, spots, and other characters. 

Mr. Gilbert also reports the discovery, in 1883, of a great number of 
pictographs, chiefly in color, though some are only incised, in a canyon 
of the Book cliff containing Thompson's spring, about 4 miles north of 
Thompson's statu n, on the Denver and Colorado Bailroad, Utah. He 
has also furnished a collection of drawings of pictographs at Black 
rock spring, on Beaver creek, north of Milford, Utah. A number of 
fallen blocks of basalt at a low escarpment are filled with etchings upon 
the vertical faces. The characters generally are of an " unintelligible" 
nature, though the human figure is drawn in complex forms. Foot- 
prints and circles abound. 

Mr. I. 0. Bussell, of the U. S. Geological Survey, furnished rude 
drawings of pictographs at Black rock spring, Utah (see Fig. 1093). 
Mr. Gilbert Thompson also discovered pictographs at Fool creek canyon, 
Utah (see Fig. 1094). 

Mr. Vernon Bailey, in a letter dated January 18, 1889, reports that 
in the vicinity of St. George "all along the sandstone cliffs are strange 
figures like hieroglyphics and pictures of animals cut in the rocks, but 
now often worn dim." 

Mr. George Pope, of Provo city, Utah county, in a letter, kindly gives 
an account of an inscription on a rock in a canyon at the mouth of 
Provo river, about 7 miles from the city named. There is no paint seen, 
the inscription being cut. A human hand is conspicuous, being cut 
(probably pecked) to a depth of at least one-third of an inch, and so 
with representations of animals. 

Dr. Bau (c) gives the design of a portion of a group carved on a cliff 
in the San Pete valley at the city of Manti, Utah, now reproduced as 
Fig. 81. He says : 

A line drawn horizontally through the middle of the parallel lines connecting the 
concentric circles would divide the figure into two halves, each bearing a close 



118 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



resemblance to Prof. Simpson's fifth type of cup stones. A copy of the group in 
question was made and published by Lieut. J. W. Gunnison, in The Mormons or 
Latter-Day Saints, etc., Philadelphia, 1853, p. 63. The illustration is taken from 
Bancroft's Native Races (Vol. iv, p. 717). In accordance with Lieut. Gunnison's 
design, the position of (he -rrotesiiuo human figure is changed to the left of the con- 
centric circle. He also says that the Mormon leaders made this aboriginal inscrip- 
tion subservient to their religion- by giving the following translation of it: "I, 
Mahanti, the second king of the Lamanites, in five valleys of the mountains, make 
this record in the twelve hundredth year since we came out of Jerusalem. And I 
have three sons gone to the south country to live by huntini; -antelope and deer." 
* * * Schoolcraft attempts (Vol. in, p. 494) something like an interpretation 
which appears to me fanciful ana unsatisfactory. 



The following extract is made from The Slumimos by F. S. Delleu- 
baugh (a). 

Some of the least disintegrated ruins are situated on the Colorado river, only 
only a short distance below the mouth of the Dirty Devil river. * * * A level 
shelf varying from about 6 to 10 feet in width ran along for 150 feet or more. In most 
places the rocks above protruded as far as the edge of the lower rocks, sometimes 
farther, thus leaving a sort of gallery, generally 7 or 8 feet high. Walls that ex- 
tended to the roof had been built along the outer edge of the natural floor, and the 
inclosed space being subdivided by stone partitions to suit the convenience of the 



builders, the whole formed a series of rather comfortable rooms or houses. The back 
walls of the houses — the natural rock — had on them many groups of hieroglyphics, 
and farther along where there was no roof rock at all the vertical faces had been 
inscribed with seeming great care. Some of the sheltered groups were painted in 
various dull colors, but most of them were chiseled. 

The figure [82] gives a chiseled group. It is easy to sec that these are signs of no low 
order. Considering their great age, their exposure, many of the delicate touches 
must be obliterated. 





Fig. 82.— Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah. 



IN UTAH. 



119 



The inscriptions on this ruin might possibly be the history of the defense of the 
crossing, the stationing of the garrison, the death of officers of rank, etc. 

The following sketches of petroglyphs, with the references attached, are 
taken from the sketch book of Mr. F. S. Dellenbaugh, before referred to. 

The petroglyph, of which Fig. 83 is a copy, appears on a horizontal 
rock 5 miles below the mouth of the Dirty Devil river, Utah. 




Pig. 83.— Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah. 



The characters in Fig. 84 from rocks near the preceding group 
are painted red, with the imprint of a hand- (on the larger figure) in 
white. 




Fig. 84 Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah. 



The petroglyphs reproduced in Fig. 85 are copied from the vertical 
walls near the two groups immediately before mentioned. 

The characters presented in Fig. 86 are copied from a vertical surface 
10 by 16 feet in area and halfway up the ascent to the geodetic point 
west of " Windsor castle," Pipe Spring. The human forms are similar 
in general design to the greater number of such representations made 
by the Shinumo Indians. 

The human forms represented in Fig. 87 are from the vicinity of 
Colorado river, 5 miles below the mouth of the Dirty Devil river. Mr. 



120 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

Dellenbaugh notes that the darkest portions of the figures indicate 
chiseled surface. 




Fig. 85.— Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah. 




Fig. 86. — Petroglyi>liH at Pipe Spring, Utah. 




FIG. 87.— Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah. 




Fig. 88.— Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah. 



PETEOGLYPHS IN VIRGINIA. 



121 



Fig. 88 represents a number of petroglyphs obtained at the same 
locality as the one last mentioned. The greater number of the char- 
acters appear to represent snakes. 

Fig. 89 shows characters from the Shinumo canyon, which, according 
to the draftsman's general notes, are painted. 




Fig. 89.— Petroglyphs in Shinumo canyon, Utah. 



VIRGINIA. 

In 1886 Dr. Hoffman visited a local field 9 miles southwest of Taze- 
well, Tazewell county, Virginia, which can be designated as follows : 
The range of hills bounding the western side of the valley presents at 
various points low cliffs and exposures of Silurian sandstone. About 
4 miles below the vUlage, known as Knob post-office, there is a narrow 
ravine leading up toward a depression in the range, forming a pass to 
the valley beyond, near the summit of which is a large irregular expo- 
sure of rock facing west-southwest, upon the eastern extremity of which 
are a number of pictographs, many of which are still in good preser- 
vation. Fig. 90 is a representation. The westernmost object, i. e. ? 
the one on the extreme left, appears to be a circle about 16 inches in 
diameter, from the outer side of which are short radiating lines giving 
the whole the appearance of a sun. Beneath and to the right of this is 
the outline of an animal resembling a doe. 

Other figures, chiefly human, follow in close succession to the eastern 




FIG. 90.— Petroglyphs in Tazewell county, Virginia. 



edge of the vertical face of the rock, nearly all of which present the 
arms in various attitudes, i. e., extended or raised as in extreme sur- 
prise or adoration. Concentric rings appear at one point, while a th tin- 
der-bird is shown not far away. About 12 feet east of this place are 
several figures resembling the thunder-bird. 
All of the characters, with one exception, are drawn iu heavy or solid 



122 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



lines of dark red paint, presumably a ferruginous coloring material pre- 
pared in the neighborhood, which abounds in iron compounds. The ex- 
ception is one object which appears to have been black, but is now so 
faded or eroded as to seem dark gray. 

The following account of the Tazewell county, Virginia, pictographs 
is taken from Coale's Life, etc., of Waters: (a) 

In August, 1871, the writer went to visit Tazewell county by way of the. salt- 
works. Upon this place are found those stangely painted rocks which have been a 
wonder and a mystery to all who have seen them. The grandfather of Gen. Bowen 
settled the cove in 1766, one hundred and ten years ago, and the paintings were 
there then, and as brilliant to-day as they were when first seen by a white man. 
They consist of horses, elk, deer, wolves, bows and arrows, eagles, Indians, and 
various other devices. The mountain upon which these rocks are based is about 
1,000 feet high, and they lie in a horizontal line about halfway up and arc perhaps 
75 feet broad upon their perpendicular face. 

When it is remembered that the rock is hard, with a smooth white surface, incapa- 
ble of absorbing paint, it is a mystery how the coloring has remained undimmed un- 
der the peltings of the elements for how much longer than a hundred years no one 
can tell. This paint is found near the rocks, and Gen. Bowen informed the writers 
that his grandmother used it for dyeing linsey, and it was a fadeless color. 

As there was a battle fought on a neighboring mountain, between 1740 and 1750, 
between the Cherokees and Shawnees for the possession of a buffalo lick, the remains 
of the rude fortifications being still visible, it is supposed the paintings were hiero- 
glyphics conveying such intelligence to the red man as we now communicate to 
each other through newspapers. 

It was a perilous adventure to stand upon a narrow, inclined ledge without a shrub 
or a root to hold to, with from 50 to 75 feet of sheer perpendicular descent below to 
a bed of jagged bowlders and the home of innumerable rattlesnakes, but I didn't 
make it. I crawled far enough along that narrow slanting ledge with my fingers 
inserted in the crevices of the rocks to see most of the paintings, and then "coon'd" 
it back with equal care and caution. 

Five miles east of the last-noted locality and 7 west of Tazewell, 
high up against a vertical cliff of rock, is visible a lozenge- shaped 
group of red and black squares, known in the locality as the " Hand- 
kerchief rock," because the general appearance of the colored markings 
suggests the idea of an immense bandana handkerchief spread out. 
The picto graph is on the same range of hills as the preceding, but 
neither is visible from any place near the other. The objects can not 
be viewed upon Handkerchief rock excepting from a point opposite to 
it and across the valley, as the locality is so overgrown with large trees 
as to obscure it from any position immediately beneath. The lozenge 
or diamond-shaped figure appears to cover an area about 3 feet in 
diameter. 

WASHINGTON. 

Gapt. Charles Bendire, U. S. Army, in a letter dated Fort Walla- 
walla, Washington, May 18, 1881, mentions a discovery made by Col. 
Henry C. Merriam, then lieutenant-colonel Second United States In- 
fantry, as thus quoted : 

While encamped at the lower end of Lake Chelan, lat. 48° N., he made a trip to 
the upper end of said lake, where he found a perpendicular cliff of granite with a 



MAI.LEJRY.] 



PETROGLYPHS IN WASHINGTON. 



123 



perfectly smooth surface, from 600 to 1,000 feet high, rising out of the lake. On the 
cliff he found Indian picture-writings, painted evidently at widely different periods, 
hut evidently quite old. The oldest was from 25 to 30 feet ahove the present water 
level, and could at the time they were executed only he reached by canoe. The 
paintings are figures, black aud red in color, aud represent Indians with bows and 
arrows, elk, deer, bear, beaver, and fish, and are from 1 foot to 18 inches in size. 
There are either four or five rows of these figures, quite a number in each row. 
The Indians inhabiting this region know nothing of the origin of these pictures, 
and say that none of their people for the past four generations knew anything about 
them. 

Since the preceding letter was written a notice of the same rock has 
been published, together with an illustration, by Mr. Alfred Downing, 
of Seattle, Washington, in " The Northwest," vn, No. 10, October, 1889, 
pp. 3, 4. The description, condensed, is as follows: 

In that part of Washington territory until recent years known as the Moses In- 
dian reservation lies the famous Lake Chelan, 70 miles in length with an average 
width of 2 miles. 

About half a mile from its head, on the western shore and rising from the water, as 
an abrupt and precipitous wall of grauite, stands "Pictured rock." 

The most remarkable feature of the Chelan picture is that the figures represent- 
ing Indians, bear, deer, birds, etc., are painted upon the surface of the smooth 
granite, nearly horizontal, but about 17 feet above the lake; the upper portion of 
the picture being about 2 feet higher. The figures depicted are 5 to 10 inches long. 

The difference between high and low stage of water at any period during the year 
does not exceed 4 feet, and this high-water mark being well defined along the shore, 
it becomes self-evident that these signs were placed there ages ago, when the water was 
17 feet higher than it is now. The granite bluff or walls in this instance are smooth, 
being weather aud water worn, and afford no hold for hand or foot either from 
ahove or below, and from careful observation it would appear to be a physical 
impossibility for either a white or red man to show his artistic skill on those rocks 
unless at the ancient stage of water and with the aid of a canoe or a " dugout." 

The paint or color used was black and red, the latter resembling Venetian. How 
wonderfully the color has stood the test iu the face of the storms to which the lake 
is subject is apparent; only in one or two instances does it to-day show any signs of 
fading or weather-wearing. The signs impressed me as intending to convey the idea 
of the prowess of an Indian chief in the hunt, or as being a page in the history of a 
a tribe, the small perpendicular strokes seen in the lower portion indicating proba- 
bly the number of bear, deer, or other animals slain. 

When referring, in Pacific Eailroad Eeport, vol. i, page 411, to a 
locality on the Columbia river in Washington, between Yakima and 
Pisquouse counties, Mr. George Gibbs mentioned pecked and colored 
petroglyphs which he found there as follows : 

It was a perpendicular rock, on the face of which were carved sundry figures, most 
of them intended for meu. They were slightly sunk into the sandstone and colored, 
some black, others red, and traces of paint remained more less distinctly on all of them. 
These also, according to their [the Indians'] report, were the work of the ancient 
race ; hut from the soft nature of the rock, and the freshness of some of the paint, 
they were probably not of extreme antiquity. 

For another example of petroglyphs from Washington see Fig. 679. 



124 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



WEST VIRGINIA. 

Mr. John Haywood (d) gives the following account : 
In the county of Kenhaway [Kanawha] about 4 miles below the Burning spring, 
and near the mouth of Campbell's creek, in the state of Virginia, is a rock of great 
size, on which, in ancient times, the natives engraved many representations. There 
is the figure of almost every indigenous animal — the buffalo, the bear, the deer, the 
fox, the hare, and other quadrupeds of various kinds; fish of the various produc- 
tions of the western waters, fowls of different descriptions, infants scalped, scalps 
alone, and men as large as life. The rock is in the river Kenhaway, near its north- 
ern shore, accessible only at low water unless by the aid of water craft. 

The following notice of the same locality, bnt perhaps not of the 
same rock, was published by James Madison (a), bishop of Virginia, 
in 1804: 

I cannot conclude this letter without mentioning another curious specimen of Indian 
labour, and of their progress in one of the arts. This specimen is found within 4 
miles of the place whose latitude I endeavoured to take, and within 2 of what are 
improperly called Burning springs, upon a rock of hard freestone, which sloping to 
the south, touching the margin of the river, presents a flat surface of above 12 feet 
in length and 9 in breadth, with a plane side to the east of 8 or 9 feet in thickness. 

Upon the upper surface of this rock, and also upon the side, we see the outlines 
of several figures, cut without relief, except in one instance, and somewhat larger 
than the life. The depth of the outline may be half an inch; its width three-quar- 
ters, nearly, in some places. In one line ascending from the part of the rock nearest 
the river there is a tortoise; a spread eagle, executed with great expression, particu- 
larly the head, to which is given a shallow relief, and a child, the outline of which is 
very well drawn. In a parallel line there are other figures, but among them that of 
a womau only can be traced. These are very indistinct. Upon the side of the rock 
there are two awkward figures which particularly caught my attention. One is 
that of a man with his arms uplifted, and hands spread out as if engaged in prayer. 
His head is made to terminate in a point, or rather, he has the appearance of some- 
thing upon the head of a triangular or conical form; near to him is another similar 
figure suspended by a cord fastened to his heels. I recollected the story which 
Father Hennepin relates of one of the missionaries from Canada who was treated in 
a somewhat similar manner, but whether this piece of seemingly historical sculpture 
has reference to such an event can be only a matter of conjecture. A turkey, badly 
executed, with a few other figures may also be seen. The labour and the persever- 
ance requisite to cut those rude figures in a rock so hard that steel appeared to make 
but little impression upon it, must have been great; much more so than making of 
enclosures in a loose and fertile soil. 

Another petroglyph, a copy of which is presented in Fig. 1088, is 
thus described in a letter from Morgan town, West Virginia: 

The famous pictured rocks on the Evansville pike, about 4 miles from this place, 
have been a source of wonder and speculation for more than a century, and have 
attracted much attention among the learned men of this country and Europe. The 
cliff upon which these drawings exist is of considerable size and within a short dis- 
tance of the highway above mentioned. The rock is a white sandstone, which 
wears little from exposure to the weather, and upon its smooth surface are delineated 
the outlines of at least fill y [ ?] species of animals, birds, reptiles, and lish, embrac- 
ing in the number panthers, deer, buffalo, otters, beavers, wildcats, foxes, wolves, 
raccoons, opossums, bears, elk, crows, eagles, turkeys, eels, various sorts of fish, 
large and small, snakes, etc. In the midst of this silent menagerie of specimens of 
the animal kingdom is the full length outline of a female form, beautiful and per- 



MALLERY.] 



IN WEST VIRGINIA. 



125 



feet in every respect. Interspersed among the drawings of animals, etc., are imita- 
tions, of the footprints of each sort, the whole space occupied being 150 feet long by 
50 feet wide. To what race the artist belonged or what his purpose was in making 
these rude portraits must ever remain a mystery, but the work was evidently done 
ages ago. 

The late P. W. Norris, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reported that he 
found petroglyphs iu many localities along the Kanawha river, West 
Virginia. Engravings are numerous upon smooth rocks, covered during 
high water, at the prominent fords in the river, as well as in the niches 
or long shallow caves high in the rocky cliffs of this region. Eude 
representations of men, animals, and some characters deemed symbolic 
were found, but none were observed superior to, or essentially differ- 
ing from those of modern Indians. 

On the rocky walls of Little Coal river, near the mouth of Big Horse 
creek, are cliffs which display many carvings. One of the rocks upon 
which a mass of characters appear, is 8 feet in length and 5 feet in 
height. 

About 2 miles above Mount Pleasant, Mason county, on the north 
side of the Kanawha river, are numbers of characters, apparently to- 
temic. These are at the foot of the hills flanking the river. 

On the cliffs near the mouth of the Kanawha river, opposite Mount 
Carbon, Nicholas county, are numerous pictographs. These appear to 
be cut into the sandstone rock. 

Pictographs were lately seen at various points on the banks of the 
Kanawha river, both above and below Charleston, but since the con- 
struction of the Chesapeake and Ohio railroad some of the rocks bearing 
them have been destroyed. About 6 miles above Charleston there was 
formerly a rock lying near its water's edge upon which, it is reported 
by old residents, were depicted the outline of a bear, turkey tracks, and 
other markings. Tradition told that this was a boat or canoe landing, 
used by the Indians in their travels when proceeding southward. The 
tribe was not designated. From an examination of the locality it was 
learned that this rock had been broken and used in the construction of 
buildings. It is said that a trail passing there led southward, and at 
a point 10 miles below the Kanawha river stood several large trees 
upon which were marks of red ocher or some similar pigment, at which 
point the trail spread or branched out in two directions, one leading 
southward into Virginia, the other southwest toward Kentucky. 

Ou a low escarpment of sandstone facing Little Coal river, 6 or 8 
miles above its confluence with Coal river and about 18 miles south of 
the Kanawha river, are depicted the outlines of animals, such as the 
deer, panther (?), etc., and circles, delineated in dark red, but rather 
faint from disintegration of the surface. The characters are similar 
in general appearance to those in Tazewell county, Virginia, and ap- 
pear as if they might have been made by the same tribe. There 
are no peculiarities in the topography of the surrounding region that 
would suggest the idea of their having served as topographic indi- 



126 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



cations, but they rather appear to be a record of a hunting party, and 
to designate the kinds of game abounding in the region. 

Mr. L. V. McWhorter reports pictographs in a cave near Berlin, Lewis 
county, West Virginia. No details are given. 

A petroglyph found in a rock shelter in West Virginia is also pre- 
sented in PI. xxxi. 

WISCONSIN. 

A large number of glyphs are incised on the face of a rock near 
Odanah, now a village of the Ojibwa Indians, 12 miles northeast from 
Ashland, on the south shore of lake Superior, near its western extrem- 
ity. The characters were easily cut on the soft stone, so were also 
easily worn by the weather, and in 1887 were nearly indistinguishable. 
Many of them appeared to be figures of birds. An old Ojibwa Indian 
in the vicinity told the present writer that the site of the rock was 




Fig. 91.— Petroglyphs in Brown's cave, Wisconsin. 



formerly a well-known halting place and rendezvous, and that on the 
arrival of a party, or even of a single individual, the appropriate to- 
temic mark or marks were cut on the rock, much as white men register 
their names at a hotel. 

The Pictured cave of La Crosse valley, called Brown's cave, is de- 
scribed by Bev. Edward Brown (a) as follows: 

This curious cavern is situated in the town of Barre. 4 miles from West Salem and 
8 miles from La Crosse. * * * 

Before the landslide it was an open shelter cavern, 15 feet wide at the opening and 
7 feet at the back end; greatest width, 16 feet; average, 13; length, 30 feet; height, 
13 feet, and depth of excavation after clearing out the sand of the landslide, 5 feet. 
The pictures are mostly of the rudest kind, but differing in degree of skill. Except 
several hisons, a lynx, rabbit, otter, badger, elk, and heron, it is perhaps impossible 
to determine with certainty what were intended or whether they represented large 
or small animals, no regard being had to their relative sizes. 

[Examples of the figures are here presented as Fig. 91.] 



MALLERY. 1 



PETROGLYPHS IN WISCONSIN. 



127 



Perhaps a indicates a bison or buffalo, and is the best executed picture of the col- 
lection. Its size is 19 inches long by 15A inches from tir» of the horns to the feet. 

6 represents a hunter, with a boy behind him, in the act of shooting an animal 
with his bow and arrow weapon. The whole representation is 25 inches long; the 
animal from tip of tail to end of horn or proboscis 12 inches, and from top of head 
to feet 7 inches; the hunter 11 inches high, the boy 4i. 

c represents a wounded animal, with the arrow or weapon near the wound. This 
figure is 21f inches from the lower extremity of the nose to the tip of the tail, 8f 
inches from fore shoulders to front feet, and 8 inches from the rump to the hind feet. 
The weapon is 4i inches long by 5 inches broad from the tip of one prong or barb to 
that of the other. 

d represents a chief with eight plumes and a war club, 11 inches from top of head 
to the lower extremity, and 6f inches from the tip of the upper finger to the end of 
the opposite arm ; the war club 6* inches long. 

Dr. Hoffman made a visit to this cave in August, 1888, to compare 
the pictographic characters with others of apparently similar outline and 
of known signification. He found but a limited number of the figures 
distinct, and these only in part, owing to the rapid disintegration of 
the sandstone upon which they were drawn. Many names and inscrip- 
tions had been iucised in the soft surface by visitors, who also, by means 
of the smoke of candles, added grotesque and meaningless figures over 
and between the original paintings, so as to seriously injure the latter. 




Fig. 92.— Petroglyphs at Trempealeau, Wisconsin. 



Mr. T. H. Lewis (d) describes the petroglyphs, a part of which is repro- 
duced in Fig. 92, as follows : 

Last November my attention was called to some rock sculptures located about 2+ 
miles northwest from Trempealeau, Wisconsin. There is at the point in question an 
exposed ledge of the Potsdam sandstone extending nearly one-eighth of a mile along 
the east side of the lower mouth of the Trempealeau river, now known as the bay. 
Near its north end there is a projection extending out about 7 feet from the top of 
the ledge and overhanging the base about 10 feet. The base of the ledge is 40 feet 
back from the shore, and the top of the cliff at this point is 30 feet above the water. 
On the face of the projection, and near the top, are the sculpture figures referred to. 

The characters designated a a are two so-called canoes, somewhat crescent-shaped, 
but with some variation in outline; l> has the same form, but the additional upright 
portion overlaps it ; c and d are also of the same form as a, but c is cut in the bottom 
of d; e probably represents a fort, and its length is 18J inches; / is a nondescript, 
and it partly overlaps d; 5 is a nondescript four-legged animal, its length in a 
straight line from the end of the nose to the tip of the tail being 10£ inches; h may 
be intended to represent a foot, but possibly it may be a hand; it is 7£ inches in 
length; i is an outspread hand, a little over 13 inches long; j undoubtedly repre- 
sents a foot and is 4£ inches long ; k k are of the same class as a. 



128 PICTURE- WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

The figures are not mere outlines, but intaglio, varying in depth from 
a quarter of an inch to fully 1 iuch. Although the surface of the rock 
is rough the intaglios were rubbed perfectly smooth after they had been 
engraved by pecking or cutting. 



Several pictographs in Wyoming are described by Oapt. William A. 
Jones, TJ. S. Army (a). They are reproduced here as Figs. 93, 94, 
and 95. 

Fig. 93, found in the Wind river valley, Wyoming, was interpreted by 
members of a Shoshoni and Banak delegation to Washington in 1880 
as "an Indian killed another." The latter is very roughly delineated 
in the horizontal figure, but is also represented by the line under the 
hand of the upright figure, meaning the same dead person. At the 
right is the scalp taken and the two feathers showing the dead war- 
rior's rank. The arm nearest the prostrate foe shows the gesture for 
killed ; concept, to put down, flat. 



The same gesture appears in Fig. 94, from the same authority and 
locality. The scalp is here held forth, and the numeral (1) is indicated 
by the lowest stroke. 



WYOMING. 




FlG. 93. — Potroglypli in Wind river valley, Wyoming. 




PIG. 94.— Petroglyph in Wind river valley, Wyoming. 



PETROGLYPHS IN WYOMING. 



129 



Fig. 95, from the same locality and authority, was also interpreted by 
the Shoshoni and Banak. It appears from their description that a 
Blackfoot had attacked the habitation of some of his own people. The 
right-hand upper figure represents his horse, with the lance suspended 
from the side. The lower figure illustrates the log house built against 
a stream. The dots are the prints of the horse's hoofs, while the two 
lines running outward from the upper inclosure show that two thrusts 
of the lance were made over the wall of the house, thus killing the 
occupant and securing two bows and five arrows, as represented in the 
left-hand group. The right-hand figure of that group shows the hand 
raised in the attitude of making the gesture for kill. 

The Blackfeet, according to the interpreters, were the only Indians 
in the locality mentioned who constructed log houses, and therefore 
the drawing becomes additionally interesting, as an attempt appears 
to have been made to illustrate the crossing of the logs at the corners, 
the gesture for which (log house) is as follows : 

Both hands are held edgewise before the body, palms facing, spread 
the fingers, and place those of one hand into the spaces between those 
of the other, so that the tips of each protrude about an inch beyond. 




Fig. 95— Petroglyphs in Wind river valley. Wyoming. 



Another and more important petroglyph was discovered on Little 
Popo- Agie, northwestern Wyoming, by members of Capt. Jones's party 
in 1873. The glyphs are upon a nearly vertical wall of the yellow 
sandstone in the rear of Murphy's ranch, and appear to be of some 
antiquity. Further remarks, with specimens of the characters, are 
presented below in this paper. (See Fig. 1091.) 

Dr. William H. Oorbusier, U. S. Army, in a letter to the writer, men- 
tions the discovery of drawings on a sandstone rock near the head- 
waters of Sage creek, in the vicinity of Fort Washakie, Wyoming, and 
gives a copy which is presented as Fig. 96. Dr. Corbusier remarks 
that neither the Shoshoni nor the Arapaho Indians know who made the 
drawings. The two chief figures appear to be those of the human form, 

10 ETH 9 



130 PICTURE-WRITING OF THF AMERICAN INDIANS. 

with the hands and arms partly uplifted the whole being inclosed 
above and on either side by an irregular line, 




Sago crock, Wyoming. 



The method of grouping, together with various accompanying ap- 
pendages, as irregular lines, spirals, etc., observed in Dr. Corbusier's 
drawing, show great similarity to the Algonquian type, and resemble 



vr 



is 



Fig. 97.— Petroglyph near Sage creek, Wyoming. 

some engravings found near the Wind river mountains, which were 
the work of Blackfeet (Satsika) Indians, who, in comparatively recent 
times, occupied portions of the country in question, and probably also 
sketched the designs near Fort Washakie. 
Fig. 97 is also reported from the same locality. 



PETRO GLYPHS IN MEXICO, 



131 



MEXICO. 

Xo adequate attention can be given in the present paper to the dis- 
tribution and description of the petroglyphs of Mexico. In fact very 
little accurate information is accessible regarding them. The distin- 
guished explorer, Mr. A. Bandelier, in a conversation mentioned that he 
had sketched but not published two petroglyphs in Sonora. One, very 
large and interesting, was at Cara Pintada. 3 miles southwest of Huas- 
savas, and a smaller one was at Las Flechas, 1 nnle west of Huassavas. 
He also sketched one in Chihuahua on the trail from Casas Grandes to 
the Cerro de Montezuma. From the accounts of persons met in his 
Mexican travels he gave it as his opinion that a large number of petro- 
glyphs still remained in the region of the Sierra Madre. 

The following mention of the paintings of the ancient inhabitants of 
Lower California is translated from an anonymous account, in Docu- 
mentos para la Historia de Mexico (a), purporting to have been written 
in 1790: 

Throughout civilized California, from south to north, and especially in the caves 
and smooth rocks, there remain various rude paintings. Notwithstanding their dis- 
proportion and lack of art, the representations of men. fish, hows and arrows, can 
he distinguished and with them different kind of strokes, something like characters. 
The colors of these paintings are of four kinds : yellow, a reddish color, green and 
black. The greater part of them are painted in high places, and from this it is in- 
ferred by some that the old tradition is true, that there were giants among the 
ancient Californians. Be this as it may. in the Mission of Santiago, which is at the 
south, was discovered on a smooth rock of great height, a row of hands stamped iu 
red. On the high cliffs facing the shore are seen fish painted in various shapes and 
sizes, hows, arrows, and some unknown characters. In other parts are Indians armed 
with bows and arrows, and various kinds of insects, snakes, and mice, with lines and 
characters of other forms. On a fiat rock about 2 yards in length were stamped in- 
signia or escutcheons of rank and inscriptions of various characters. 

Towards Purmo, about 30 leagues beyond the Mission of Santiago del Sur, is a 
bluffS yards in height and on the center of it is seen an inscription which resembles 
Gothic letters interspersed with Hebrew and Chaldean characters [?]. 

Though the Califomian Indians have often been asked concerning the significance 
of the figures, lines, and characters, no satisfactory answer has been obtained. The 
most that has been established by their information is that the paintings were their 
predecessors, and that they are absolutely ignorant of the signification of them. It 
is evident that the paintings and drawings of the Californians are significant sym- 
bols and landmarks by which they intended to leave to posterity the memory, either 
'of their establishment in this country, or of certain wars or political or natural 
triumphs. These pictures are not like those of the Mexicans, but might have the 
same purpose. 

Several petroglyphs in Sonora are described and illustrated infra in 
Chapter xx on Special Comparisons. The following copies of petro- 
glyphs are presented here as specimens and are markedly different from 
those in the northwestern states of Mexico, which represent the Aztec 
culture. 



132 PICTURE WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The description of Fig. 98 is extracted from Viages de Guillelmo 
Dupaix (a) : 

Going from the town of Tlalmanalco to that of Mecamecan, at a distance of a 
league to the east of the latter and in the confines of the estate of Sefior Don Jose" 
Tepatoleo, is an isolated rock of granitic stone artificially cut into a conical form 
with a series of six steps cut in the solid rock itself on the eastern side, the summit 
forming a platform or horizontal section suitable for the purpose of observing the 
stars at all points of the compass. It is, therefore, most evident that this ancient 




Fig. 08.— Petroglyphs in Mexico. 

monument or observatory was employed .solely for astronomical observations, and it 
is further proved by various hieroglyphs cut in the south side of the cone; but the 
most interesting feature of this side is the figure of a man standing upright and in 
profile directing his gaze to the east with the arms raised, holding in the hands a 
tube or species of optical instrument. Beneath his feet is seen a carved frieze with 
six compartments or squares and other symbols of a celestial nature are engraved 



MALI.ERY.] 



STONE OF THE GIANTS, MEXICO. 



133 



on their surfaces, evidently the product of observation and calculation. Some of 
them have connection with those found symmetrically arranged in circles on the 
ancient Mexican calendar, exposed in this capital to general admiration. In front 
of the observer is a rabbit seated and confronted by two parallel rows of numerical 
figures; lastly two other symbols relating to the same science are seen at the back. 

Prof. Daniel G. Brinton (a), gives an account of the illustration here 
produced on PI. xiv A, which may be thus condensed: 

The "Stone of the Giants" at Escamela near the city of Orizaba, Mexico, has 
been the subject of much discussion. Father Damaso Sotomayor sees in the inscribed 
figures a mystical allusion to the coming of Christ to the Gentiles and to the occur- 
rences supposed in Hebrew myth to have taken place in the Garden of Eden. This 
stone was examined by Capt. Dnpaix in the year 1808 and is figured in the illus- 
trations to his voluminous narrative. The figure he gives [now presented as B 
on PI. xiv] is, however, so erroneous that it yields but a faint idea of the real char- 
acter and meaning of the drawing. It omits the ornament on the breast and also 
the lines along the right of the giant's face, which as I shall show are distinctive 
traits. It gives him a girdle where none is delineated, and the relative size and pro- 
portions of all the three figures are quite distorted. 

The rock on which the inscription is found is roughly triangular in shape, pre- 
senting a nearly straight border of 30 feet on each side. It is hard and uniform in 
texture and of a dark color. The length or height of the principal figure is 27 feet, 
and the incised lines which designate the various objects are deeply and clearly cut. 

I now approach the decipherment of the inscriptions. Any one versed in the signs 
of the Mexican calendar will at once perceive that it contains the date of a certain 
year and day. On the left of the giant is seen a rabbit surrounded with ten circular 
depressions. These depressions are the well-known Aztec marks for numerals, and 
the rabbit represents one of the four astronomic signs by which they adjusted their 
chronologic cycles of fifty-two years. The stone bears a carefully dated record, with 
year and day clearly set forth. The year is represented to the left of the figure and 
is that numbered "ten" under the sign of the rabbit; the day of the year is number 
"one" under the sign of the fish. 

These precise dates recurred once, and only once, every fifty-two years, and had 
recurred only once between the year of our era, 1450, and the Spanish conquest of 
Mexico in 1519-'20. Within the period named the year "ten rabbit" of the Aztec 
calendar corresponded with the year 1502 of the Gregorian calendar. It is more dif- 
ficult to fix the day, but it is, I think, safe to say that, according to the most prob- 
able computations, the day, "one fish," occurred in the first month of the year 1502, 
which month coincided in whole or in part with our February. 

Such is the date on the inscription. Now, what is intimated to have occurred on 
that date? The clew to this is furnished by the figure of the giant. It represents 
an ogre of horrid mien with a death's-head grin and formidable teeth, his hai - wild 
and long, the locks falling down upon the neck. Suspended on the breast as an 
ornament is the bone of a human lower jaw, with its incisor teeth. The left leg is 
thrown forward as in the act of walking, and the arms are uplifted, the hands open, 
and the fingers extended as at the moment of seizing the prey or the victim. The 
lines about the umbilicus represent the knot of the girdle which supported the 
maxtli or breechcloth. 

There is no doubt as to which personage of the Aztec pantheon this fear-inspiring 
figure represents. It is Tzontemoc Mictlantecutli, "the Lord of the Eealm of the 
Dead, He of the Falling Hair," the dread god of death and the dead. His distinctive 
marks are there, the death's-head, the falling hair, the jaw bone, the terrible aspect, 
the giant size. 

We possess several chronicles of the empire before Cortes destroyed it, written in 
the hieroglyphs which the inventive genius of the natives had devised. Taking two 



134 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



of these chronicles, one known as the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, the other as the 
Codex Vaticanus, I turn to the year numbered "ten" under the sign of the rabbit, 
and I find that both present the same record which I copy in the following figure. 

The figure so copied is entitled "Extract from the Vatican Codex," 
which is a slight error. It is a copy from the Codex Telleriano-Re- 
mensis, Kingsborough, i, Pi. 1, p. 23, year 1502, which is here repro- 
duced as Fig. 99. The record in the Vatican Codex, Kingsborough, n, 
p. 130, differs in some unimportant details. It may also be noted that 
in the text relating to the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, Kingsborough, 
VI, p. 141, the word Ahuitzotl is given as "the name of an aquatic 
animal famous in Mexican mythology." The present opportunity is 
embraced to recognize the acumen displayed by Prof. Brinton in his 
interpretation of the petroglyph. He proceeds as follows: 




Fig. 99. — The Emperor Ahuitzotzin. 



The sign of the year (the rabbit) is shown merely by his head for brevity. The 
ten dots, which give its number, are beside it. Immediately beneath is a curious 
quadruped; with what are intended as water-drops dripping from him. The animal 
is the hedgehog, and the figure is to bo constructed iconomatically; that is. it must 
be read as a rebus through the medium of the Nahuatl language. In that language 
water is all, in composition a, and hedgehog is uitzotl. Combine these and you get 
ahuitzotl, or, with the reverential termination, ahuitzotzin. This was the name of 
the ruler or emperor, if you allow the word, of ancient Mexico before the accession 
to the throne of that Montezuma whom the Spanish conquistador, Cortes, pur to 
death. 

Returning to the page from the chronicle, we observe that the hieroglypn of 
Ahuitzotzin is placed immediately over a corpse swathed in its mummy cloths, as 
was the custom of interment with the highest classes in Mexico. This signifies that 
the death of Ahuitzotzin took place in that year. Adjacent to it is the figure o*f his 




THE STONE OF THE GIANTS, MEXICO. 



PETROGLYPHS IN MEXICO. 



135 



successor, his name icononiatically represented by the headdress of the nohles, the 
tecuhtli, giving the middle syllables of " Afo-tecuh-zoma." No doubt is left that 
La Piedra de los Giqantex of Escamela is anecrologic tablet commemorating the death 
of the Emperor Ahuitzotzin, some time in February, 1502. 

Mr. Eugene Boban (a) mentions manuscript copies, dating from the be- 
ginning of the century, of various sculptured stones in Mexico. These 
sculpturings represent native ideographic characters, among them the 
teocalli, the tepetl, the sign ollin, etc. 

On several of the plates which compose this collection are notes indi- 
cating the place where the monument, fragment, or ruin is found, from 
which the characters are copied ; for example, one of them bears the 
note : " de la calle R 1 de la villa de Cuernabaca." Several others bear 
annotations which show that they have been copied in the cemetery, 
in the streets of that town, or in its environs. 

Aside from these notes the plates are not accompanied by any informa- 
tion which could give a trace of the person who drew them, or the pur- 
pose for which they were intended. 

The same author (b) describes a large sculptured stone of Mexico, 
the designs on which have been reproduced in paintings on deerskin. 
After giving a detailed description of the copied MS. he speaks of the 
stone as follows : 

We deem it of interest to give some notes concerning the famous cylindrical stone, 
both sculptured and painted, known by the name Trovuauiu-ii-aUi (the sacred drink- 
ing vase of the eagles) on which are found the themes of all the designs which have 
been above described. This stone, buried at the time of the Spanish Conquest, was 
discovered in the first half of this century at the close of a series of excavations 
made in the soil of the Place d' Amies, Mexico. The director of the national museum, 
who was then M. Rafael Gondra, contented himself with taking the dimensions and 
making a hurried sketch of it. It was then reinterred, as the necessary funds were 
lacking to exhume it entirely and transport it to the museum. 

The name Teocuauhxicalli is composed of: Teotl, god; citoiililli, eagle, and xicalli, 
hemispherical vase formed from the half of a gourd. It may be translated by, 
"The vase of god and the eagles," or, rather, "The sacred drinking cup of the 
eagles." 

"The Mexican monarch Axayacatl, jealous of his predecessor Motecuhzoma I, 
took down the Teocuauhxicalli which was in the upper part of the Great Temple of 
Mexico, and replaced it by another, sculptured by his order ; " so says the eminent 
Mexican archaeologist and historian, Don Manuel Orozco y Berra, in his excellent 
work, Historia Antigua y de la Conquesta de Mexico (t. in, p. 348). This monument 
was also dedicated to the god of war. Huitzilopochtli. 

According to Duran and Tezozomoc, those stones on which gods were represented 
were designated by the name Teocuauhxicalli; i. e., divine cuauhxicalli. They be- 
longed to the idass of painted stones, for they were covered with several colors. 

Orozco y Berra adds the following: " It is evident that the figures sculptured and 
painted do not represent armed warriors preparing for combat. On the contrary, we 
see that they represent gods. Among them is found Huitzilopochtli (god of war) 
with his arms and attributes, having before him another deity or high priest who holds 
in his hands the emblems of the holocaust. 

"The figures of the upper part are not fighting and could not have known how 
to fight, if we judge by their positions; the chest is turned back, the face raised 
toward the sky, in which appears an object which resembles the astronomical sign 
cipactli. 



136 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



"Everywhere on the surface of this stone are noticed symbols, birds, quadrupeds, 
fantastic reptiles, signs of the sun, days, months, and a quantity of objects whose 
character is imitated in manuscripts and rituals. There can he no doubt that we are 
in the presence of a monument devoted to the gods and bearing legends relative to 
their worship. M. the minister of Fomento, D. Vicente Rivera Palacio, in 1877 
made several attempts at excavation in the Plaza Mayor of Mexico, to recover this 
important monument, but all search remained unfruitful." 

This stone is supposed to be buried beneath the Place d'Armes at Mexico. 

Mexican petroglyphs are also discussed and figured by Chavero (a). 

It would seem from these and other descriptions of and allusions to 
petroglyphs in Mexico, that at the time of the Spanish conquest they 
were extant in large numbers, though now seldom found. Perhaps the 
Spaniards destroyed them in the same spirit which led them to burn up 
many of the Mexican pictographs on paper and other substances. 

A number of illustrations of the Mexican pictographic writings are 
given below under various headings. 

SECTION 4. 
WEST INDIES. 

The valuable paper of A. L. Pinart (a), giving a description of the 
petroglyphs found by him in the Greater and Lesser Antilles, is received 
too late for reproduction of the illustrations. He explored a number of 
the groups of the West Indies with varying success, but found that the 
island of Puerto Rico was the one which now furnishes the greatest 
amount of evidence of development in the pictographic art. His 
marks translated with condensation appear below. 

PUERTO RICO. 

The first petroglyph to be mentioned is found at la Cueva del Islote, on Punta 
Braba, about 5 leagues east from Arecibo and on the north side of the island of Puerto 
Rico. The grotto is found in an immense blackish mass of igneous rock, forming a 
point projecting into the sea, which beats furiously against it; it communicates 
with the sea at the' Coot , and the water entering this passage, which is quite narrow, 
produces a terrific roaring followed soon after by veritable thunder claps. The 
people of the neigh horhood have a superstitious fear of it, and it is only with great 
difficulty that anyone can be found to accompany one there. The entrance on 
the land side is toward the east — a yawning crevasse, filled partly with rub- 
bish and partly by the stunted vegetation of the coast. On penetrating to the in- 
terior we find, after following a short but wide passage, a pyriform chamber 20 
meters in diameter. In the ceiling a very narrow crack admits a ray of light which, 
reflected in the water of the sea, filling the bottom of the cave, produces a bluish 
twilight. Notwithstanding this twilight, we are obliged to carry torches to distin- 
guish objects. All around us, but especially over the point where the sea enters in, 
are to be seen the inscriptions represented here. The incisions are very deep, and 
the edges are generally dulled by the blows of the hammer ; in certain spots, toward 
the lower part of the grotto, several inscriptions are partially effaced by the action 
of the sea, but those of the upper part are in a remarkable state of preservation. 
Beneath certain principal figures of the groups are little circular basin-like depres- 
sions cut in the rock with a trench running down toward the bottom. 



PETKOGLYPHS IN PUERTO RICO. 



137 



I -will uot attempt here to give a formal explanation of these inscriptions, hut may 
we not regard the spot in which they are found as having served for a rendezvous 
for the ancient Borrinquenos where they performed their sacrifices or the ceremonies 
of their religion? On the other hand, the appearance of these inscriptions is very 
peculiar. One of them might he considered a representation of those little figurines 
and statuettes of stone found in Mexico, in MixLeca, and in the country to the south. 
In another a head is curiously decorated with a diadem of feathers, and apparently 
represents one presiding at a feast served in the small circular basin set before him. 
The most noticeable thing in this group of inscriptions is the frequency of the grin- 
ning faces in a circle, often alone, often accompanied by two others placed at the 
sides, which are universally met with in every inscription found in the Greater and 
Lesser Antilles. The same may be said of the human figure apparently swaddled 
in cloths like a very young infant, the head and body more or less decorated, which 
is also very frequently found. 

Following these petroglyphs of Islote. we present a list of others discovered at 
Puerto Rico, hastily describing them and giving a particular description only of those 
which are of the greatest interest. 

In the above-mentioned grotto of Cueva de los Archillas, near the village of 
Ciales, we observed the curious figures bearing traces of a crown and peculiar ear 
ornaments. In la Cueva de los Conejos, some distance from Arecibo, on the road 
from Utauado, we found a figure partly incised and partly painted in a dark red; it 
is very artistically fashioned, and represents the famous "guava," the monster 
spider of the Greater Antilles, of which the natives have a great dread. It is proba- 
ble that the ancient Borrinquenos also considered it with a certain awe, and we find 
images of the same animal in la Cueva del Templo on the coast of Haiti, at Santo 
Domingo. A solitary rock of a reddish color, in a field of the hacienda of Don Pedro 
Pavez at la Carolina, a short distance from the Rio Pedras, bears a series of grima- 
cing faces in circles. On a granitic rock of large dimensions, superimposed on a heap 
of rocks of the same character, in the midst of a grove of Indian trees and at the en- 
trance of the Cano del Indio into Rio la Ceiba, near Fajardo, on the east side, are 
found three swaddled human figures, the heads decorated with various ornaments. 
On a black rock in the Rio Arriba, one of the branches of the Rio de la Ceiba, is a 
petrogl yph which presents but little that is of interest. 

On the Loma Mufioz. near the Rio Arriba above mentioned, and on the summit of 
the hill, stands a dark rock with smooth face protected by another mass of rock, 
forming a sort of shelter on which is an inscription composed of a number of incised 
grinning faces. At the confluence of the Rio Blanco and the Rio de la Ceiba. in the 
district of Fajardo, is a series of violent rapids formed by immense rocks of a granitic 
character, on which are cut a large number of other grimacing faces and also some 
swaddled figures, and other incisions which are not of interest. 

BAHAMA ISLANDS. 

Lady Edith Blake, "wife of Sir Henry Arthur Blake, formerly governor 
of the Bahama islands, has kindly furnished the following information 
and sketches (Figs. 100, 101, and 102), relating to petroglyphs in the 
Bahama islands. Lady Blake says : 

The carvings are on the walls of an " Indian hole,'' also called Hartford cave, in 
the northern shore of a small island in Rum Cay, one of the Bahama group. Rum 
Cay measures 5 miles from north to south and about 8 or 9 from east to west. It 
lies 20 miles northwest of Watlings island, the San Salvador of Columbus. 

The cave is situated on the seashore about a mile and a half from the western 
point of the island to the eastward of a bluff, close to which is a •'puffing hole," 
through which the waves blow when the seas roll in from the north. The cave is 



138 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



semicircular in shape and about- 1*0 yards in depth, and is partially filled with debris 
of rocks, earth, and sand. 

Like all rocks of which the Bahamas are formed, those in Hartford cave are a mix- 
ture of coral, detritus, and shell, very rough and full of cracks and indentations, and 
in this cave, from the constant damp of filtration and spray, the walls were coated 
with a deposit of linio and salt, so that it would be impossible to say if the carvings 
had been colored. If ever they bad been, any traces of coloring must long have 



Q ^ 




FIG. 100.— IVtniiih phs in tlic l',;ili:iin.'tv 



disappeared. Besides the markings copied there were others scattered over the walls 
of the cave, most of which were circles apparently resembling human faces. Un- 
fortunately, we neglected to measure the carvings, but I should judge the circles or 
faces to be 10 inches or more across, while others of the figures must have been a foot 




Fig. 101.— Petroglyphs in the Bahamas. 



and a half in length, and the markings must have been nearly half an inch in depth, 
cut into the face of the rock, and seemed to us such as might have been made with a 
sharp stone implement. Although we visited numerous caves in the various islands 
of the Bahamas, in no other did we find any appearance of markings or carvings on 
the walls, nor could we hear of any reported to have such markings. 



MALLEEY. ) 



IN THE WEST INDIES. 



139 



The absence of any traces of carvings in other caves whose situation was better 
adapted for the preservation "f markings, hail such e ver existed, and the proof that 
their contents afforded that most of those caves had been known to the Lueayans 
and used by them as burying' places or otherwise, and the close proximity of Hart- 
ford cave to the sea, taken in connection with the great number of markings on its 
walls, led me to think that possibly this cave had been the resort of the marauding 
tribes whom the Lueayans gave Columbus to understand were their enemies, and 
who were in the habit of making war upon them ; and if so, the Caribs, or whatever 
tribe it may have been, had left these rock markings as mementos of their various 
expeditions and guides to succeeding ones. 



The above-mentioned petroglyphs bear a remarkable similarity to 
those in British Guiana figured and described below, and the author- 
ship would seem to relate to the same group of natives, the Caribs. 



In the G-uesde collection of antiquities, described in the Smithsonian 
report for 1884, p. 834, Fig. 208, here reproduced as Fig. 103, is an in- 
scribed slab found in Guadeloupe. It weighs several tons and it is im- 
possible to remove it. In the vicinity are to be seen many other rocks 
bearing inscriptions, but this is the most elaborate of the group. 

The inscriptions may be compared with those from Guiana presented 
in this work. 



Pinart (b) gives the following account, translated and condensed: 

The island of Aruba forms one of the group of the islands of Curacao, on the north 
coast of Venezuela. This group consists of three principal islands, Curacao, Buen 
Ayre, Aruba, and some isolated rocks. It belongs to Holland. 

Aruba is the most western island of the group and is situated opposite the penin- 
sula of Paraguana, on the mainland. The distance between the two is about 10 
leagues, and from the island the shores of the continent can be seen very distinctly. 

These islands, at the time of the discovery by the Spaniards, were inhabited by an 
Indian race which has left numerous traces of its occupancy ; pottery, stone objects, 
petroglyphs, etc., are met with in large numbers in Oruba and in a less quantity on 
Buen Ayre and Curacao. * # * These petroglyphs are quite different in character 
from those which I have recently described in a brief study of the Greater and Lesser 
Antilles, and their appearance brings to mind those found in Orinoco, in Venezuela, 
in the peninsula of Paraguana, on the border of th6 Magdalena river, and as far as 
Chiriqui. They differ from these, however, in several respects, and especially in 
that they are almost always multi-colored. The colors usually employed are red, 



I 




GUADELOUPE. 



ARUBA. 



140 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



blue, a yellowish white, and black. They are, moreover, painted and not cut in the 
rock. They show the same degree of variance as I have already noticed in North 
America — in Sonora, Arizona, and Chihuahua — between the petroglyphs which I have 
designated as Pimos, which are always incised, and those in the mountains which 
I designated as Comanche, and which are always painted and in many colors. The 
petroglyphs are, as has already been said, very numerous on the island of Aruba. I 
have personal knowledge of thirty, but, according to my friend Pere van Kolwsjk, 
there must be more than fifty. The most important groups are as follows: 

(1) AvihoTc. An enormous dark rock forms the summit of a wooded knob, and in 
this rock are two large cavities, one above the other, on the walls of which are the 
petrogly ph s represented . 




Fig. 103.— Petroglyph in Guadeloupe. 

(2) Fontein. On the border of a fresh-water lagoon, a short distance from tbe 
northeast part of the island, near the sea, is a grotto of coralline origin, whose walls 
are of remarkable whiteness. This grotto is composed of a principal passage, quite 
wide, cut off toward the lower end by a row of stalactites and stalagmites, which, 
joining together, form a curious grimacing figure. On the wall to tbe left, as we 
look toward the bottom of the grotto, are found some petroglyphs. They are well 
preserved, thanks to their situation and the shelter from inclement weather, and 
they show no indication of painting, being distinctly traced on the walls. 

(3) Chiribana. On some granitic spurs of a hill of the same name are found curi- 
ous petroglyphs. 

(4) At Lero de Wajukan, near Avikok, and at the foot of a hill, petroglyphs are 
found on some blocks of granite. I notice specially the human figure which in the 
original is outlined in red and bears on the shoulder a hatchet of the Carib type 
with a haft. 

(5) At Ayo I discovered petroglyphs with figures in blue and red. 

(6) At Woeboeri inscriptions arc found on the wall of an immense mass of granite, 

(7) Some petroglyphs on the walls of a grotto at Karasito. 



CHAPTEE III. 



PETROGLYPHS IN CENTRAL AND SOUTH AMERICA. 



Some writers have endeavored to draw definite ethnic distinctions 
between the pre-Columbian inhabitants of North America and those 
farther south. The opinions and theories which have favored such dis- 
criminations have originated in error and ignorance. Until lately there 
has been but scanty scientific investigation of the peoples of Central and 
South America and but a limited exploration of the regions now or 
formerly occupied by them. The latest opinion of the best ethnologists 
is that no sufficient reason can be shown for separate racial classifica- 
tion of the aborigines of the three Americas. The examples of petro- 
glyphs now presented from Central and South America, all of which 
are selected as typical, show remarkable similarity to some of those 
above illustrated and described, especially to those in California, New 
Mexico, and Arizona. This topic is further discussed under the head- 
ing of Special Comparison, Chapter xx, infra. 

SECTION I. 
PETROGLYPHS IN CENTRAL AMERICA. 

NICARAGUA. 

Dr. J. F. Brausford (a) gives the following 
account : 

On a Lillside ou the southern end of the island of 
Ometepec, Nicaragua, about 1| miles cast of Point 
San Ramon, are many irregular blocks of basalt with 
marks and figures cut on them. The hillside faces 
east, and is about half a mile from the lake. There 
were similar markings on many of the shore rocks, 
which, in May, were partially covered with water, 
notwithstanding that that was about the driest sea- 
son. These markings were excavated about half an 
inch in depth and a little more in width. Human 
faces and spiral lines predominated. There was also 
a crown, a representation of a monkey, and many 
irregular figures. 

Several illustrations from these rocks are 10 *-Petn> g iyph 8 in Nicaragua, 
presented, infra, in Figs. 1102 and 1103, and one is reproduced in this 
connection as Fig. 104. 




142 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



GUATEMALA. 

The following extract is taken from the work of Dr. S. Habel (a) : 
Santa Lucia i8 a village in the Republic of Guatemala, in the Department of 
Esquintla, near the base of the Volcano del Fuego, at the commencement of the 
inclined plane which extends from the mountain range to the coast of the .Pacific 

Ocean. * * * 

The sculptured slabs are in the vicinity of the village. The greater number of 
them form an extended heap, rendering it probable that there are others hidden 
from view that more extended researches would reveal. * * * All the sculp- 
tures, with the exception of three statues, are in low relief, nearly all being in cavo- 
relievo, that is, surrounded by a raised border, the height of which indicates the 
elevation of the relief. The same kind of relief was practiced by the ancient 
Assyrians and Egyptians. 

In seven instances the sculpture represents a person adoring a deity of a different 
theological conception in each case. One of these seems to represent the sun, another 
the moon, while in the remaining live it is impossible to define their character. All 
these deities are represented by a human figure, of which only the head, arms, and 
breast are correctly portrayed, proving that the religious conceptions had risen to 
anthropomorphism, while, the idols of the nations of Central America and Mexico, 
which have previously come to our knowledge, are represented by disfigured human 
forms or grotesque images. 

Four of the other sculptures represent allegorical subjects; two of them the myth 
of the griffin, the bird of the sun. 

The slabs on which the low reliefs are sculptured are of various sizes; the greater 
number of these, like those representing the deities, are 12 feet in length, 3 feet in 
width, and 2 feet in thickness. Nine feet of the upper part of these stones are occu- 
pied by the sculptures, while the lower >< feet appear to have served as a base. 

Several illustrations of these rock sculptures are presented, infra, as 
Figs. 1235 and 1236. It is evident that these very large slabs received 
their markings when they were in the locality in which they are now 
found so can be classed geographically. 

SECTION 2 . 
SOUTH AMERICA. 

Alexander von Humboldt (a) gives general remarks, now condensed, 
upon petroglyphs in South America: 

In the interior of South America, between the second and fourth degrees of north 
latitude, a forest-covered plain is inclosed by four rivers, the Orinoco, the Atabapo, 
the Rio Negro, and the Cassiquiare. In this district are found rocks of granite and 
of syenite, covered with colossal symbolical figures of crocodiles and tigers, and 
drawings of household utensils, and of the sun and moon. The tribes nearest to its 
boundaries are wandering naked savages, in the lowest stages of human existence, 
and far removed from any thoughts of carving hieroglyphics on rocks. One may 
trace in South America an entire zone, extending through more than 8° of long- 
itude, of rocks so ornamented, viz, from the Rupuniri, Essequibo, and the moun- 
tains of Pacaraima, to the banks of the Orinoco and of the Yupura. These carvings 
may belong to very different epochs, for Sir Robert Schomburgk even found on the 
Rio Negro representations of a Spanish galiot, which must have been of a later date 
that the beginning of the sixteenth century; aud this in a wilderness where the na- 
tives were probably as rude then as at the present time. Some miles from Encaramada 



PETROGLYPHS IN COLOMBIA. 



143 



there rises in the middle of the savannah the rock Tepu-Mereme, or painted rock. 
It shows several figures of animals and symbolical outlines which resemble much 
those observed by us at some distance above Encaramada, near Caycara. Rocks 
thus marked are found between the Cassiquiare and the Atabapo and, what is par- 
ticularly remarkable, 060 ideographical miles farther to the east, in the solitudes of 
Parime. Nicholas Hortsmann found on the banks of the Rupunmi, at the spot 
where the river winding between the Macarana mountains forms several small 
cascades, and before arriving at the district immediately surrounding lake Amucu, 
"rocks covered with figures," or, as he says in Portuguese, " de varias letras." We were 
shown at the rock of Culimacari, on the banks of the Cassiquiare, signs which were 
called characters, arranged in lines, but they were only ill-shaped figures of heavenly 
bodies, boa-serpents, and the utensils employed in preparing manioc meal. I have 
never found among these painted rocks (piedras pintadas) any symmetrical arrange- 
ment or any regular even-spaced characters. I am therefore disposed to think that 
the word "letras," in Hortsmann's journal, must not be taken in the strictest sense. 

Schomburgk saw and described other petroglyphs on the banks of the Essequibo, 
near the cascade of Warraputa. Neither promises nor threats could prevail on the 
Indians to give a single blow with a hammer to these rocks, the venerable monu- 
ments of the superior mental cultivation of their predecessors. They regard them 
as the work of the Great Spirit, and the different tribes whom we met with, though 
living at a great distance, were nevertheless acquainted with them. Terror was 
painted on the faces of my Indian companions, who appeared to expect every moment 
that the fire of heaven would fall on my head. I saw clearly that my endeav ors 
to detach a portion of the rock would be fruitless, and I contented myself with 
bringing away a complete drawing of these memorials. Even the veneration every- 
where testified by the Indians of the present day for these rude sculptures of their 
predecessors show that they have no idea of the execution of similar works. There 
is another circumstance which should be mentioned. Between Encaramada and 
Caycara, on the banks of the Orinoco, a number of these hieroglyphical figures are 
sculptured on the face of precipices at a height which could now he reached only by 
means of extraordinarily high scaffolding. If one asks the natives how these figures 
have been cut, they answer, laughing, as if it were a fact of which none but a white 
man could be ignorant, that "in the days of the great waters their fathers went in 
canoes at that height." 

UNITED STATES OF COLOMBIA. 

Mr. W. H. Holmes (&), of the Bureau of Ethnology, gives this account 
of petroglyphs in the province of Chiriqui, state of Panama: 

Pictured rocks. — Our accounts of these objects are very meager. The only one 
definitely described is the "piedra pintal." A few of the figures engraved upon it 
are given by Seeniann, from whom the follow ing paragraph is quoted: 

"At Caldera, a few leagues (north) from the town of David, lies a granite block 
known to the country people as the piedra pintal or painted stone. It is 15 feet 
high, nearly 50 feet in circumference, and flat on the top. Every part, especially 
the eastern side, is covered with figures. One represents a radiant sun ; it is fol- 
lowed by a series of heads, all with some variations, scorpions, and fantastic figures. 
The top and the other side have signs of a circular and oval form, crossed by lines. 
The sculpture is ascribed to the Dorachos (or Dorasques), but to what purpose the 
stone was applied no historical account or tradition reveals." 

These inscriptions are irregularly placed and much scattered. They are thought 
to have been originally nearly an inch deep, but in places are almost effaced by 
weathering, thus giving a suggestion of great antiquity. Tracings of these figures 
made recently by Mr A. L Pinart show decided differences in detail, and Mr. Mc- 
Niel gives still another transcrip 



144 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



In Fig. 105 Mr. McMel's sketch of the southwest face of the rock is 
presented. 




Fig. 105. — Petroglyplis in Colombia. 



Other illustrations from Colombia appear as Figs. 151 and 1166, infra. 

GUIANA. 

The name of Guiana has been applied to the territory between the 
rivers Amazon, Orinoco, Negro, and Cassiquiare. It was once divided 
into the French, British, Dutch, Portuguese, and Spanish Guianas. 
The Portuguese Guiana now belongs to Brazil and Spanish Guiana is 
part of Venezuela. Many petroglyphs have been found in the several 
Guianas. They appear throughout the whole of the part belonging to 
Venezuela, but they are more thickly grouped in parts of the valley of 
the Orinoco. 

The subject is well discussed in the following extract from Among 
the Indians of Guiana, by im Thurn (a) : 

The pictured rocks of Guiana are not all of one kind. In all cases various figures 
are rudely depicted on larger or smaller surfaces of rocks. Sometimes these figures 
are painted, though suc h cases are few and of hut little moment; more generally 
they are graven on the rock, and these alone are of great importance. Rock sculp- 
tures may, again, be distinguished into two kinds, differing in the depth of incision, 
the apparent mode of execution, and, most important of all, the character of the 
figures represented. 

Painted rocks in British Guiana are mentioned by Mr. C. Barrington Brown. He 
says that in coining down past Amailah fall, on the Cooriehrong river, he passed "a 
large white sandstone rock ornamented with figures in red paint." * * * Mr. 
Wallace, in his account of his Travels on the Amazons, mentions the occurrence of 
similar drawings in more than one place near the Amazons. * * * 

The engraved rocks must he of some antiquity ; that is to say, they must certainly 
date from a time lie Ion' the iiilliiciicc. of Kuropeans was much felt in Guiana. As has 
already been said, the engravings are of two kinds and are probably the work of 
two different people ; nor is there even any reason to suppose that the two kinds 
were produced at one and the same time. 

These two kinds of engravings may, for the sake of convenience, be distinguished 
as "deep" and "shallow," respectively, according as the figures are deeply cut into 
the rock or are merely scratched on the surface. The former vary from one-eighth 
to one-half of an inch, or even more, in depth ; the latter are of quite inconsiderable 
depth. This difference probably corresponds with a difference in the means by 
which they were produced. The deep engravings seem cut into the rock with an 
edged tool, probably of stone; the shallow figures were apparently formed by long 



IN GUIANA. 



145 



continued friction with stones and moist sand. The two kinds seem never to occur 
iu the same place or even near to each other; in fact, a distinct line may almost he 
drawn between the districts in which the deep and shallow kinds occur, respectively; 
the deep form occurs at several spots on the Mazerimi, Essequibo, Ireng, Cotinga, 
Potaro, and Berbice rivers. The shallow form has as yet only been reported from 
the Corentyn river and its tributaries, where, however, examples occur in consider- 
able abundance. But the two kinds differ not only in the depth of incision, in the 
apparent mode of their production, and in the place of their occurrence, but also — 
and this is the chief difference between the two — in the tig-ures represented. 

Fig. 106 is a typical example of the shallow carvings. 




Fig. 106. -Shallow carvings iu Guiana. 



Fig 1104, infra, is a similar example of the deep carvings. 

The shallow engravings seem always to occur on comparatively large and more 
or less smooth surfaces of rock, and rarely, if ever, as the deep figures, on detached 
blocks of rock, piled one on the other. The shallow figures, too, are generally much 
larger, always combinations of straight or curved lines in figures much more elabor- 
ate than those in the deep engravings; and these shallow pictures always represent 
not animals, but greater or less variations of the figure which has been described. 
Lastly, though I am not certain that much significance can be attributed to this, all 
the examples that I have seen face more or less accurately eastward. 

The deep engravings, on the other hand, consist not of a single figure but of a greater 
or less number of rude drawings. * * * These depict the human form, monkeys, 
snakes, and other animals, and also very simple combinations of t wo or three straight 
10 ETH 10 



146 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



or curved lines in a pattern, and occasionally more elaborate combinations. The in- 
dividual figures are small, averaging from 12 to 18 inches in height, but a consider- 
able number are generally represented in a group. 

Some of the best examples of this latter kind are at Wnrrapoota cataracts, about 
six days' journey up the Essequibo. 

* * * The commonest figures at Warrapootn are figures of men or perhaps 
sometimes monkeys. These are very simple and generally consist of one straight line, 
representing the trunk, crossed by two straight lines at right angles to the body 
line; one about two-thirds of the distance from the top, represents the two arms as 
far as the elbows, where upward lines represent the lower part of the arms; the 
other, which is at the lower end, represent the two legs as far as the knees, from 
which point downward lines represent the lower part of the legs. A round dot, or a 
small circle, at the top of the trunk line, forms the head ; and there are a few radiat- 
ing lines where the fingers, a few more where the toes, should be. Occasionally the 
trunk line is produced downwards as if to represent a long tail. Perhaps the tail- 
less figures represent men, the tailed monkeys. In a few cases the trunk, instead of 
being indicated by one straight line, is formed by two curved lines, representing the 
rounded outlines of the body; and the body thus formed is bisected by a row of 
dots, almost invariably nine in number, which seem to represent vertebrae. 

Most of the other figures at Warrapootn arc very simple conibinal ions of two, three, 
or four straight lines similar to the so-called " Greek meander pattern," which is of 
such widespread occurrence. Combinations of curved and simple spiral lines also 
frequently occur. Many of these combinations closely resemble the figures which 
the Indians of the present day paint on their faces and naked bodies. 

The same author (pp. 368, 369) gives the following- account of the 
superstitious reverence entertained for the petrogiyphs by the living 
Indians of Guiana: 

Every time a sculptured rock or striking mountain or stone is seen, Indians avert 
the ill will of the spirits of such places by rubbing red peppers (Capsicum.) each in 
his or her own eyes. * * * Though the old practitioners inflict this self-torture 
with the utmost stoicism, I have again and again seen that otherwise rare sight of 
Indians children, and even young men, sobbing under the infliction. Yet the cere- 
mony was never omitted. Sometimes, when by a rare chance no member of the party 
had had the forethought to provide peppers, lime juice was used as a substitute; and 
once, when neither peppers nor limes were at hand, a piece of blue indigo-dyed 
cloth was carefully soaked, and the dye was then rubbed into the eyes. 

The same author (b) adds: 

It may be as well briefly to sum up the few facts that can be said, with any proba- 
bility, of these rock pictures in Guiana. The engravings are of two kinds, which 
may or may not have had different authors and different intention. They were still 
produced after the first arrival of Europeans, as is shown by the sculptured ship. 
They were, therefore, probably made by the ancestors of the Indians now in the 
country; for, from the writings of Raleigh and other early explorers, as well as from 
the statements of early colonists, it is to be gathered that the present tribes were 
already in Guiana at the time of the first arrival of Europeans, though not perhaps 
in the same relative positions as at present. The art of stone-working being de- 
stroyed by the arrival of Europeans, the practice of rock-engraving ceased. Possibly 
the customary figures were for a time painted instead of engraved; but this degen- 
erated habit was also soon relinquished. As to the intention of the figures, that they 
had some seems certain, but what kind this was is not clear. Finally, these figures 
really seem to indicate some very slight connection with Mexican civilization. 

The following extract from a paper on the Indian picture-writing in 



MALLEHY.l 



IN VENEZUELA. 



147 



British Guiana, by Mr. Charles B. Brown (a), gives views and details 
somewhat different from the foregoing: 

These writings or markings arc visible at a greater or less distance in proportion 
to the depth of the furrows. In some instances they are distinctly visible upon the 
rocks on the hanks of the river at a distance of 100 yards ; in others they are so faint 
that they can only be seen in certain lights by reflected rays from their polished 
surfaces. They occur upon greenstone, granite, quartz-porphyry, gneiss, and jas- 
perous sandstone, both in a vertical and horizontal position, at various elevations 
above the water. Sometimes they can only be seen during the dry season when the 
rivers are low, as in several instances on the Berbice and Cassikytyn rivers. In one 
instance, on the Corentyn river, The markings on the rock are so much above the 
level of the river when at its greatest height, that they could only have been made 
by erecting a staging against the face of the rock, unless the river was at the time 
much above its usual level. The widths of the furrows vary from half an inch to 1 
inch, while the depth never exceeds one-fourth of an inch. * * * The furrows 
present the same weather-stained aspect as the rocks upon which they are cut. * * * 

The Indians of Guiana know nothing about the picture-writing by tradition. 
They scout the idea of their having been made by the hand of man, and ascribe them 
to the handiwork of t he Makunaima, their great spirit. * * * 

As these figures were evidently cut with great care and at much labor by a former 
race of men, I conclude that they were made for some great purpose, probably a 
religous one, as some of the figures give indications of phallic worship. 

VENEZUELA. 

Prof. R. Hartmann (a) presented a pencil drawing of a South American 
rock, covered with sculptures, sketched by Mr. Anton Goering, a 
painter in Leipzig, which is here reproduced as Fig. 107. The rock is 
situated not far from San Esteban, a village in the vicinity of Puerto 




Fig. 107. — Seiilpt ureil rock in Venezuela. 

Cabello, in Venezuela. C. F. Appun, in Unter den Tropen, I, p. 82, 
remarks as follows in reference to this "Piedra de los Indios" (Indians' 
stone), a large granite block lying by the side of the road : 

These drawings, cut in the stone to a depth of half an inch, mostly represent 
snakes and other animal forms, human heads and spiral lines, and differ from those 
which I afterward saw in Guiana, on the Essequibo and Rupununi, in characters 



148 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



and forms, but their execution, like that of the latter, is rude. Though greatly 
weathered by the influence of rain and the atmosphere, the figures can still be per- 
fectly distinguished and gigantic patience, such as none but Indians possess, was 
surely needed to carve them in the hard granite mass by means of a stone. 

Dr. (I. Marcano (a) gives an account translated as follows, which is 
connected with Fig. 108 : 




Tin. 1 0H._ Rock near CaiVara, Venezuela. 



A tradition, the legend of the rock of Tepumereme, has been preserved by Father 
Gili. Some old writers, adhering to the Tamanak acceptation of the word, say 
indifferently tepumeremes or rotas pintadas (painted rocks). Usage has converted 
Tepumereme into a proper noun. At the present day it is a pplied exclusively to the 
rock situated some leagues from Encaramada, in the midst of the savanna, this rock 
having been the Mount Ararat of the Tamanaks. 

Supposing that it is authentic, this legend, which we will relate further on [see 
page 33, supra], yields no information that might aid us in interpreting hieroglyphs, 
and so we are reduced to describing its principal characters. 

Not all our pietographs correspond to the region of the Raudals, but in our igno- 
rance of the peoples who carved them we see no harm in bringing them together so 
long as they all come from the hanks of the Orinoco, and so long as the localities 
where they exist are indicated. The copies which we give of them have been very 
carefully made and reduced to one-tenth. 

The first thing that strikes one on looking at them is that, despite differences in 
detail, the design presents a general common character. In fact, there is question not 
of figures with undecided forms, but with sure lines perfectly traced and combined in 
one and the same style. They are geometric designs rather than objective repre- 
sentations. The illustration [Fig. 108] came from a rock in the vicinity of Caicara, 
a town situated on the right bank of the Orinoco, close to its last great bend. It 
represents three jaguars, one large and two small, the former being separated from 
the latter by an ornamented sun placed at the level of their feet. The spotting of 
their hides is rendered by means of angular lines arranged in so regular a manner 
that one might take them to lie tigers did ho not know that these felines never ex- 
isted in these regions. The jaguars differ in insignificent details which, however, 
must have a purpose, in view of the general regularity. The largest shows six radi- 
ating lines on the muzzle and a circle in one of the ears. The second shows two 
hooks on the lower part of the body. The third is preceded by an isolated head, 
which is unfinished, without ears, inclined differently from the others. Some differ- 
ences are also noted in the limbs. 

Placed in the attitude of marching, these animals seem to descend from a height 
and to follow the same direction. Perhaps there is question here of a mnemonic 
whole, and, we might add, of a totem, if we knew that that system had been em. 
ployed by the Indians of the region. 

The same author (p. 205) gives a description of the petroglyplis of the 
rapids of Ohicagua, here presented as Fig. 109. 
This interesting collection includes the most varied ideographs. 
Alongside of representations analogous to the preceding there appear new charac- 



IN VENEZUELA. 



149 



ters and partial groupings which we had not yet found. On running over them one 
passes successively from simple points to figures made up of tangled lines, to objective 
representations, and even to letters of the alphabet, a resemblance which, of course, 
is fortuitous. 

The first group begins by three points similar to those in Fig. 19 [of Marcano, occur- 
ring inFig. 1105 in this paper], followed by two circles with central dots, and termi- 
nates below in a plexus of broken lines. The second group, placed at the right, is 
composed of regular figures of great variety. Among them we note the two lowest, 
one of which resembles a K and the other a reversed A. A spiral, two circles, one of 
which has two appendices, and a figure in broken lines make up the third group. 
Below is seen a coiled serpent. Its head is characteristic ; it is found in other pre- 
Columbian carvings of the Orinoco. As regards design e, we. will merely call atten- 
tion to the sign analogous to the E of our alphabet. It is found at times in the 
United States of America. [For this remark the author refers to the ideograph for 
pain, in Figs. 824 and 872, infra.] 




Fig. 109.— Petroglyvhs of Chicajrua rapids, Venezuela. 



Design/ is an animal difficult To characterize; its head and tail may be guessed 
at. The body is covered with ornaments and the legs, very incomplete, are in the 
attitude of running. Design g represents probably a tree with an appendix of un- 
dulating lines; design h, a head surmounted by a complicated headgear. This is 
the first distinctly human representation that we have found in the country. The 
strange combinations of designs j, A', and / exhibit the dots at the end of the lines 
which we have already spoken of. Design m resembles anM; design n shows a 
circle with plane face. 

Thus we see that the statements of some travelers concerning mysterious hiero- 
glyphic combinations are far from being realized. As regards the exaggerations of 



150 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Humboldt, they arise from the fact that he did not content himself with describing 
what he had seen. This is illustrated by the following sentence: "There is even 
seen on a grassy plain near Uruana an isolated granite rock on which, according 
to the. account of trust worthy people, there are seen at a height of 80 feet deeply 
carved images which appear arranged in rows and represent the sun, the moon, and 
different species of animals, especially crocodiles and boas." Elsewhere he speaks 
of kitchen and household utensils and of a number of objects which he can only 
have seen with the eyes of his imagination. 

Other illustrations of picto graphs in Venezuela are presented as 
Figs. 152, 153, 1105 and 1106, infra. 

BRAZIL. 

Eemarks of general applicability to this region are made by Mr. J. 
Whitfield (a), an abstract of which follows: 

The rock inscriptions were visited in August, 1865. Several similar inscriptions 
are said to exist in the interior of the province of Ceara, as well as in the provinces 
of Pernambuco and Piauhy, especially in the Sertaos, that is, in the thinly-wooded 
parts of the interior, but no mention is ever made of their having been seen near the 
coast. 

In the margin and bed only of the river are the rocks inscribed. On the margin 
they extend in some instances to 15 or 20 yards. Except in the rainy season the 
stream is dry. The rock is a silicious schist of excessively hard and flinty texture. 
The marks have the appearance of having been made with a blunt, heavy tool, such 
as might be made with an almost worn-out mason's hammer. The situation is about 
midway between Serra (irande or Ibiapaba and Serra Merioca, about 70 miles from 
the coast and 40 west of the town Sobral. The native population attribute all the 
•' Letreiros '' (inscriptions), as they do everything else of which they have no informa- 
tion, to the Dutch, as records of hidden wealth. The Dutch, however, only occupied 
the country for a few years in the early part of the seventeenth century. Along the 
coast numerous forts, the works of the Dutch, still remain ; but there are no authentic 
records of their ever having established themselves in the interior of the country, and 
less probability still of their amusing themselves with inscribing puzzling hiero- 
glyphics, which must have been a work of time, on the rocks of the far interior, for 
the admiration of wandering Indians. 

Mr. Franz Keller (a) narrates as follows regarding Fig. 110: 

I found a '• written rock" covered with spiral lines and concentric rings, evenly 
carved in the black gneiss-like material, and similar to those of the Caldeirao. 
Looking about for more, I discovered a perfect inscription, whose straight orderly 
lines can hardly be thought the result of lazy Indians' "hours of idleness." These 
characters were incised on a very hard smooth block 3 feet 4 inches in length, and 
34, feet in height and breadth. It lay at an angle of 45 - , only 8 feet above low water, 
and close to the water's edge of the second smaller vapid, the Cachoeira do Ribeirfio. 
The transverse section of the characters is not very deep, and their surface is as worn 
as that of the inscription farther down. In some places they are almost effaced by 
time and are to be seen distinctly only with a favorable, light. A dark brown coat 
of glaze, found everywhere on the surface of the stones, laved at times by the water, 
covers the block so uniformly well on the concave glyphs as on the parts untouched 
by instrument, that many ages must have elapsed since some patient Indian spent 
long hours in cutting them out with his quartz chisel. As the lines of the inscrip- 
tion run almost perfectly horizontally, and as the figures near the Caldeirao and the 
Cachoeira and the Cachoeira das Lages are so little above low-water mark, the 
present position of the block seems to have been the original one. .* * * On the 
rocky shores of the Araguaya, that huge tributary of the Tocantino, there are similar 
rude outlines of animals near a rapid called Martirios, from the first Portuguese ex- 



IN BRAZIL. 



plorers fancying they recognized t he instruments of the Pas 
sentation. 



151 

i the clumsy repre- 



Fig. 110.— Petroglyphs on the Cachocira (In Rilieirao, Brazil. 

Dr. Ladislau Netto (a) gives the illustration, reproduced as Fig. Ill, of 
an inscription discovered by Domingos S. Ferreira Penna on the rock 




Via. Ill— The rock Itamaraca, Brazil. 

called Itamaraca, on the Eio Xingu. Dr. Netto's description is trans- 
lated as follows : 

This whole inscription seems to represent one idea, figuring a collection of villages 



152 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



of vast proportions, inclosed by fortifications on two sides, at which it seems most 
accessible. On these same sides this collection of villages has external construc- 
tions or means of security, a kind of meanders or symbolic figures, which perhaps 
signify difficulties besetting the communication of the inhabitants with the sur- 
rounding fields. 

In the lower part of the left-hand side there is a group of figures which seem to 
represent residences of chiefs, war houses, or redoubts, built near the principal 
entrance to the villages or to the city I'm' its defense. There are found three figures 
of saurians, one with a large tail, on the side of the redoubts or fortified houses, as 
if representing the population, and two with small tails, which seem strange, and 
which walk toward the first. 

This inscription is evidently the most perfect and the most notable of those found 
till now in all America [?], not only by its perfect condition and dimensions, but 
also by the mode in which a series of ideas has here been brought together. 

The same author, on p. 552, furnishes copies 
of inscriptions carved on stones in the valley 
of the Rio Negro, and remarks : "In this series^ 
there are notable the two crowned personages 
[represented here in Fig. 112], one of whom holds 
a staff in the right hand, and below and under 
them there are two figures of capibars (sea-hogs) 
facing each other, and whose representation in 
black color resembles some figures from the in- 
scriptions of North America." 

Thefollowingaccount is in Dr. E. R. Heath's (a.) b II " i Ri'7Negro 8 ^?azn on tue 
Exploration of the River Beni : 

Hieroglyphics were found on rocks at the falls and rapids of the rivers Madeira 
and Mamore. * * * By accident we found some at the rapids at the foot of Cal- 
dierao do Inferno. Designs d and b are figures on the same rock side by side, a is 
another face of the same rock 10 feet across, e and / are on the upper surface of 
a rock, and c on one of its sides near the bottom; g is upon a rock 15 feet above 
the surface of the river. Many more were on the other rocks, but our time did not 
permit further copying. Mr. T. M. Fetterman, my companion, and myself sketched 
as fast as possible. 

Fig. 113 is a reproduction of the illustration given. 

& 





FIG. 113. — Pet I'ojih |>lis at I he I alilierfm do Interim, Brazil. 

The moment we arrived at the falls of Girao we searched for stone carvings, find- 
Lng a few, and several repetitions of circles similar to those already found. Designs a 
and d are on the west and east side of the same rock, which is 9 feet in length. The 
figure is 21 inches high, the five circles 1 foot across. The east side was almost ob- 
literated. Designs b and c are on loose stones ; b, facing west, is 16 inches long ; 
the rock is 50 inches long and 35 wide; c is 22 inches long; the rock 70 inches long- 
by 27 inches broad, and was 30 feet above the river at date. The rocks are basaltic, 



MALLEBY.] IN BRAZIL. 153 

dipping north at an angle of 86°. Many small stones, 1 and 2 feet in diameter, lie 
about, with marks on them nearly defaced. 
Fig. 114 is a reproduction of the illustration. 




Fig. 114.— Petroglyphs at the falls of Girao, Brazil. 



At Pederaeira all the rocks on the right side at the foot of the rapids are literally 
covered with figures. Fig. 115 a is on a large bowlder facing the south ; l has joined 
to its right side, c : d, e, and / are on the same stone. Most of these rocks are only a 
few feet above low water and are covered at least eight months each year. 




Fig. 115.— Petroglyphs at Pederaeira, Brazil. 



At Araras rapids the river is very wide, [containing] two islands and a rocky 
ledge crossing the river from the rapid. Nearly all the rocks on the right bank are 
covered with figures. 



154 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



These are reproduced hi Fig. 116. 




Araras rapids, Braz 



Having no small canoe 
we could not pass a small 
channel so as to gather 
copies of the figures we 
could see at a distance. 
The approaches both above 
and below the rapids and 
falls are many times as dif- 
[ ficult to pass as the rapid 
r fall itself, giving rise to 
the division into "head," 
"body," and "tail." Some 
not only have these divi- 
sions, but also have these 
subdivided into "head, 
body, and tail." One is 
constantly hearing "elra- 
bo," "el rabo del rabo," 
"el rabo del cuerpo," or 
"cabeza," and so on. 

Ribeirao. — The tail of the 
rapid is 3 miles in length, 
a continuous broken cur- 
rent and fields of rocks. It 
is here, on a rock but a foot 
or two above the river, 
that the hieroglyphic 
shown in F. Keller's "Ama- 
zon and Madeira " is found. 



As both Mr. Fetterman and myself made copies of it, unknown to the other till 
finished, our copies may be relied on, although differing from Keller's. The length 




IN BRAZIL. 



155 



of the upper part is 45 inches and of the lower 36 inches, with 13 inches depth of 
each. 

The copy mentioned is given here as Fig. 117. 

The character of the lower right-hand corner was at one time as clearly cut as we 
represent it, some of the edges being yet clear and distinct. 

At the rapid of Madeira there were a number of circles similar to 15 and 16 at Ei- 
beirao. On a ridge of rocks in the middle of the river, just above Larges rapids, are 
figures, and we had only time to sketch one, Fig. 118. 

AtPao Grande we had a better harvest, showing evidently a later period "than 
the former. One could easily believe these were made at the time of the Spanish 
conquest, the anchors, shields, and hearts being so often found in Spanish religious 
rites. Without doubt these were notices for navigators, as they were only out of 
water and seen when that passage was dangerous. Where projecting points of rock 
gave a face both up and down stream the same figure was on both faces. These 
rocks are syenitic granite and are cut to a depth of a half inch. 

Fig. 119 is a reproduction of the copy published. 

Senhor Tristao de Alencar Araripe {a) gives a large 
number of descriptions with illustrations, a selection 
of which, with translations, is as follows : 

In the province of C'eara, district of Inhamun, on the plan- 
tation of Carrapateira, is a small hill (or mound). On the 
face of one of its rocks, on the eastern side, near the edge of 
the road, is the inscription given in Fig. 120 painted in red. 

In the district of Inhamun, on the plantation of Carrapa- Fig. 118. — Character at 
teira, in Morcego, on the top of a mound, is a semicircular Madeira rapid. Brazil, 
stone bearing on the face toward the mound the four characters which appear in 
Fig. 121. 




Fig. 119.— Petroglyphs at Pao Grande, Brazil. 




156 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Iu Inhamim, on the plantation of Carrapateira, in Morcego, is a large stone mound, 
the stones being piled up in a form of a tower; and in the inside of this tower, on 
the south or southwest side, are the characters given in Fig. 122 painted in bright, 
cochineal color. 




Fig. 120.— Petroglyph in Ceara., Brazil. 



Near the road from Cracara to Favelas, Inhamun, is a large rock, on the face of 
which, at the top of the western side, is the inscription [given on the upper part of 
Fig. 123,] all in red paint, as is also that following. 

"It 

Fig. "121.— Petroglyph in Morcego, Brazil. 




IN BRAZIL. 



157 



The under part of this rock forms a shelter, and on the roof of this shelter are all the 
remaining characters of the figure. 

To the right or south of the shelter containing the inscription is a stone, with the 
form of the figure represented in the third place in the lower row of characters, 
counting from left to right, on a small heap, with the rear end raised up and the 
sharp point toward the east, its side inclining toward the west, in such a way that 
it can he climbed to the end which is erect. 

On the same side, at the south, but beyond this, on the top of a rise, is a mound in 
sight, which is represented by the figure [delineated in the lower part of Fig. 123 at 
the extreme right,] resembling an inclosure (corral) with the 21 small lines before it. 




Fig. 123.— Petroglyphs in Inhamun, Brazil. 



Fig. 124 is a copy of an inscription at Pedra Lavrada, Province of 
Parahiba, published loc. cit., but the description by Senhor de Alencar 
Araripe is very meager, amounting in substance to the following : 

This is an inscription of vast proportions on a large rock in the town of Pedra 
Lavrada, which takes its name from that of the rock. 

Other petroglyphs in Brazil are copied in Figs. 1107, 1108, 1109, 1110, 
1111, 1113, 1114, and also under the heading of Cup Sculptures, Chap- 
ter V, infra. 

ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. 

F. P. Moreno {a), Museo de La Plata, Catamarca, gives an illustra- 
tion of an inscribed rock at Bajo de Cauota, Mendoza, reproduced as 
Fig. 125. 

PERU. 

The following account is furnished by Messrs. de Eivero and Von 
Tschudi (a): 

Eight leagties north of Arequipa there exist a multitude of engravings on granite 
which represent figures of animals, flowers, and fortifications, and which doubtless 
tell the story of events anterior to the dynasty of the Incas. 



158 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




MALLERY.] 



IN PEKU. 



159 



The illustration presented is copied here as Fig. 126. 
The account is continued as follows : 

In the province of Castro- Vireyna, in the town of Huaytara, there is found in the 
ruins of a large edifice, of similar construction to the celebrated palace of old Huanuco, 




a mass of granite many square yards in size, with coarse engravings like those last 
mentioned near Arequipa. None of the most trustworthy historians allude to these in- 
scriptions or representations, or give the smallest direct information concerning the 
Peruvian hieroglyphics, from which it may possibly be inferred that in the times of 
the Incas there was no knowledge of the art of writing in characters and that all of 
these sculptures are the remains of a very remote period. * * * In many parts 
of Peru, chiefly in situations greatly elevated above the sea are vestiges of inscrip- 
tions very much obliterated by time. 

The illustration is copied here as Fig. 127. 




Fig. 127.— Petroglyph in Huaytara, Peru. 



Charles Wiener («), in Perou et Bolivie, gives another statement, 
viz: 

The archeologists of Peru have only found a single point — Tiahuanaco — where 
there wore a limited number, though very interesting, of signs on rocks or stones 
which seemed to all observers to be symbolic. While there are a few petrogiyphs 
found in Peru there are a large number of inscriptions properly so called on the 
tissues which cover or are found in connection with remains in the graves. 

A number of pictographs from Peru are described and illustrated 
infra (see Figs. 688, 720, and 1167). 

CHILE. 

Prof. Edwyn C. Reed, of Valparaiso, Chile, presented through A. P : 
Xiblack, ensign U. S. Navy, a photograph of a large bowlder bearing 
numerous sculpturings. No information pertaining to the locality at 
which the rock is situated or details respecting the characters upon it 
were furnished. The photograph is reproduced in Fig. 128. 



160 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Mr. E. A. Philippi, of Santiago, a corresponding member, made a 
communication to the Berliner Gesellschaft fur Anthropologic, session 



of January 19, 1876, page 38, from which the following is extracted and 
translated : 

I made a visit to the valley "Cajon de los Cipreses" in order to see the glacier 
giving rise to the Rio de los Cipreses, a tributary of the Cachapoal, and on that occa- 
sion had a cursory view of a rock with some pictures. I send yon herewith a draw- 
ing of the rock and some of the figures cut on it. The rock, a kind of greenstone, 
lies at an altitude of about 5,000 feet above sea level, and the surface covered with 
figures, gently inclined down to the ground, may be 8 feet long and 5 or 6 feet high. 
The lines are about 4 mm. broad and 1 to i mm. deep. The carved figures on the stone 
are without any sort of order. When I spoke before a meeting of our faculty of physi- 
cal and mathematical sciences concerning this stone which the shepherds of the re- 
gion called piedra marcada, I learned that similar stones with carved figures are 
found in various places. 

The figure mentioned is here reproduced as Fig. 129. 




Fig. 128.— Sculptured bowlder in Chile. 





Fig. 129.— Petroglyph in Cajon de los Cipreses, Chile. 



CHAPTEE IV. 



EXTRA-LIMIT A E PETTtOGLYPHS. 

The term "extra-limital," familiar to naturalists, refers in its present 
connection to the sculptures, paintings, and drawings on rocks beyond 
the continents of Xorth and South America, which are now introduced 
for comparison and as evidence of the occurrence throughout the world 
of similar forms in the department of work now under examination. 

SECTION 1. 

AUSTRALIA. 

Mr. Edward G-. Porter (a), in "The Aborigines of Australia," says: 
"Their rock carvings are only outline sketches of men, fish, animals, 
etc., sometimes seen on the top of large fiat rocks. Two localities are 
mentioned, one on Sydney common and another on a rock between 
Brisbane water and Hawkesbury river." 

Much more detailed information is given by Thomas Worsnop, viz : 

At Chasm island, which lies I§ miles from "Groote Eylandt," in the steep sides of 
the chasms, were deep holes or caverns iindermining the cliffs, upon the walls of 
which are found rude drawings, made with charcoal and something Eke red paint, 
upon the white ground of the rock. These drawings represented porpoises, trjrtle, 
kangaroos, and a human hand, and Mr. WestaU found the representations of a kan- 
garoo with a file of thirty-two persons following after it. 

In the MacDonnell ranges. 6 miles from Alice springs, in a large cave, there were 
paintings made by the aborigines, well defined parallel lines, intersected with foot- 
prints of the emu. kangaroo rat, and birds, wirh the outlines of iguana, hands of 
men, well sketched and almost perfect. 

The paraUel lines were of deep red and yellow colors, with brown and white bor- 
ders; the footprints of light red, light yellow, and black; the outlines of the ani- 
mals and hands were of red, yeUow, white, black, wonderfuUy (considering it was 
done by savages) displayed and blended. AH the paintings were in good preserva- 
tion and evidently touched up occasionally, as they looked quite fresh. 

I can only conjecture that these paintings were left as a record, a life-long charm, 
against the total destruction of the above animals. The paintings were seen by Mr. 
S. Gason, of Beltana, in the year 1873. 

Very interesting groups of native drawings are to be seen in the caves of the 
Emily gorge in the MacDonneU ranges. Many of these drawings represent life-size 
objects. 

10 ETH 11 161 



162 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The same author, page 20, describes the petroglyph copied in Fig. 
130 as follows : 

Mr. Arthur Jolm Giles in the year 1873 discovered, at the junction of Sullivan's 
creek -with the Finite river, carvings on rocks. The sketch represents a smooth- 
faced rock, portion of a rock cliff about 45 feet high, composed of hard metamorphic 
slate. The lower portion of the sculptured face has been worn and broken away, 
forming a sort of cave. From the level of the creek to the lower edge of the sculp- 
tured rock is about 15 feet. The perpendicular lines are cut out, forming semi- 
circular grooves about 1| inches in diameter, cut in to a depth of nearly half an inch ; 
all remaining figures are also carved into the solid rock to a depth of one-fourth of 
an inch. 




Tig. 130.— Petroglyph on Finke river, Australia. 

The same author, page 14, gives the following description of some 
pictures discovered between 1831 and 1840 by Oapt. Stokes on De- 
puch island, one of the Forestier group in Dampier archipelago, on 
the western coast of Australia : 

Depuch island would seem to be their favorite resort, and we found several of 
their huts still standing. The natives are doubtless attracted to the place partly by 
the reservoirs of water they find among the rocks after rain; partly that they may 
enjoy the pleasure of delineating the various objects that attract their attention on 
the smooth surface of the rocks. This they do by removing the hard red outer coat- 
ing and baring to view the natural co.or of the greenstone, according to the outline 



MALI.ERY.] 



IN AUSTKAEIA. 



163 



they have traced. Much ability is displayed in many of these representations, the 
subject of which could be discovered at a glance. The number of specimens are im- 
mense, so that the natives must have been in the habit of amusing themselves in 
this innocent manner for a long period of time. 

These savages of Australia, who have adorned the rocks of Depuch island with 
their drawings, have in one thing proved themselves superior to the Egyptian and 
the Etruscan, whose works have elicited so much admiration and afforded food to 
so many speculations, namely, there is not in them to be observed the slightest trace 




Fig. 131. — IVtroiilyplis in IH'imrh isliinil, Australia. 



Fig. 131 shows a number of the characters drawn on these rocks. 
They are supposed to represent objects as follows: 

a, a goose or duck; Z>, a beetle; c, a fish, with a quarter moon over, considered to 
have some reference to fishing by moonlight ; d, a native, armed with spear and worn- 
mera or throwing stick, probably relating his adventures, which is usually done by 
song and accompanied with great action and flourishing of weapons, particularly 
when boasting of his powers; e, a duck and a gull; /, a native in a hut, with portion 
of the matting with which they cover their habitations; shark and pilot fish; h, 
a corroboreeo or native dance; i, a native dog; a crab; k, a kangaroo; 7, appears 
to be a bird of prey, having seized upon a kangaroo rat. 



164 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The same author, page 5, describes another locality as follows : 
In New South Wales, in the neighborhood of Botany bay and port Jackson, the 
figures of animals, of shields and weapons, and even of men, have been found carved 
upon the rooks, roughly, indeed, but sufficiently well to ascertain very fully what 
was the object intended. Fish were often represented, and in one place, the form of 
a large lizard was sketched out with tolerable accuracy. On top of one of the hills 
the figure of a man, in the attitude usually assumed by them when they begin to 
dance, was executed in a still superior style. 

The figure last*mentioned was probably the god Darainulun, see 
Howitt, Australian Customs of Initiation (a). 

A special account of the aboriginal rock carvings at the head of 
Bantry bay is furnished by R. Etheridge, jr. (a), as follows, the illus- 
tration referred to being presented here as Fig. 132 : 

Of the numerous traces of aboriginal rock carvings to be seen on the shores of Port 
Jackson, none probably equal in extent or completeness of detail those on the heights 
at the head and on the eastern side of Bantry bay, Middle harbor, Australia, 

The table of sandstone over which the carvings are scattered measures 2 chains 
in one direction by 3 in the contrary, and has a gentle slope of 7 degrees to the south- 
west. The high road as now laid out passes over a portion of them. * * * 




Fig. 132.— Petroglyphs al Bantry bay, Australia. 



The figures are represented in their present state in outline by a continuous inden- 
tation or groove from 1 to li inches broad by half an inch to 1 inch in depth. Some 
are single subjects scattered promiscuously over the surface; others form small 
groups, illustrating compound subjects, but all appear to have been executed about 
one and the same time. * * * 

An advance on the other sculptures existing at this place seems to be made in the 
originals of the designs a and I>, from the fact that an attempt was apparently made to 
represent a compound idea in the form of a single combat between two warriors. The 
figures are quite contiguous to one another. The individual marked a seems to be 
holding in his right hand a body similar to that represented as o, and the position in 
which it is held would lend color to the belief in its shield-like nature. In the op- 
posite hand are a bundle of rods which have been suggested to be spears, and this 
explanation for the want of a better may be accepted. On the other hand, we are 
confron ted with the fact that these weapons of offense and defense are held in the 
wrong hands, unless the holder be regarded as sinistral ; otherwise it must be con- 
ceived that the warrior's back is presented to the observer, which is contrary to the 
other evidence existing in the carving. The opponent, marked as 6, with legs astride 
and arms outstretched much in the position of an aboriginal when throwing the 
boomerang, is equally definitive. I conceive it quite possible that the position of 



IN NEW ZEALAND. 



165 



the boomerang close to the right hand conveys the idea that this man has just 
thrown the missile at the subject of a, allowing, of course, for the want of a knowl- 
edge of perspective on the part of the aboriginal artist. * * * 

In several other figures the head is a mere rounded outline, but in 6 it is presented 
with a rather bird-like appearance. Another peculiarty is the great angularity 
given to the kneecap : this is visible both in a and 6. It is further exemplified in 
the elbow of the left arms of both a and />. 

SECTION 2. 
OCEANICA. 

The term "Oceanica" is used here without geographic precision, to 
include several islands not mentioned in other sections of the present 
work, in different parts of the globe, where specially interesting petro- 
glyphs have been found and made known in publications. Although 
more such localities are known than are now mentioned, the pictographs 
from them are not of sufficient importance to justify description or illus- 
tration, but it may be remarked that they show the universality of the 
pictographic practice. 

NEW ZEALAND. 

Dr. -Julius von Haast (a) published notes, condensed as follows, de- 
scriptive of the illustration produced here as Fig. 133 : 

The most remarkable petroglyphs found in New Zealand are situated about 1 mile 
on the western side of the Weka Pass road in a rock shelter, which is washed out of 
a vertical wall of rock lining a small valley for about 300 feet on its right or southern 
side. The whole length of the rock below the shelter has been used for painting, 
and it is evident that some order has been followed in the arrangement of the sub- 
jects and figures. The paint (.'(insists of kokowai (red oxide of iron), of which the 
present aborigines of New Zealand make still extensive use, and of some fatty sub- 
stance, such as fish oil, or perhaps some oily bird fat. It has been well fixed upon 
the somewhat porous rock and bo amount of rubbing will get it off. 

Some of the principal objects evidently belong to the animal kingdom, and represent 
animals which either do not occur in New Zealand or are only of a mythical or fabu- 
lous character. The paintings occur over a face of about 65 feet, and the upper end 
of some reaches 8 feet above the floor, the average height, however, being 4 to 5 
feet. They are all of considerable size, most of them measuring several feet, and one 
of them even having a length of 15 feet. 

Beginning at the eastern end in the left-hand corner is the representation a of 
what might be taken for a sperm whale with its mouth wide open diving downward. 
This figure is 3 feet long. Five feet from it is another figure c, which might also 
represent a whale or some fabulous two-headed marine monster. This painting is 
3 feet 4 inches long. Below it, a little to the right in d, we have the representation 
of a large snake possessing a swollen head and a long protruding tongue. This fig- 
ure is nearly 3 feet long, and shows numerous windings. 

It is difficult to conceive how the natives in a country without snakes could not 
only have traditions about them but actually be able to picture them, unless they 
had received amongst them immigrants from tropical countries who had landed on 
the coasts of New Zealand. 



166 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Between the two fishes or whales is b, which might represent a fishhook, and be- 
low the snake d a sword e with a curved blade. 

Advancing toward the right is a group which is of special interest, the figure »*, 
which is nearly a foot long, having all the appearance of a long-necked bird carry- 
ing the head as the cassowary and emu do, and as the moa lias done. If this design 
should represent the moa, I might suggest that it was either a conventional way of 
drawing that bird or that it was already extinct when this representation was 
painted according to tradition; in which latter case 1c might represent the taniwha 
or gigantic fabulous lizard which is said to have watched the moa. h is doubtless 
a quadruped, probably a. dog, which was a contemporary of the moa and was used 
also as food by the moa hunters, j is evidently a weapon, probably an adz or toma- 
hawk, and might, being close to the supposed bird, indicate the manner in which 
the latter was killed during the chase. The post, with the two branches near the top 




£ 

h . t t. 




Fig 133.— Petroglyph in New Zealand. 

/, finds a counterpart in the remnant of a similar figure <j between (he figures c audi. 
They might represent some of the means by which the moa was caught or indicate 
that it existed in open country between the forest, m, under which the rock in the 
central portion has scaled off, is like /, one of the designs which resemble ancient 
oriental writing. 

Approaching the middle portion of the wall we find here a well-shaped group of 
paintings, the center of which n has all the appearance of a hat ornamented on the 
crown. The rim of this broad-brimmed relic measures 2 feet across. The expert of 
ancient customs and habits of the Malayan and South Indian countries might per- 
haps be able to throw some light upon this and the surrounding figures, o to r. 

From q, which is altogether 3 feet high, evidently issues fire or smoke ; it therefore 
might represent a tree on fire, a lamp or an altar with incense offering. * 
The figure o is particularly well painted, and the outlines are clearly defined, but I 



IN KEI ISLANDS. 



167 



can make no suggestion as to its meaning. In s we have, doubtless, the picture of 
a human being who is running away from q, the object from the top of which issues 
fire or smoke. I am strengthened in my conviction that it is meant for a man by 
observing a similar figure running away from the monster aa. p, which has been 
placed below that group, might be compared to a pair of spectacles, but is proba- 
bly a letter or an imitation of such a sign. 

A little more to the right a figure 6 feet long is very prominent. It is probably the 
representation of a right whale in the act of spouting. Above it, in v, the figure of 
a mantis is easily recognizable, whilst « and the characters to the right below the sup- 
posed right whale again resemble cyphers or letters, w and y, although in many 
respects different, belong doubtless to the same group, and represent large lizards or 
crocodiles. •* w is 4 feet long; it is unfortunately deficient in its lower por- 

tion, but it is still sufficiently preserved to show that besides four lege it possesses 
two other lower appendages, of which one is forked and the other has the appear- 
ance of a trident. I wish also to draw attention to the unusual form of the head. 
y is a similar animal 3 feet long, but it has eight legs, and head and tail are well de- 
fined. The head is well rounded off, and both animals represent, without doubt, 
some fabulous animal, such as the taniwha, which is generally described as a huge 
crocodile, of which the ancient legends give so many accounts. 

aa, a huge snake-like animal 15 feet long, is probably a representation of the 
tuna tuoro, a mythical monster. It is evident that the tuna tuoro is in the act of 
swallowing a man, who tries to save himself by running away from it. 

KEI ISLANDS. 

Mr. A. Langen (a) made a report on the Kei islands and their Ghost 
grottoes, with a plate now reproduced as Fig. 134. He says : 

The group of the small Kei islands, more correctly Arue islands [southwest from 
New Guinea] , is a sea bottom raised by volcanic forces and covered with corals and 
shells. The corals appear but at a few points. They are in the main covered with 
a layer of shells cemented together, whose cement is so hard and firm that it offers 
resistance to the influence of time even after the shell has been weathered away. 

On the whole, all the figures in similar genre are represented in thousands of 
specimens. [They may be divided into three series, the first including letters a to 
7.-; the second, letters 7 to t; the third, letters u to cc] Many are effaced and unrecog- 
nizable, only letter I; series 1 ; letters n, o, s, I, series 2 ; and letters cc, series 3, stand 
isolated and seem to have a peculiar meaning. The popular legend ascribes the great- 
est age to the characters of series 1 and series 2, and it is said that the signs record 
a terrible fight in which the islanders lost many dead, but yet remained victors. It 
is stated that the signs were produced by the ghosts of the fallen. The signs of series 
3 are said to be the work of a woman nanied Tewaheru, who was able to converse 
with ghosts as well as with the living. But, when on one occasion she helped a 
living man to recover his dead wife by betraying to him the secret of making the 
spirit return to the body, she is said to have been destroyed by the ghosts and 
changed into a blackbird, whose call even at this day indicates death. Since that 
time no medium is said to exist between the living and the dead, nor do any new 
signs appear on the rock. 

Investigation in place showed me that the color of series 3 consists of ocher made 
up with water. The very oldest drawings seem to have been made with water 
color, as the color has nowhere penetrated into the rock. Most of the figures are 
painted on overhanging rocks in such a way as to be protected as nmch as possible 
against wind and weather; whether they bear any relation to the signs on the rocks 
of Papua, and what that relation may be, I am not yet able to judge. 



168 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



It may safely be assumed that the caves as abodes of spirits were sacred, but did 
not serve as places of burial. The lead rings and pieces of copper gongs found in 




Fig. 134.— Petroglypbs in Kei islands. 



small number before some of the caves seem to be derived from sacrifices offered to 
the spirits. At the present day no more sacrifices are offered there, and the islanders 
knew nothing of the existence of these things. 



MALLEKY.] 



PETROGLYPHS IN EASTER ISLAND. 



169 



EASTER ISLAND. 

In this island carved human figures of colossal size have been fre- 
quently noticed in various publications, with and without illustrations, 
but apart from those statues ancient stone houses remain in which 
have been found large stone slabs bearing painted figures. Paymas- 
ter William J. Thompson, IT. S. Navy (a) says of the Orongo houses, 
that the "smooth slabs lining the walls and ceilings were ornamented 
with mythological figures and rude designs painted in white, red, 
and black pigments." The figures partake of the form of fish and bird- 
like animals, the exaggerated outlines clearly indicating mythologic 
beings, the type of which does not exist in nature. Fig. 135 is pre- 




Fig. 135.— Petroglyphs in Easter island. 



sented here, extracted by permission from the work above cited, and it 
may be of interest to know that nearly all, if not all, of the original 
specimens are now deposited in the U. S. National Museum. 

While the curious carvings on the wooden tablets which are dis- 
cussed in the work of Paymaster Thompson are not petroglyphs, it 
seems proper to mention them in this connection. Fig. 136 is taken 
from Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft, in Wien (a), 
and shows one of the tablets, which does not appear to be presented 
in this exact form in the work before mentioned. 



170 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The following remarks by Prof, de Lacouperie (b) are quoted on ac- 
count of the eminence of his authority, though the subject is still under 
discussion : 

The character of eastern India, the Vengi-Chalukya, was also carried to north 
Celebes islands. The people have not remained at the level required for the prac- 
tical use of a phonetic writing. It is no more used as an alphabet. Curiously 
enough, it is employed as pictorial ornaments on the MSS. they now write in a picto- 
graphic .style of the lowest scale. This I have seen on the facsimile ( Bildcisehriften 
des Ostindisehen Archipels, PI. i, 1, 11) published by Dr. A. B. Meyer, of Dresden, 
in his splendid album on the writings of this region. 

In the Easter island, or Vaihu, some fourteen inscriptions have been found incised 
on wooden boards, perhaps of driftwood. The characters are peculiar. Most of them 
display strange shapes, in which, with a little imagination, forms of men, fishes, 
trees, birds, and many other things have been fancied. A curious characteristic is 
that the upper part of the signs are shaped somewhat like the head of the herronia 




Pig. 136.— Tablet from Easter island. 



or albatross. A pictorial tendency is obvious in all of these. Some persons in Eu- 
rope have taken them for hieroglyphics, and have ventured to find a connection 
with the flora and fauna of the island. The knowledge of this writing is now lost; 
and it is not sure that the few priests and other men of the last genei-ation who 
boasted of being able to read them could do so thoroughly. Anyhow, in 1770, some 
chiefs were still able to write down their names on a deed of gift when the island 
was taken in the name of Carlos III of Spain. 

In examining carefully the characters I was struck by the forked heads of many 
of tuiem, which reminded me of the forked matras of the Vengi-Chalukya inscrip- 
tions. A closer comparison with Pis. i to viii of the Elements of South Indian 
Paleography (A. C. Burnell, Elements of South Indian Paleography, from the 
fourth to the seventeenth century A. D., being An Introduction to the Study of 
South Indian Inscriptions and MSS., 2d edit., London and Mangalore, 1878; Pis. i, vii, 
viii are specially interesting for the forked matras) soon showed me that I was on 
the right track, and a further study of the Vaihu characters, and their analysis by 
comparing the small differences (vocalic notation) existing between several of them, 
convinced me that they are nothing else than a decayed form of the above writing 
of southern India returning to the hieroglyphical stage. With this clue, the in- 



MALLERY.] 



IN GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. 



171 



scriptions of Easter island are no more a sealed text. They can easily be read after 
a little training. Their language is Polynesian, and I can say that the vocabulary 
of the Sanioan dialect has proved very nseful to me for the purpose. 

SECTION 3. 
EUROPE. 

In the more settled and civilized parts of Europe petroglyphs are now 
rarely found. This is, perhaps, accounted for in part by the many oc- 
casions for use of the inscribed rocks or by their demolition during the 
long period after the glyphs upon them had ceased to have their orig- 
inal interest and significance and before their value as now understood 
had become recognized. Yet from time to time such glyphs have been 
noticed, and they have been copied and described in publications. 

But few of the petroglyphs in the civilized portions of Europe not 
familiar by publication have that kind of interest which requires their 
reproduction in the present paper. It may be sufficient to state in gen- 
eral terms that Europe is no exception to the rest of the world in the 
presence of petroglyphs. 

A number of these extant in the British islands and in the Scandi- 
navian peninsula, besides the few examples presented in this chapter, 
are described and illustrated in other parts of this work, and brief ac- 
counts of others recently noted in France, Spain, and Italy are also 
furnished. 

GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. 

Nearly all of the petroglyphs found in the British islands, accounts 
of which have been published, belong to the class of cup sculptures 
discussed in Chapter v, infra, but several inscriptions showing charac- 
ters not limited to that category are mentioned in "Archaic Bock In 
scriptions," (a) from which the following condensed extract referring to 
cairn in county Meath, Ireland, is taken: 

The ornamentation may lie thus described : Small circles, with or without a cen- 
tral dot; two or many more concentric circles; a small circle with a central dot, 
surronnded by a spiral line; the single spiral; the double spiral, or two spirals 
starting from different centers; rows of small lozenges or ovals; stars of six to thir- 
teen rays; wheels of nine rays; flower ornaments, sometimes inclosed in a'circle or 
wide oval; wave-like lines ; groups of lunette-shaped lines; pothooks; small squares 
attached to each other side by side, so as to form a reticulated pattern ; small attached 
concentric circles ; large and small hollows ; a cup hollow surrounded by one or more 
circles ; lozenges crossed from angle to angle (these and the squares produced by scrap- 
ings) ; an ornament like the spine of a fish with ribs attached, or the fiber system of 
some leaf ; short equiarmed crosses, starting sometimes from a dot and small circle ; a 
circle with rays round it, and the whole contained in a circle ; a series of compressed 
semicircles like the letters flflfl inverted; vertical lines far apart, with ribs sloping 
downwards from them like twigs ; an ornament like the fiber system of a broad leaf, 
with the stem attached; rude concentric circles with short rays extending from part 
of the outer one ; an ornament very like the simple Greek fret, with dots in the 



172 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



center of the loop ; five zigzag lines and two parallel lines, on each of which, and 
pointing toward each other, is a series of cones ornamented by lines radiating from 
the apex, crossed by others parallel to the base — this design has been produced by 
scraping, and I propose to call it the Patella ornament, as it strikingly resembles 
the large species of that shell so common on our coasts, and which shell Mr. Conwell 
discovered in numbers in some of the cists, in connection with fragments of pottery 
and human bones; a semicircle with three or four straight lines proceeding from it, 
but not touching it; a dot with several lines radiating from it; combinations of 
short straight lines arranged either at right angles to or sloping from a central line; 
an go -shaped curve, each loop inclosing concentric circles; and a vast number of 
other combinations of the circle, spiral, line, and dot, which can not be described in 
writing. 

Some of the ancient "Turf-Monuments" of England are to Tbe classed 
as petroglyphs. The following extracts from the work of Eev. W. A. 
Plenderleath (b) give sufficient information on these curious pictures: 

Although all the White Horses, except one, are in Wiltshire, that one exception 
is the great sire and prototype of them all, which is at Uffmgton, just 2| miles out- 
side the Wiltshire boundary and within that of Berkshire. * * * The one medi- 
aeval document in which the White Horse is mentioned is a cartulary of the Abbey 
of Abingdon, which must have been written either in the reign of Henry II or soon 
after, and which runs as follows : " It was then customary amongst the English that 
any monks who wished might receive money or landed estates and both use and de- 
volve them according to their pleasure. Hence two monks of the monastery at 
Abingdon, named Leofric and Godric Cild, appear to have obtained by inheritance 
manors situated upon the banks of the Thames; one of them, Godric, becoming pos- 
sessed of Spersholt, near the place commonly known as the White Horse Hill, and the 
other that of Whitchurch, during the time that Aldhelm was abbot of this place." 

This Aldhelm appears to have been abbot from 1072 to 1084, and from the terms in 
which the White Horse Hill is mentioned the name was evidently an old one at that 
time. 

Now it was only two hundred years before this time, viz, in 871, that a very 
famous victory had been gained by King Alfred over the Danes close to this very 
spot. "Four days after the battle of Reading," says Asser, "King .yEthelred, and 
Alfred, his brother, fought against the whole army of the pagans at Ashdown. * * * 
And the flower of the pagan youths were there slain, so that neither before nor since 
was ever such destruction known since the Saxons first gained Britain by their arms." 
And it was in memory of this victory that, we are informed by local tradition, Alfred 
caused his men, the day after the battle, to cut out the White Horse, the standard 
of Hengist, on the hillside just under the castle. The name Hengist, or Hengst, 
itself means Stone Horse in the ancient language of the Saxons, and Bishop Nichol- 
son, in his " English Atlas," goes so far as to suppose the names of Hengist and 
Horsa to have been not proper at all, but simply emblematical. 

The Uffington horse measures 355 feet from the nose to the tail and 120 feet from 
the ear to the hoof. It faces to sinister, as do also those depicted upon all British 
coins. The slope of the portion of the hill upon which it is cut is 39°, but the 
declivity is very considerably greater beneath the figures. The exposure is south- 
west. 

The author then describes the White Horse on Bratton Hill, near 
Westbury, Wilts, now obliterated, the dimensions of which were, ex- 
treme length, 100 feet; height, nearly the same; from toe to chest, 54 
feet, and gives accounts of several other White Horses, the antiquity 



MALLEHY. J 



IN SWEDEN. 



173 



of which is not so well established. He then (c) treats of the Red 
Horse in the lordship of Tysoe, in Warwickshire, as follows : 

This is traditionally reported to have been cut in 1461, in memory of the exploits 
of Richard, Earl of Warwick, who was for many years one of the most prominent 
figures in the Wars of the Eoses. The earl had in the early part of the year found 
himself, with a force of forty thousand men, opposed to Queen Margaret, with sixty 
thousand, at a place called Towton, near Tadcaster. Overborne by numbers, the 
battle was going against him, when, dismounting from his horse, he plunged his 
sword up to the hilt in the animal's side, crying aloud that he would henceforth 
light shoulder to shoulder with his men. Thereupon the soldiers, animated by their 
leader's example, rushed forward with such impetuosity that the enemy gave way 
and flew precipitately. No less than twenty-eight thousand Lancastrians are said 
to have fallen in this battle and in the pursuit which followed, for the commands of 
Prince Edward were to give no quarter. It was to this victory that the latter owed 
his elevation to the throne, which took place immediately afterwards. 

The Red Horse used to be scoured every year, upon Palm Sunday, at the expense 
of certain neighboring landowners who held their land by that tenure, and the 
scouring is said to have been as largely attended and to have been the occasion of 
as great festivity as that of the older horse in the adjoining county of Berks. The 
figure is about 54 feet in extreme length by about 31 in extreme height. 

The best known of Turf-Monuments other than horses is the Giant, 
on Trendle Hill, near Cerne Abbas, in Dorsetshire. This the same 
author (d) describes as follows: 

This is a figure roughly representing a man, undraped, and with a club in his right 
hand; the height is 180 feet, and the outlines are marked out by a trench 2 feet wide 
and of about the same depth. It covers nearly an acre of ground. Hutchin imagines 
this figure to represent the Saxon god, Heil, and places its date as anterior to A. D. 
600. ? * * Britton, on the other hand, tells us that "vulgar tradition makes 
this figure commemorate the destruction of a giant who, having feasted on some 
sheep in Blackmoor and laid himself to sleep on this hill, was pinioned down like 
another Gulliver and killed by the enraged peasants, who immediately traced his 
dimensions for the information of posterity." There were formerly discernible some 
markings between the legs of the figure rather above the level of the ankles, which 
the country folk took for the numerals 748, and imagined to indicate the date. We 
need, perhaps, scarcely remark that Arabic numerals were unknown in Europe until 
at least six centuries later than this period. 

SWEDEN. 

Mr. Paul B. Da Ohaillu (a) gives the following (condensed) account 
describing, among many more "rock tracings," as he calls them, those 
reproduced as Figs. 137 and 138 : 

There are found in Sweden large pictures engraved on the rocks which are of 
great antiquity, long before the Roman period. 

These are of different kinds and sizes, the most numerous being the drawings of 
ships or boats, canoe-shaped and alike at both ends (with figures of men and ani- 
mals), and of fleets fighting against each other or making an attack upon the shore. 
The hero of the fight, or the champion, is generally depicted as much larger than the 
other combatants, who probably were of one people, though of different tribes, for 
their arms are similar and all seem without clothing, though in some cases they are 
represented as wearing a helmet or shield. 



174 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



On soino rocks are representations of cattle, horses, reindeer, turtles, ostriches, 
and camels, the latter showing that in earlier times these people were acquainted 
with more southern climes. The greatest number and the largest and most compli- 
cated in detail of the tracings occur, especially in the present Sweden, in Bohuslan, 
"the ancient Viken of the Sagas," on the coast of the peninsula washed by the Catte- 
gat. They are also found in Norway, especially in Smaalenene, a province contigu- 
ous to that of Bohuslan, hut become more scarce in the north, though found on the 
Trondhjem fjord. 

Fig. 137 is a copy of a petroglyph in Tannin parish, Bohusliin, Swe- 
den. The large figure is doubtless a champion or commander, the ex- 
aggerated size of which is to be noted in connection with that of the 




Fig. 137. -lvt.ii>L.'lv]il] in Buhtisliii). Sweden. 

Zulu chiefs in Fig. 142, infra, from South Africa, and Fig. 1024, infra, 
from North America. There are numerous small holes and footprints 
between the chief and the attacking force. Height, 20 feet ; width, 15 
feet. 

In Bohuslan the tracings are cut in the quartz, which is the geological formation 
of the coast. They are mostly upon slightly inclined rocks, which are generally 200 
or 300 feet or more above the present level of the sea, and which have been polished 
by the action of the ice. The width of 1 he lines in the same representation varies from 
1 to 2 inches and even more, and their depth is often only a third or fourth of an 
inch, and at times so shallow as to be barely perceptible. Those tracings, which 
have for hundreds, perhaps for thousands; of years been laid bare to the ravages of 
the northern climate, are now most difficult to decipher, while those which have 
been protected by earth are as fresh as if they had been cut to-day. Many seem to 



PETEOGLYPHS IN FRANCE. 



175 



have been cut near the middle or base of the hills, which were covered with vege- 
tation, and were in the course of time concealed by the detritus from above. 

Fig. 138 is from the same author (b) and locality. Height, 29 feet; 
width, 17 feet. The large birds and footprints and a chief designated 
by his size will be noticed, and also a character in the middle of the 
extreme upper part of the illustration which may be compared with 
the largest human form in Fig. 983, infra, from Tule valley, California. 




Fig. 138.— Petroglyph in Bokuslan, Sweden. 



FRANCE. 

Perrier du Game (a), gives the following account (translated and con- 
densed) of signs carved on the dolmen of Trou-aux- Anglais, in Fpone : 

This dolmen, situated in the commune of Epone, in a place called Le Bois de la 
Garenne, was constructed beneath the ground; it was concealed from view and it is 
to this circumstance, no doubt, that its preservation is due. Nothing indicates that 
it has been surmounted by a tumulus ; in any case this tumulus had long since dis- 



176 PICTURE-WRITING "OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



appeared, and the ground was entirely leveled when the digging was commenced 

The characters ( Fig. 139) are carved in intaglio on the farthest stone of the en- 
trance, on the left side. The whole of the inscription measures 1'". 10 in height, 
and 82 centimeters in width, and may he divided into two groups, an nppor and a 
lower one. 

The upper character represents a rectangular figure divfded into three transverse 
sections; in the third section and almost in the center is a cupule. 

The lower character is more complicated and more difficult to describe. The first, 
or left-hand portion, represents a stone hatchet with a shaft; there is no doubt as 
to this, in my mind, as the outlines are perfectly clear, the design of the hatchet 
being very distinct. This hatchet measures 0 m , 108 in length and 38 ,r m in width to the 
edge of the blade. These are precisely the most common dimensions of the hatchets 
of our country. As to the remainder of the character, I think an interpretation of 
it difficult and premature. 

On the whole, the result of an examination of these inscriptions leaves the im- 
pression that the author did not seek to cover a stone with ornamentation, for these 
outlines have nothing whatever of the ornamental, but that he wished to represent 
o his people, by intelligible symbols, some particular idea. 




E. Cartailhac {a) begins an account of petrog- 
lyphs in the Department of Morbihan, in the old 
province of Brittany, translated and condensed as 
follows : 

It is hardly possible to give a description of the designs 
in the covered way of Gavr' inis. They are various linear 
combinations, the lines being straight, curved, undulating, 
isolated, or parallel, ramified like a fern, segments of con- 
centric circles, limited or not, and decorating certain com- 
partments with close winding spirals, recalling vividly the 
figures produced by the lines on the skin in the hollow of 
the hand and on the tips of the fingers. 



Iponl /France '" In tLe mid8t ° f accllmulated and ™ry oddl y grouped 

lines, which no doubt are merely decorative, there are 
found signs which must have had a meaning, and some figures easy to determine. 

The hatchet, the stone hatchet and no other, the large hatchet of Tumiac, of 
Mane-er-Hroeg, and of Mont Saint Michel, is represented in intaglio or in relief, 
real size. A single pillar of Gavr* inis bears eighteen of them. Less numerous 
groups are seen on some other blocks of the same covered way. 

On a little block placed under the ceiling in order to wedge up one of the covering 
slabs, is seen the image of a hatchet with handle, conformahle to a type found in the 
marsh of Ehenside in Cumberland, England. On many other monuments the pres- 
ence of the same figures of hatchets, with handles or without, has been observed. 
The most curious slab is certainly that of Mane-er-Hroeg. It had been broken, and 
its three pieces had been thrown in disorder before the threshold of the crypt. One 
of its faces, very well smoothed off, hears a cartouche in the form of a stirrup, filled 
with enigmatic signs and surrounded above and below by a dozen hatchets with 
handles, all engraved. 

One other sign, the imprint of the naked foot, is to he noted, found only once on 
this slab. Two human footprints are traced on one of the pillars of the crypt of the 
of the Petit-Mont in Arzon. They are said to be divided off, by a slight relief, from 
the rest of the granite frame on which they are sculptured, and which contains 
other drawings. Similar figures, engraved on rock or on tombstones, are cited from 
abroad, in lands far apart. In Sweden, the prints of naked or sandaled feet are 



MALLEEY.] 



PETROGLYPHS IN SPAIN. 



177 



common among the rock sculptures of the age of bronze which represent the curious 
scenes of the life of the people of that period. It is proper to note that these Scandi- 
navian and Morbihan sculptures are not synchronous; the idea of an immediate in- 
fluence of one people on the other can not be entertained. One might, however, 
maintain the identity of origin. 

The other inscriptions of Brittany are enigmatic in every respect. But they 
probably had a conventional value, a determined meaning. There is first of all a 
sort of complicated cartouche, plainly defined, having the appearance of a buckler 
or heraldic shield. Among the isolated signs it is proper to note a figure of the 
shape of the letter U with the ends spread wide apart and curved in opposite direc- 
tions. It recalls, with some aid from the imagination, the character which on the 
Scandinavian rocks represents more plainly ships and barks. 

The sculpturing of hands and feet is to be remarked in connection 
with similar characters on the rocks in America, many illustrations of 
which appear in the present work. 

B. Souche (a) in 1879 described and illustrated curious characters on 
the walls of the crypt of the tumulus of Lisieres (Deux-Sevres), France, 
some of which in execution markedly resemble several found in the 
United States and figured in this work. 

SPAIN. 

Mr. T. Jagor (a) communicated a brochure in reference to the Oueva 
de Altamira, transmitted to him by Prof. Vilanova in Madrid : " Short 
notes on some prehistoric objects of the province of Santander," in 
which Don Marcelino de Sautuola describes the wall pictures and other 
finds in the cave discovered by him at Altamira. Mr. Jagor remarks 
as follows on the subject: 

The reproductions of the large wall pictures discovered in that cave displayed, in 
part, so excellent technique that the question arose how much of this excellence is 
to be attributed to the prehistoric artist, and how much to his modern copyist. Mr. 
Vilanova, who visited the cave soon after its discovery, and who regards the wall 
pictures as prehistoric, being about equal in age to the Danish Kjokken-moddings, 
states that the pictures given are pretty faithful imitations of the originals. The 
published drawings are all found on the ceiling of the first cave ; on the walls of the 
subsequent caves are seen sketches of those pictures, which the artist afterwards 
completed. The outlines of all the drawings have been cut in the wall with coarse 
instruments, and nearly all the bone implements found in the cave show scratches, 
which render it probable that they were used for this purpose. The colors used con- 
sist merely of various kinds of ocher found in the province, without further prepara- 
tion. Finally Mr. Vilanova reports that in the cave farthest back there was found, 
in his presence, an almost perfect specimen of Ursus spelceus. 

Don Manuel de Gongora y Martinez (a) gives the account translated 
as follows : 

The inscriptions of Fuencaliente are of great interest and importance. About one 
league east of the town, on a spur of the Sierra de Quiutana, at the site of the Piedra 
Escrita, there is an almost inaccessible place, the home of wild beasts and mountain 
goats. Beyond the river de los Batanes and the river de las Piedras, looking toward 
sunset and toward the town, the artisans of a remote age cut skillfully and sym- 
metrically with the point of the pickax into the flank of the rock and of the 
mountain, which is of fine flint, leaving a facade or frontispiece 6 yards in height 
10 ETH 12 



178 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



and twice as wide, and excavating there two contiguous caves, which are wide at 
the mouth and end in a point, making two triangular niches polished on their four 
faces. On the two outer fronts to the left and right appear more than 60 symhols or 
hieroglyphs, written in a simple and rustic way with the index finger of a rude hand, 
and with a reddish bituminous pigment. The niches, about a yard and a half in 
height, 1 yard deep, and half a yard at the mouth, are covered by the exceedingly 
hard and immense rock of the mountain. There is formed, as it were, a vestibule or 
esplanade before the monument, and it is defended by a rampart made of the rocks 
torn from the niches, strengthened with juniper, oaks, and cork trees. The half- 
moon, the sun, an ax, a bow and arrows, an ear of corn, a heart, a tree, two human 
figures, and a head with a crown stand out among those signs, the foreshadowings of 
primitive writing. 

The inscription on the first triangular face of the second cave is 
reproduced here as the left-hand group of the upper part of Fig. 1108, 
infra, and that " on the outer plane to the right, which already turns 
pyramidally to the north," is reproduced as the right-hand group of the 
same figure. They are inserted at that place for convenient compari- 
son with other characters on the figure mentioned and with those in 
Figs. 1097 and 1107. 

ITALY. 

Mr. Moggridge (in Jom\ Anthrop. Inst. Gr. Br. and I., viii, p. 65) 
observes that one of the designs, q, reported by Dr. Von Haast from 
New Zealand (see Fig. 133), was the same as one which had been seen on 
rocks 6,900 feet above the sea in the northwest corner of Italy. He adds : 

The inscriptions are not in colors, as are those given in Dr. Von Haast's paper, but 
are made by the repeated dots of a sharp pointed instrument. It is probable that if 
we knew howto read them they might convey important information, since the same 
signs occur in different combinations, just as the letters of our alphabet recur in 
different combinations to form words. Without the whole of these figures we can 
not say whether the same probability applies to them. 

SECTION 4. 
AFRICA. 

The following examples are selected from the large number of petro- 
giyphs known to have been discovered in Africa apart from those in 
Egypt, which are more immediately connected Avith the first use of 
syllabaries and alphabets, with symbolism and with gesture signs, un- 
der which headings some examples of the Egyptian hieroglyphics ap- 
pear in this work. 

ALGERIA. 

In the Eevue Geographique Internationale (a) is a communication 
upon the rock inscriptions at Tyout (Fig. 140) and Moghar (Fig. 141) 
translated, with some condensation, as follows: 

On the last military expedition made in the Sahara Gen. Colonieu made a careful 
restoration of the inscriptions on the rocks, whose existence was discovered at Tyout 
and Moghar. At Tyout these inscriptions are engraved on red or Vosgian sandstone, 



PETROGLYPHS IN ALGERIA. 



179 



and at Mogliar on a hard compact calcareous stone. At Mogliar the designs are 
more complicated than those at Tyout. An attempt has been made to render ideas 
by more learned processes; to the simplicity of the line, the artlessness of the poses 
which are seen at Tyout, there are added at Mogliar academic attitudes difficult to 
render, and which must be intended to represent some custom or ceremony in use 
among the peoples who then inhabited this country. The costume at Moghar is also 
more complicated. The ornaments of the head recall those of Indians, and the 
woman's dress is composed of a waist and a short skirt fastened by a girdle with 
flowing ends. All this is very decent and elegant for the period. The infant at the 
side is swaddled. The large crouching figure is the face view of a man who seems 
to be bearing his wife on his shoulders. At the right of this group is a giraffe or 
large antelope. In the composition above may be distinguished a solitary indi- 
vidual in a crouching attitude, seen in front, the arms crossed in the attitude of 
prayer or astonishment. The animals which figure in the designs at Moghar are 
cattle and partridges. The little quadruped seated on its haunches maybe a ger- 
boise (kind of rat), very common in these parts. 

In the inscriptions at Tyout we easily recognize the elephant, iong since extinct 
in these regions, but neither horse nor camel is seen, probably not having been yet 
imported into the Sahara country. 




Fig. I40.-Petrog]yphs at Tyout, Algeria. 



EGYPT. 

While the picture-writings of Egypt are too voluminous for present 
discussion and fortunately are thoroughly presented in accessible pub- 
lications, it seems necessary to mention the work of the late Mrs. A. 
B. Edwards (a). She gives a good account of the petroglyphs on the 
rocks bounding the ancient river bed of the Nile below Philae, which 
show their employment in a manner similar to that in parts of North 
America : 

These inscriptions, together with others found in the adjacent quarries, range over 
a period of between three and four thousand years, beginning with the early reigns 



180 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



of the ancient empire and ending with the Ptolemies and Cwsars. Some are mere 
autographs. Others run to a considerable length. Many are headed with figures of 
gods and worshippers. These, however, are for the most part mere graffiti, ill 
drawn and carelessly sculptured. The records they illustrate are chiefly votive. 
The passer-by adores the gods of the cataract, implores their protection, registers 
Lis name, and states the object of his journey. The votaries are of various ranks, 
periods, and nationalities; but the formula in most instances is pretty much the 
same. Now it is a citizen of Thebes performing the pilgrimage to Thilae, or a gen- 
eral at the head of his troops returning from a foray in Ethiopia, or a tributary 
prince doing homage to Rameses the Great and associating his suzerain with the 
divinities of the place. 

SOUTH AFRICA. 

Dr. Richard Andree, iu Zeichen bei deu "Naturvolkern (a), presents 
well-considered remarks, thus translated: 

The Hottentots and the Bantu peoples of South Africa produce no drawings, 
though the latter accomplish something in indifferent sculptures. The draftsmen 




Fig. 141.— Petvoglypbs at Moghar, Algeria 



and painters of South Africa are the Bushmen, who in this way, as well as by many 
other striking ethnic traits, testify to their independent ethnic position. The ex- 
traordinary multitude of figures of men and animals drawn by this people within 
its whole area, now greatly reduced, from the cape at the south to the lands and 
deserts north of the Orange river, and which they still draw at this day in gaudy 
colors, testify to an uncommonly firm hand, a keenly observing eye, and a very 
effective characterization. The Bushman artist mostly selects the surfaces of the 
countless rock bowlders, the walls of caves, or rock walls protected by overhanging 
crags, to serve as the canvas whereon to practice his art. He either painted his fig- 
ures with colors or chiseled them with a hard sharp stone on the rock wall, so that 
they appear in intaglio. The number of these figures may be judged from the fact 
that Fritsch at Hopetown found "thousands" of them, often twenty or more on one 
block; Hubner, at "Gestoppte Fontein," in Transvaal, saw two hundred to three 
hundred together, carved in a soft slate. The earth colors employed are red, ochre, 
white, black, mixed with fat or also with blood. What instrument (brush?) is em- 
ployed in applying the colors has not yet been ascertained, since, so far as I know, 
no Bushman artist lias yet been observed at his work. As regards the paintings 



IN SOUTH AFRICA. 



181 



themselves, various classes may be distinguished, but in all cases the subjects are 
representations of figures ; ornaments and plants are excluded. First of all, there 
are fights and hunting scenes, in which white men (boors) play a part, demonstrating 
the modern origin of these paintings. Next there are representations of animals, 
both of domestic animals (cattle, dogs) and of game, especially the various antelope 
species, giraffes, ostriches, elephants, rhinoceroses, monkeys, etc. A special class 
consists of representations of obscene nature, and, by way of exception, there has 
been drawn in one instance a ship or a palm tree. 

Dr. Eniil Holub (a) says: 

The Bushmen, who are regarded as the lowest type of Africans, iu one thing excel 
all the other South African tribes whose acquaintance I made between the south 
coast and 10° south latitude. They draw heads of gazelles, elephants, and hippo- 
potami astonishingly well. They sketch them in their caves and paint them with 
ochre or chisel them out in rocks with stone implements, and on the tops of moun- 
tains we may see representations of all the animals which have lived in those parts 
in former times. In many spots where hippopotami are now unknown I found beau- 
tiful sketches of these animals, and in some cases fights between other native races 
and Bushmen are represented. 

G-. Weitzecker (a) gives a report of a large painting, in a cave at 
Tliaba Phatsoua district of Leribe, here presented as Fig. 142, contain- 
ing eighteen characters, with the addition of eight boys' heads. It 
represents the flight of Bnshrnan women before some Zulu Kaffirs 
(Matebele). The description, translated, is as follows: 

As usual, the Bushmen are represented as dwarfs and painted in bright color as 
contrasted with the Kaffirs, who are painted large and of dark color. The scene is 
full of life, a true artistic conception, and in the details there are many important 
things to be noted. For this reason I add a sketch of it, with the figures numbered, 
in order to be able to send you some brief annotations. 

I will premise that as far as the women are concerned, in the small figures, no 
mistaken notion should be entertained in regard to the anterior appendages which 
catch, or rather strike, the eye in some of them. There is question simply of the pu- 
dendal coverings of the Bushman women, consisting of a strip of skin, and flapping 
in the wind. 

a seems to represent a woman in an advanced interesting condition, who in her 
headlong flight has lost even her mantle. She holds in her hand a mogope (dispro- 
portionate) ; that is to say, a gourd dipper, such as are found, I believe, among all 
the south African tribes. 

1). This figure, besides the mogope which she holds in her left hand, carries away 
in her flight, steadying it on her head with her right hand, a nkho (sesuto), a baked 
earthenware vessel, in which drinks are kept, and of which the ethnographic mu- 
seum now contains some specimens. This woman, too, has lost all her clothing 
except the pudendal covering, and she looks pregnant. The attitudes of flight, 
while maintaining equilibrium, I deem very fine. 

c, /, g, h, I, m, and perhaps j. Women carrying their babies on their backs, as is 
the practice of the natives, in the so-called than; that is, a sheepskin so prepared 
that they can fasten it to their bodies and hold it secure, even while bent to the 
ground or running. 

I and m. Women with twins. It may be worthy of note that the painter has 
placed them last, hampered as they are with a double weight. 

c. Apparently a woman who has fallen in her flight. Figures e and i represent 
men, who by their stature might be thought to be Bushmen, as also by their color, 
which, so far as I remember, is not the same as that of the men coming up after 
them, being rather similar to that of the women. In that case e would stoop to raise 



182 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



the woman c who has fallen, and i would point the way to the others. Otherwise, 
if there is question of Matebeles, which is rendered plausible by the fact that n 
(which evidently represents an enemy) is not larger in stature than those two, then 
e would stoop to snatch the baby of the fallen woman, and i would strive to catch 
np with the two women g and /i, who flee before it. 

j. I can not explain this unless as a diffusion of color, which has transformed into 
something unrecognizable the figure of the child carried by its mother, who has 
fallen, like h. 

Jc seems to be a woman resigned to her fate, who touches her neck with the left 
hand, unless, indeed, the line which I take to be the arm is the sketch of the thari 
with the baby. 

I. A woman who runs toward the looker-on. 

m represents a woman who has sat down, perhaps in order to place her twins 
better in the thari, while behind her u arrives, preparing to spear her. With n the 
band of enemies begins plainly, o seeming to be the leader, who, standing still, gives 
the signal. But this figure must have been altered by the water, which by diluting 
the color of the body has made it appear as a garment. 

p and q. These admirable portraits of impetuosity and menace are a. pictorial 
translation of the saying "having long legs so as to run fast." 

r. A line type of an attitude in the poise of running. 

Tlie author's discussion respecting the difference in size between the 
male human figures mentioned as indicating their respective tribes 
would have beeu needless had lie considered the frequent expedient of 
representing chiefs or prominent warriors by figures of much larger 
stature than that of common soldiers or subjects. This device is com- 
mon in the Egyptian glyphs, and examples of it also appear in the 
present work. (See Figs. 138, 139, and 1024.) 




Fig. 142.— Petroglyph in L6ribe, South Africa. 



The same author, loc. cit., gives a brief account of two petroglyphs 
found by him near Leribo, in Basutoland, South Africa. They were 
on a large hollow rock overlooking a plain where the bushmen might 
spy game. The rock was all covered with pictures to a man's height. 
Many of them were entirely or almost entirely spoiled, both by the 
hands of herdsmen and by water running down the walls in time of 
rain. Some of them, however, are still very well preserved. They are 
shown on Fig. 143. 

The left hand character represents a man milking an animal; the 
latter, judging by the back part, especially by the legs, was at first 
taken for an elephant ; but the fore parts, especially the fore legs, evi- 
dently are those of a bovine creature or of an elk (eland). The enormous 
proportions of the back part are probably due to diffusion of colors, 



MAiiERT] IN THE CANARY ISLANDS. 183 

through the action of water running down the rock. The right hand 
character represents the sketch of an elk i eland l on which and under 
which are depicted four monkeys, admirable for fidelity of expression. 
The legs, with one exception, are not finished. 




Fig. 143.— Petroglypha in Basutoland. South Africa. 



CANARY ISLANDS. 

These islands are considered in connection with the continent of 
Africa. 

S. Berthelot (a) gives an account, referring to Figs. 144 and 145, 
from which the following is extracted and translated: 

A site very little frequented, designated by the name of Los Letreros, appears to 
have been inhabited in very ancient times by one of the aboriginal tribes estab- 

o. oo.oo ®. ©•pe©o®CLg.j.» g. Bd.. 
0*6 $.9.6.0. |.ffl ^ <*gg 




9 

Fig. 144 — Petroglyphs in the Canary islands. 



lished on the Island of Fer. one of the Canary islands. At a distance of about three- 
quarters of a league from the coast all the land sloping and broken by volcanic 
mounds extends in undulations to the edge of the cliffs which flank the coast. It 
is on this desert site, called Los Letreros. that inscriptions are found engraved on an 
ancient flow of basaltic lava, with a smooth surface, over an extent of more than 400 
meters. On all this surfac e, at various distances aud without any relation to each 



184 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



r, but placed where the lava presents the smoothest spots, rendered shining and 
glassy by the light varnish left by the volcanic matter in 
cooling, are the various groups of characters. 

When we examine closely these different signs or char- 
acters so deeply engraved [pecked] on the rock, doubtless 
by means of some hard stone (obsidian or basalt), the first 
thing observed is that several identical signs are repro- 
duced several times in the same group. These are, first, 
round and oval characters, more or less perfect, sometimes 
simple and isolated, again agglomerated in one group. 
These characters so often reproduced are again seen in 
juxtaposition or united, sometimes to others which are 
similar, sometimes to different ones, and even inclosed in 
others similar to them ; for example, a in Fig. 144. 

Round or more or less oval characters reappear several 
times in b. 

Others, which are not met with more than once or twice 
among the groups of signs, also present, notable variations; 
examples in c. 

Of these are formed composite groups d, which belong, 
oi however, to the system of round signs. 

g Other analogous but not identical signs appear to assume 
£ rather the ovoid form than the round, and seem to have been 
£° so traced as not to be confounded with the round symbols, 
g Some of them resemble leaves or fruit. 
^ Another system of simple characters is the straight line, 
b which can be represented by a stroke of the pen, isolated 
g or repeated as if in numeration, and sometimes accompanied 
It by other signs. 

-g Other peculiar signs shown in e, which are not repeated, 
^ figure in the different groups of characters which the author 
w has reproduced. 

We notice further, in /, a small number of signs which 
£ bear a certain analogy to each other, and several of which 
are accompanied by other and more simple characters. 

Several others still more complicated are in eccentric 
shapes which it is attempted to present in g. 

Including the common oval characters often repeated and 
those consisting of a simple stroke similar to the strokes 
made by school children, all the various engraved charac- 
ters scarcely exceed 400. 

Fig. 145 gives a view of a series of different groups of 
signs in the length of the whole lava flow. The copyist 
has expressed by dots those symbols which were confused, 
partly defaced by the weather, or destroyed by fissures in 
the rock. 

The same author (b) gives an account of several 
strauge characters found engraved on a rock of 
the grotto of Belniaco, in the island of La Pahna, 
one of the Canaries. He says : 

These drawings, presented that they may be compared 
with those of Fer Island (Los Letreros), show some fifteen 
:e repeated several times and others partly effaced by weather, 
rhat seems most remarkable is that six or seven 



lit 



signs, some of which 
or at least feebly traced 



PETROGLYPHS IN ASIA. 



185 



signs are recognized as exactly similar to those of Letreros, of the island of Fer, 
and almost all the others are analogous, for we recognize at once in comparing them 
the same style of hizarre writing, formed of hieroglyphic characters, mainly rude 
arabesques. 

SECTION 5. 
ASIA. 

A considerable number of petrogiyphs found in Asia are described 
and illustrated under other headings of this work. The following are 
presented here for geographic grouping: 

CHINA. 

Prof. Terrien de Laeouperie (c) says: 

It is apparently to the art of the aboriginal non-Chinese that the following inscrip- 
tion [not copied] belongs, should it be proved to be primitive ; and it is the only 
precise mention I have ever found of the kind in my researches. 

Outside of Li-tch'eng (in N. Shangtaug), at some 500 li on the west towards the 
north, is a stone cliff mountain, on the upper parts of which may be seen marks and 
lines representing animals and horses. They are numerous and well drawn, like a 
picture. 

JAPAN. 

Prof. Edward S. Morse la) kindly furnishes the illustration, reduced 
from a drawing made by a Japanese gentleman, Mr. Morishima, which 
is here reproduced (£- 0 original size) as Fig. 145 a : 




Fig. 145 a.— Petroglyph in Tezo, Japan. 



Prof. Morse in a letter gives further information as follows : 
" The inscriptions are cut in a rough way on the side of the cliff on the 
northwestern side of the bay of Otaru. Otaru is a. little town on the 
western coast of Tezo. The cliffs are of soft, white tufa about 100 feet 
high, and the inscriptions were cut possibly with stone axes, and were 
1 inch in width and from J to ^ of an inch in depth. They are about 4 
feet from the ground." 

Prof. John Milne (a) remarks upon the same petroglyph, of which he 
gives a rude copy, as follows : 

So far as I could learn the Japanese are quite unable to recognize any of the char- 
acters, and they regard them as being the work of the Ainos. 

I may remark that several of the characters are like the runic m. It has been sug- 



186 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



gested that they have a resemblance to old Chinese. A second suggestion was that 
they might be drawings of the insignia of rank carried by certain priests; a third 
idea was that they were phallic ; a fourth that they were rough representations of 
men and animals, the runic m being a bird ; and a fifth that they were the handi- 
craft of some gentleman desirous of imposing upon the credulity of wandering 
archaeologists. 

I myself am inclined to think that they were the work of the peoples who have 
left so many traces of themselves in the shape of kitchen middens and various im- 
plements in this locality. In this case they may be Aino. 

Another illustration from Japan is presented in PI. lii. 

INDIA. 

Mr. Eivett-Oarnac, in Archaeologic Notes on Ancient Sculpturings on 
Eocks in Kumaon, India (a), gives a description of the glyphs copied in 
Fig. 146: 

At a point about two miles and a half south of Dwara-Hath, and twelve miles 
north of the military station of Ranikhet in Kumaon, the bridlc-road leading from 
the plains through Naini Tal and Ranikhet to Baijnath, and thence on to the cele- 
brated shrine of Bidranath, is carried through a narrow gorge at the month of which 
is a temple sacred to Mahadeo, * * * which is locally known by the name of 
Chaudeshwar. 

About two hundred yards south of the temple, toward the middle of the defile, 
rises a rock at an angle of forty-five degrees presenting a surface upon which, in a 
space measuring fourteen feet in height by twelve in breadth, more than two hun- 
dred cups are sculptured. They vary from an inch and a half to six inches in diame- 
ter and from half an inch to an inch in depth, and are arranged in groups composed 
of approximately parallel rows. 

The cups are mostly of the simple types and only exceptionally sur- 
rounded by single rings or connected by grooves. 

SIBERIA. 

N. S. Shtukin (a) referring to certain picture-writings on the cliffs of 
the Yenisei river, in the Quarterly Isvestia of the Imperial Geograph- 
ical Society for 1882, says: "These are figured, but are not particularly 
remarkable, except as being the work of invaders from the far south, 
perhaps Persians. Camels and pheasants are among the animals repre- 
sented." 

Philip John von Strahlenberg, in An Historico- Geographical Descrip- 
tion of the North and Eastern Parts of Europe and Asia, etc., reported 
inscriptions relating to the chase, on the banks of the river Yenesei. 
He says of one : " It takes its characteristic features from the natural 
history of the region ; and we may suppose it to embrace rude repre- 
sentations of the Siberian hare, the cabarda or musk deer and other 
known quadrupeds." 

He also furnishes a transcript of inscriptions found by him on a pre- 
cipitous rock on the river Irtish. This rock, which is 3G feet high, is 
isolated. It has four sides, one of which faces the water and has a 
number of tombs or sepulchral caves beneath. All of the four faces 




_ Fig. 146.— Petroglyphs at Chandeghwar, India. 



188 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



is found to be almost indestructible and is much used for rock inscrip- 
tions. 

Prof. Terrien de Lacouperie, op. cit., makes the following remarks: 

Symbolical marks, incised or drawn graflitti, not properly speaking inscriptions, 
have been found in Siberia, but they are not the expected primitive remains of ancient 
writings. Some are purely Tartar, being written in Mongolian and Kalmuck ; others, 
obviously the work of common people, may be Arabic, while some others found on 
the left bank of the Jenissei river are much more interesting. They seem to me to 
be badly written in Syriac, from right to left horizontally, before the time of the 
adaptation of this writing to the Uigur and Mongol. The characters are still separated 
one from the other. On one of these graffiti i found at the same place several ( 'hinese 
characters, as written by common people, are recognizable. 

Some hieroglyphieal graflitti have been discovered on rocks above Tomsk, on the 
right bank of the Tom river, in Siberia. They are incised at a height of more than 
20 feet. They are very rude, and somewhat like the famous Livre de Sauvages of 
merry fame in palaeography. Quadrupeds, men, heads, all roughly drawn, and some 
indistinct lines, are all that can be seen. It looks more like the pictorial figures 
which can be used as a means of notation by ignorant people at any moment than 
like an historical beginning of some writing. There is not the slightest appearance 
of any sort of regularity or conventional arrangement in them. 

The last we have to speak of are quite peculiar and altogether different from the 
others. The signs are painted in red. They are made of stra ight lines, disposed like 
drawings of lattices and window shades, and also like the tree characters of the 
Arabs and like the runes. They are met with near the Irtisch river, on a rock over 
the stream Smolank. 

Figs. 513, 721 , 722, and 733, infra, have relation to this geographic 
region. 

It is to be remarked that some of the Siberian and Tartar characters, 
especially those reproduced by Schoolcraft, I, Pis. 65 and 66, have a 
stroug resemblance to the drawings of the Ojibwa, some of which are 
figured and described in the present work, and this coincidence is more 
suggestive from the reason that the totem or dodaim, which olten is 
the subject of those drawings, is a designation which is used by both 
the Ojibwa and the Tartar with substantially the same sound and sig- 
nificance. 



CHAPTER Y. 



CUP SCULPTURES 

The simplest form of rock inscription is almost ubiquitous. In Eu- 
rope, Asia, Africa, America, and Oceanica, shallow, round, cup-like 
depressions are found, sometimes in rows, sometimes singly, sometimes 
surrounded by a ring or rings, but often quite plain. The cup-markers 
often arranged their sculpturings in regularly spaced rows, not infre- 
quently surrounding them with one or more clearly cut rings ; some- 
times, again, they associated them with concentric circles or spirals. 
Occasionally the sculptors demonstrated the artificial character of their 
work by carving it in spots beyond the reach of atmospheric influences, 
such as the interiors of stone cists or of dwellings. It must, however, 
be noted that, although there is thus established a distinction between 
those markings which are natural and those which are artificial, it is 
possible that there may have been some distant connection between the 
two, and that the depressions worn by wind and rain may have sug- 
gested the idea of the devices, now called cup-markings, to those who 
first sculptured them. 

Vast numbers of these cup stones are found in the British islands, 
often connected with other petroglyphs. In the county of Northum- 
berland alone there are 53 stones charged with 350 sculptures, among 
which are many cup depressions. So also in Germany, France, Den- 
mark, and indeed everywhere in Europe, but these forms took their 
greatest development in India. 

The leading work relating to this kind of sculpture is that of Prof. 
J. T. Simpson (a), afterward known as Sir James Simpson, who reduces 
the forms of the cup sculptures to seven elementary types, here repro- 
duced in Fig. 147. His classification is as follows: 

First type. Single cwps.— They are the simplest type of these ancient stone-cut- 
tings. Their diameter varies from 1 inch to 3 inches and more, while they are often 
only half an inch deep, but rarely deeper than an inch or an inch and a half. 
They commonly appear in different sizes on the same stone or rock, and although 
they sometimes form the only sculptures ou a surface they are more frequently asso- 
ciated with figures of a different character. They are in general scattered without 
order over the surface, hut occasionally four or five or more of them are placed in 
more or less regular groups, exhibiting a constellation-like arrangement. 

Second type. Cups surrounded by a single ring.— The incised rings are usually much 
shallower than the cups and mostly surround cups of comparatively large size. The 
ring is either complete or broken, and in the latter case it is often traversed by a 
radial groove which runs from the central cup through and even beyond the ring. 

189 



190 PICTURE- WRITING OF' THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Third type. Cups surrounded by a series of concentric complete rings.— In this com- 
plete annular form the central cup is generally more deeply cut than the surround- 
ing rings, but not always. 

Fourth type. Cups surrounded by a series of concentric, but incomplete rings having a 
straight radial groove.— This type constitutes perhaps the most common form of the 



TYPE 2. 




Fig. 147.— Types of cup sculptures. 

circular carvings. The rings generally touch the radial line at both extremities, 
but sometimes they terminate on each side of it without touching it. The radial 
groove occasionally extends considerably beyond the outer circle, and in most cases 



MA1.LERY] 



CUP SCULPTUKES. 



1111 



it runs in a more or less downward direction on the stone or rock. Sometimes it 
runs on and unites into a common line with other ducts or grooves coming from 
other circles, till thus several series of concentric rings are conjoined into a larger 
or smaller cluster, united together by the extension of their radial branch-like 
grooves. 




Fig. 148. —Variants of cup sculptures. 



Fifth type. Cups surrounded by concentric rings and flexed lines. — The number of in- 
closing or concentric rings is generally fewer in this type than in the two last pre- 
ceding types, and seldom exceeds two or three in number. 



102 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

Sixth type. Concentric rings without a central cup.— In many cases the concentric 
rings of the types already described appear without a central cup or depression, 
which is most frequently wanting in the complete concentric circles of the third 
type. 




Fig. 149.— Cup sculptures at Auclmabreach, Scotland. 



Seventh type. Concentric circular lines of the form of a spiral or volute. — The central 
beginning of the spiral line is usually, but not always, marked by a cup-like exca- 
vation. 



MALLERT.] 



CUP SCULPTUEES IN SCOTLAND. 



193 



It often occurs that two, three, or more of these various types are 
found on the same stone or rock, a fact indicating that they are inti- 
mately allied to each other. 

Prof. Simpson presents what he calls "the chief deviations from the 
principal types " reproduced here as Fig. 148. 

The first four designs represent cups connected by grooves, which is 
a noticeable and frequently occurring feature. In Fig. 149 views of 
sculptured rock surfaces at Auchnabreach, Argyleshire, Scotland, are 
given. Simple cups, cups sur- 
rounded by one ring or by con- 
centric rings, with radial grooves 
and spirals, appear here promiscu- 
ously mingled. Fig. 150 exhibits 
isolated as well as connected cups, 
a cup surrounded by a ring, and 
concentric rings with radial 
grooves, on a standing stone (men- 
hir), belonging to a group of seven 
at Ballymenaeh, in the parish of 
Kilmichael Glassary. in Argyle- 
shire, Scotland. 

Dr. Berthold Seenian remarks 
concerning the characters in Fig. 
105, supra, copied from a rock in 
Chiriqui, Panama, that he discov- 
ers in it a great resemblance to 
those of Northumberland. Scot- 
land, and other parts of Great 
fig. i5u.— cup sculptures at Baiivmenacii. Britain. He says, as quoted by 

Scotland - Dr.Eau(rf): 
It is singular that, thousands of miles away, in a remote corner of tropical America, 
we should find the concentric rings and several other characters typically identical 
with those engraved on the British rocks. 

The characters in Chiriqui are, like those of Great Britain, incised on large stoues, 
the surface of which has not previously undergone any smoothing process. The in- 
cised stones occur in a district of Veraguas (Chiriqui or Alanje), which is now thinly 
inhabited, but which, judging from the numerous tombs, was once densely peopled. 

From information received during my two visits to Chiriqui and from what has 
been published since I first drew attention to this subject, I am led to believe that 
there are a great many inscribed rocks in that district. But I myself have seen 
only one, the now famous piedra pintal (i. e., painted stone), which is found on a 
plain at Caldera, a few leagues from the town of David. It is 15 feet high, nearly 50 
feet in circumference, and rather flat ou the top. Every part, especially the eastern 
side, is covered with incised characters about an inch or half an inch deep. The 
first figure on the left hand side represents a radiant sun, followed by a series of 
heads or what appear to be heads, all with some variation. It is these heads, par- 
ticularly the appendages (perhaps intended for hair?), which show a certain resem- 
blance to one of the most curious characters found on the British rocks, and calling 
10 ETH 13 




194 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



to rniud the so-called " Ogham characters.'' These " heads" are succeeded by scor- 
piou-like or branched and other fantastic figures. The top of the stone and the other 
sides are covered with a great number of concentric rings and ovals, crossed by 
lines. It is especially these which bear so striking a resemblance to the Northum- 
brian characters. 

Fig. 151 presents five selected characters from the rock mentioned : 
a attached to the respective numbers always refers to the Chiriqui aud 




b to the British type of the several designs; la and lb represent radi- 
ant suns; 2'a and 2b show several grooves, radiating from an outer arch, 
resembling, as Dr. Seeman thinks, the Ogham characters; 3a and 3b 
show the completely closed concentric circles; la and lb show how the 
various characters are connected by lines ; 5a and 5b exhibit the groove 
or outlet of the circle. 

Mr. G. H. Kinahan, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute of 
Great Britain and Ireland, 1889, p. 171, gives an account of Barnes's 
Inscribed Dallaus, County Donegal, Ireland. One of his figures bears 
four cups joined together by lines forming a cross. The remainder of 
the illustrations consist of concentric rings and cups resembling others 
already figured in this paper. 



CUP SCULPTURES IN VENEZUELA. 



195 



Marcano (c) describes Fig. 152 as follows : 

The chain of Cnchivero, situated in Venezuela between the Orinoco and the Caura, 
shows on its flanks small plateaus on which are numerous stones which seem to have 
been aligned. This chain is separated by a deep valley from that of Tiramuto, from 
which were copied the petroglyphs here presented. The one represents a single sun. 




Fig. 152. — Cup sculptures in Venezuela. 



the other two suns joined together. The rays of the former run from one circumfer- 
ence to the other. The other two are joined together by a central stroke, and the 
rays all start from the outer circumference. 

The same author (loc. cit.) thus describes Fig. 153: 

These designs, taken on the little hills of the high Cuchivero, differ altogether 
from the preceding, a is a very regular horizontal grouping. It begins by a spiral 





Fig. 153. — Cup sculptures in Venezuela. 

joined to three figures similar among themselves, and similar also to the eyes of 
jaguars which we have often met with. There follows a sort of isolated fret; at 
its right is another, larger and joined to a circle different from the 
preceding; it has a central point, and the second circumference is /^)) 
interrupted. The fignre terminates in a spiral like the oue at the 
beginning of the line, -and which, being turned in the opposite 
direction, serves at its pendant. 

6 is formed of two horizontal rows one above the other. We 
there find first of all two frets united by a vertical stroke ending in 
a hook. The characters which follow, resembling those of a, are 
distinct in each row, but on closer inspection they are seen to 
have a peculiar correspondence. 

Dr. Ladislau Netto (b) gives copies of carvings on the Fl6 15i ._ Cup sculp _ 
rocks in Brazil on the banks of the Bio JSTegro, from tnres in Brazil - 
Moura to the city of Manaus, and remarks upon the characters repro- 
duced here as Fig. 154, that they represent the figure of the multi- 
ple concentric circles joined together two by two, as were found 



196 PICTURE -WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



011 several other rocks in the same region, and as they appear in 
many inscriptions of Central America and at various points of North 
America. 

Senhor Araripe (b) gives the following account: 

In Banabuiu, Brazil, about three-quarters of a league from the plantation of Caza- 
nova, on the road to Castelo, is a stone resting upon another, at the height of a man, 
which the inhabitants call Pedra-furada (pierced stone) having on its western face 
the inscription in Fig. 155. 

The characters have been much effaced by the rubbing of cattle against them; 
the stone has also cracked. Some fragments lying at the foot of it bear on their 
upper faces round holes made by a sharp tool, and resembling those shown in this 
figure. 

• 

Fig. 155. — Cup sculptures in Lrazil. 

Cup stones, called by the Frenci pierres a ecuelles and pierres a 
cupules and by the Germans SehcUensteine, are found throughout Hin- 
dustan, on the banks of the Indus,, at the foot of the Himalayas, in 
the valley of Cashmere, and on. the many cromlechs around Nagpoor. 
At this very day one may see the Hindu women carrying the water of 
the Ganges all the way to the mountains of the Punjab, to pour into 
the cupules and thus obtain from the divinity the boon of motherhood 
earnestly desired. 

The cup sculptures often become imposing by their number and com- 
bination. In the Kamaon mountains there are numerous blocks that 
support small basins. One of them is mentioned as being 13 feet in 
length by 9 in breadth and 7 in height, and showing five rows of cupules. 
At Chandeswar (see Fig. 146) the rocks themselves are covered with 
these signs. They present two different types. One of the most fre- 
quent groups shows a simple round cavity; in the others, the cupels 
are encircled by a sort of ring carved in intaglio and encircling figures. 
One of these figures recalls the swastika, the sacred sign of the Aryans. 
The present Hindus are absolutely ignorant of the origin of these sculp- 
tures; they are fain to attribute them to the Goalas, a mysterious race 
of shepherd kings who preceded the great invasions which imprinted 
an indelible stamp on the Indies as well as on Europe. These cupels 
are correlated with the worship of Mahadeo, one of the many names 
given to Siva, the third god of the Hindu triad, whose emblem is the 



CUP SCULPTURES IX INDIA. 



197 



serpent. Chandeswar is readied through a narrow gorge; at the en- 
trance is found a temple sacred to Mahadeo. The columns and slabs 
bear cupules similar to those seen on the rocks. 

Some of the Mahadeo designs 



engraved on stone slabs in this 
temple (see Eivett-Carnac, loc. cit.) 
are represented in Fig. 158, show- 
ing a marked resemblance to and 
approaching identity with this class 
of cuttings on bowlders, rocks, and 
megalithic monuments in Europe. 

A large number of stones with 
typical cup markings have been 
found in the Fnited States of 
America. Some of those illustrated 
in this paper are presented in PI. v, 
and Figs. 19 and 48. 

Among the many attempts, all 
hitherto unsatisfactory, to explain 
the significance of the cup stones 
as distributed over nearly all parts 
of the earth, one statement of Mr. 
Eivett-Carnac (b) is of value as 
furnishing the meaning now at- 
tached to them in India. He says : 

Having seen sketches and notes on 
rock sculptures in India which closely 
resemble unexplained rock carvings in 
Scotland, and having myself found one 
of the Scot ch forms cut on a bowlder in 
Kanura, * * * being at Ayodhya - 
with a Hindu who speaks good English, 
I got a fakir and drew on the sand of the 

Gogra the figure (g)) . I asked what 

that meant. The fakir at once answered, 




■•Mahadeo." I then drew 



the same answer. At Delhi my old 
acquaintance, Mr. Shaw, told me that 
these two signs are chalked on stones 
in Kangra by peoplemarchinginmarriage 
processions. The meaning given to these 
two symbols now in India is familiarly 
known to the people. 



Mahadeo, more accurately Mahadiva, is the god of generation. He 
is worshiped by the Sawas, one of the numerous Hindu sects, under the 



198 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



form of a phallus, often represented by a simple column, which some- 
times is placed on the yoni or female organ. It is suggested that in a 
common form of the sculptures the inner circle represents the Mahadeo 
or lingam, and the outer or containing circle the yoni. No idea of 
obscenity occurs from this representation to the Hindus, who adore 
under this form the generative power in nature. 

Prof. Douglas, in the Saturday Eeview, November 24, 1883, furnishes 
some remarks on the topic now considered : 

In Palestine and the country beyond Jordan some of the marks found are so large 
that it has been supposed that they may have been used as small presses of wine, or 
as mortars for pounding the gleanings of wheat. But there is an objection to these 
theories as accounting for the marks generally, which is fatal to them. To serve 
these purposes the rocks on which the marks occur should be iu a horizontal posi- 
tion, whereas in a majority of cases all over the world the "cups" are found either 
on shelving rocks or on the sides of perpendicular stones. This renders worthless 
also the ideas which have at different times been put forward that they may have 
been used for some sort of gambling game, or as sun-dials. A Swiss archaeologist 
who has lately devoted himself to the question believes that he has recognized, in 
the sculpturings under his observation, maps of the surrounding districts, the 
"cups " indicating the mountain peaks. In the same way others have thought that 
similar markings may have been intended as maps or plans pointing out the direc- 
tion and character of old circular camps and cities in their neighborhood. But if 
any such resemblances have been discovered they can hardly be other than fortuitous, 
since it is difficult to understand how rows of cup marks, arranged at regular 
intervals and in large numbers, could have served as representatives either of the 
natural features of a country or of camps and cities. But a closer resemblance may 
be found in them as maps if we suppose that they were intended to represent things 
in the heavens rather than on earth. The round cup-like marks are reasonably sug- 
gestive of the sun, moon, and stars, and if only an occasional figure could be found 
representing a constellation, some color might be held to be given to the idea ; but 
unfortunately this is not the case. Nevertheless the shape of the marks has led 
many to believe that they are relics of the ancient sun worship of Phoenicia, and 
that their existence in Europe is due to the desire of the Phoenician colonists to con- 
vert our forefathers to their faith. But there are many reasons for regarding this 
theory, though supported by the authority of Prof. Nilsson, as untenable. ' The 
observations of late years have brought to light cup marks and megalithic circles in 
parts of Europe on which a Phoenician foot never trod; and it is a curious circum- 
stance that in those portions of the British Isles most frequented by these indefatiga- 
ble traders there are fewer traces of these monuments than in the northern and 
inland districts, which were comparatively inaccessible to them. 

The Swiss archaeologist mentioned above by Prof. Douglas is Fritz 
Eoediger (a), of whose theory the following is a translated abstract : 

What renders the deciphering of these sign stones exceedingly difficult (I pur- 
posely avoid the words "map stones " because not all are such) is their great variety in 
size, position, material, workmanship, and meaning. I will here speak of the latter 
only, inasmuch as there are stones which in their smallest and their largest form 
are yet frequently nothing else than boundary stones, whose origin can often not be 
definitely established as prehistoric, while on the other hand again we discover 
well-marked boundary stones, which at the same time show the outline of the piece 
of ground which they guard. Similarly we find prehistoric (Gallic) " Leuk" stones, 
differing from the meter-high communal and state boundary stones of modern times 
in nothing but this, that they have some indistinct grooves and one or two hooks, 



CUP SCULPTUEES I>~ SWITZEBLAXD. 



199 



while on the other hand we meet 'Leuk'" stones, which on their restricted heads, 
often also on the side waEs, indicate their environs for (Leak) miles around, up, 
down, and sidewise, while a third class of this form merely adorn crossroads, and 
indicate deviations by means of lines and points (waranden). Tims we find quite 
extensive slahs or structures that signify only some hectares, often only one, while 
we meet very sniaU ones, or, at any rate, of moderate size, which one man can move, 
that represent very large districts, some presenting only lines and grooves, others 
with shells of various sizes, a third kind with both kinds of ornaments and samples 
of ornaments, and again others with no sign at aU, hut yet respected as stones of 
special meaning by the population, and called "hot stone," "pointed stone," 
"heath stone." '-child's stone," etc. Other stones have basin-like or platter-Eke 
depressions, and finaEy there are outcropping rocks with marks of one kind or 
another, holes, rents, clefts, etc. A further great difficulty hampering the deciphering 
of these wonderful stones is the lack of opportunities for comparison and experience. 
I have been markedly favored in this respect by my sojourn and wanderings in 
vaEey, mountain and alp. Western Switzerland is a very paradise for investiga- 
tions of this kind, especiaEy the lake country and the upper part of the canton of 
Solothurn (Soleure). A third difficulty, often insuperable, lies in the nonexist- 
ence of appropriate good maps for comparison. In this respect too we are weE oft' 
in Switzerland. 

According to my observations in this field, now continued nearly 12 years, pre- 
historic man had : (1) His land or province survey ; (2) Ms circle, district, and com- 
munal surveys, in reference to which (3) the Alpine surveys deserve special mention, 
in cantons which down to the present day know nothing of such surveys ; (4) private 
and special surveys. Thus it seems that my observations lend fuE confirmation to 
the oldest historic or traditional statements concerning the tenure of land of the 
Kelt ©-Germans or Germ a no-Kelts . 

Among the Ojibwa concentric circles, according to Schoolcraft (d), 
constituted the symbol of time. It would be dangerous to explain the 
many markings of this character by the suggested symbolism; which 
also recalls that of Egypt in relation to the circle-figure. Inquiries 
have often been made -whether the Xorth American Indians have any 
superstitious or religious practices connected with the markings under 
consideration, e. g., in relation to the desire for offspring, which un- 
doubtedly is connected with the sculpturing of cup depressions and 
furrows in the eastern hemisphere. Xo evidence is yet produced of 
any such correspondence of practice or tradition relating to it. In the 
absence of any extrinsic explanation the prosaic and disappointing 
suggestion intrudes that circular concentric rings are easy to draw and 
that the act of drawing them suggests the accentuation of depressions or 
hollows within their curves. Much stress is laid upon the fact that the 
characters are found in so many parts of the earth, with the implica- 
tion that all the sculptors used them with the same significance, thus 
affording ground for the hypothesis that anciently one race of people 
penetrated all the regions designated. But in such an implication the 
history of the character formed by two intersecting straight lines is 
forgotten. The cross is as common as the cup-stone, and has, or an- 
ciently had. a different signification among the different people who 
used it. beginning as a mark and ending as a symbol. Therefore, it 
may readily be imagined that the rings in question, which are drawn 



200 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



nearly as easily as the cross, were at one time favorite but probably 
meaningless designs, perhaps, in popular expression, "instinctive" com- 
mencements of the artistic practice, as was the earliest delineation of 
the cross figure. Afterward the rings, if employed as symbols or em- 
blems, would naturally have a different meaning applied to them in 
each region where they now appear. 

It must, however, be noted that the figures under discussion can be 
and often are the result of conventionalization. A striking remark is 
made by Mr. John Murdoch (a), of the Smithsonian Institution, that 
south of Bering strait the design of the "circle and dot," which may be 
regarded as the root of the cup sculpture, is the conventionalized rep- 
resentation of a flower, and is very frequently seen as an ornamental 
device. 

An elucidation of some of the most common forms of cup sculptures 
is given, without qualification and also without authority, but with the 
serene consciousness of certainty, by the Rev. Charles Rogers, u d. d., 
ll. D.j F. s. A., Scot., etc.," as follows: 

The sculptures are sacred books, which the awe-inspired worshipper was required 
to revere and, probably, to salute with reverence. A single circle represented the 
sun,, two circles in union the sun and moon — Baal and Ashtaroth. The wavy groove 
•passing across the circle pointed to the course of water from the clouds, as discharged 
upon the earth. Groups of pit marks pointed to the stars or, more probably, to the 
oaks of the primeval temples. 



CHAPTEE VI. 



PICTOGEAPHS GENERALLY. 

In leaving the geographic distribution of petroglyphs to examine 
the comprehensive theme of pictographs in general, the first and correct 
impression is that the mist of the archaic and unknown is also left and 
that the glow of current significance is reached. The pictographs of 
the American Indians are seldom if ever cryptographs, though very 
often conventional and sometimes, for special reasons, preconcerted, 
as are their signals. They are intended to be understood without a 
key, and nearly all of those illustrated below in the present work are 
accompanied by an interpretation. As the art is in actual daily use it 
is free from the superstition pending from remote antiquity. 

It will be noticed that a large proportion of the pictographs to be now 
presented, which are not petroglyphs, are Micinac, Abnaki, Dakota, and 
Ojibwa, although it is admitted that as many more could be obtained 
from other tribes, such as the Zuhi and the Navajo. The reason for the 
omission of details regarding the latter is that they are already pub- 
lished, or are in the course of publication, by Mrs. Stevenson, Dr. 
Matthews, Mr. Gushing, Mr. Fewkes, and other writers, who have 
specially devoted themselves to the peoples mentioned and the region 
occupied by them. 

The present writer obtained a valuable collection of birch-bark picto- 
graphs immemorially and still made by the Passamaquoddy and Pe- 
nobscot tribes of Abnaki in Maine, showing a similarity in the use of 
picture-writing between the members of the widespread Algonquian 
stock in the regions west of the great lakes and those on the north- 
eastern seaboard. He also learned that the same art was common to 
the less known Montagnais and Nascapees in the wooded regions north 
of the St. Lawrence. This correlation of the pictographic practice, in 
manner and extent, Avas before inferentially asserted, but no satisfac- 
tory evidence of it had been furnished until the researches of the Bureau 
of Ethnology, in 1887 and 1888, made by the writer, brought into direct 
comparison the pictography of the Ojibwa with that of the Micmacs 
and the Abnaki. Many of the Indians of the last-named tribes still use 
marks and devices on birch bark in the ordinary affairs of life, especially 
as notices of departure and direction and for warning and guidance. 
The religious use of original drawings among them, which is still prom- 
inent among the Ojibwa, has almost ceased, but traces of it remain. 

201 



202 PICTURE-WRITING OP THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The most interesting of all the accounts regarding the pictographs 
of the North American Indians published before the last decade was 
contained in the works of Henry R. Sclioolcraft, issued in 1853 aud 
subsequent years, aud the most frequently quoted part of his contri- 
butions on this subject describes the pictographs of the Ojibwa. He 
had special facilities for obtaining accurate information with regard to 
all matters relating to that tribe on account of his marriage to one of 
its women, a granddaughter of a celebrated chief, Waub-o-jeeg and 
daughter of a European named Johnson. She was educated in Ireland 
and had sufficient intelligence to understand and describe to her hus- 
band the points of interest relating to her tribe. 

The accounts given by Mr. Schoolcraft, with numerous illustrations, 
convey the impression that the Ojibwa were nearly as far advanced in 
hieroglyphic writing as the Egyptians before their pictorial repre- 
sentations had become syllabic. The general character of his volu- 
minous publications has not been such as to assure modern critics of 
his accuracy, and the wonderful combination of minuteness and compre- 
hensiveness attributed by him to the Ojibwa " hieroglyphs" has of late 
been generally regarded with suspicion. It was considered in the 
Bureau of Ethnology an important duty to ascertain how much of truth 
existed in these remarkable accounts, and for that purpose the writer, 
with Dr. Hoffman as assistant, examined the most favorable points in 
the present habitat of the tribe, namely, the northern regions of Min- 
nesota and Wisconsin, to ascertain how much was yet to be discovered. 

The general results of the comparison of Schoolcraft's statements 
with what is now found show that he told the truth in substance, but 
with much exaggeration and coloring. The word " coloring" is par- 
ticularly appropriate, because in his copious illustrations various colors 
were used freely and with apparent significance, whereas, in fact, the 
general rule in regard to the birch-bark rolls was that they were never 
colored at all; indeed, the bark was not adapted to coloration. The 
metaphorical coloring was also flourished by him in a manner which 
seems absurd to any thorough student of the Indian philosophy and 
religions. Metaphysical concepts are attached by him to some of the 
devices which he calls "symbols," which could never have been enter- 
tained by a people in the stage of culture of the Ojibwa. While some 
symbolism, in the wide sense of the term, may be perceived, iconog- 
raphy and ideography are more apparent. 

The largest part of the bark rolls and other pictographs of the Ojibwa 
obtained by the Bureau, relates to the ceremonies of the Mide' and of 
the shamanistic orders ; another division refers to the Jessakid per- 
formances, which can be classed under the head of jugglery ; and a third 
part embraces the more current and practical uses. Examples of all of 
these are given, infra. 

The difficulties sometimes attending the pursuit of ceremonial picto- 
graphs were exemplified to the writer at Odanah, Wisconsin. Very 



DAKOTA PICTURE-WRITING. 



203 



few of the Ojibwa in that neighborhood, who are generally civilized 
and in easy circumstances, had any more than a vague knowledge that 
such things as inscribed bark rolls had ever existed. Three, however, 
were traced and one was shown. The owner, an uncompromising hea- 
then, was called Kitche-sha-bads. "Kitche" means big, "sha" is an 
attempt at the French form of John, and "bads" is a bad shot at Bap- 
tiste, the whole translation, therefore, being "Big John the Baptist." 
This old fellow, though by no means as enterprising or successful as 
some of the younger generation, had a snug house and farm and $300 
in the savings bank at Ashland. One thing, however, he needed, viz, 
whisky. The strictest regulations prevailed on the reservation, really 
prohibitory to the introduction of spirits, and, indeed, there was at 
the nearest town, Ashland, a severe penalty for selling any form of 
liquor to an Indian. To obtain whisky, therefore, was the only consid- 
eration which would tempt him to allow a copy of the roll to be taken or 
by which he could be induced to recite or rather to chant it in the man- 
ner prescribed. He was undoubtedly accomplished in the knowledge 
of the Mide' rites, and the roll, which was shown in his hands, but not 
out of them, is substantially the same as one of those copied in the 
present work, which was discovered several hundred miles farther 
northwest among a different division of the same tribe. The shaman 
began rather mildly to plead that he was an old man and could not 
remember well unless his spirit was made good by a little whisky. 
This difficulty might have been obviated by a traveler's pocket flask, 
but his demands increased with great rapidity. He said that the roll 
could only be sung at night, that he must have another old man to help 
him, and the old man must have whisky; then that there must be a 
number of young men, who would join in the chorus, and all the young 
men must have whisky too. These demands made it evident that he 
was intending to have a drunken orgy, which resulted in a cloture of 
the debate. And yet the idea of the old shaman was in its way correct. 
The ceremonial chants could be advantageously pronounced only under 
inspiration, which was of old obtained by a tedious form of intoxica- 
tion, now expedited by alcohol. 

The fact that this work shows a large proportion of pictographs from 
the Siouan linguistic family, and especially from the Dakota division of 
that family, may be explained partly by the greater familiarity of the 
present writer with it than with most other Indian divisions. Yet 
probably more distinctive examples of evolution in ideography and in 
other details of picture-writing are found still extant among the Dakota 
than among any other North American tribe. The degree of advance 
made by the Dakota was well expressed by the Bev. S. D. Hinman, who 
was born, lived, married, and died in their midst, and, though unfortu 
nately he committed to writing but little of his knowledge, was more 
thoroughly informed about that people than any other man of European 
descent. 



204 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



To express his views clearly lie gave to this writer in a manuscript 
communication his own classification of pictography (which is not in all 
respects approved) as follows: 

I. Picturing. — [This is the method called by Prof. Brinton (b) icono- 
graphic writing.] This shows a simple representation of a thing or 
event in picture, as of a bear, a man's hand, a battle. 

II. Ideography. — This arbitrarily, though significantly, recalls an idea 
or abstract quality, as love or goodness. 

III. Picture- writing. — This will, in picture and character, arbitrarily 
or otherwise, recite a connected story, there being a picture or charac- 
ter for every word, even for conjunctions and prepositions. 

IY. Phonetic writing. — This gives phonetic value to every picture 
and spells out the words by sound, almost as in later alphabets, as if 
a lion should stand for the "1" sound, a bear for the "b" sound, etc., 
and from this last by modification came alphabets. [This is the familiar 
theory, which is accurate so far as it is applicable, of the initial sound, 
but other elements are disregarded, Such as the "rebus," for which 
special class Prof. Brinton, loc. cit., has invented the title of the Icono- 
matic method.] 

Accepting this chronologic if not evolutionary arrangement, Mr. 
Hinman decided that the Dakota picture-writing had passed through 
stage I and was already entering upon stage II when it was first 
observed by the European explorers. Of III and IV he found no ex- 
amples in Dakota pictography, though in sign language the Dakota 
had progressed further and had entered upon III. 

As a summary of the topic it seems that pictographs other than pe- 
troglyphs which presumably are more modern than most of the lat- 
ter, can be studied, not by geographic distribution, but by their ascer- 
tainable intent and use. Unless the classification of the remaining 
part of this work under its various headings has been defective, further 
discussion in this chapter is unnecessary. 



OHAPTEE VII. 



SUBSTANCES ON WHICH PICTOGRAPHS ARE MADE. 

Substances on which pictographs are made may be divided into — 
I. The human body. 
II. Natural objects other than the human body. 
III. Artificial objects. 

SECTION 1. 
THE HUMAN BODY. 

Markings on human bodies are — (1) Those expressed by painting 
or such coloration as is not permanent, It has been found convenient 
to treat this topic under the heading of "Significance of Colors," Chap, 
xviii, Sec. 3. (2) Those of intended permanence upon the skin, gen- 
erally called tattoo, but inclnding scarification. This enormous and 
involved topic is discussed, so far as space allows, under the heading of 
"Totems, Titles, and Names," Chapter xm, Sec. 3, where it seems to be 
most convenient in the general arrangement of this work. Though 
logically it might have been divided among several of the headings, 
that course would have involved much repetition or cross reference. 

SECTION 2 . 

NATURAL OBJECTS OTHER THAN THE HUMAN BODY. 

Other natural objects may be divided into — (1) Stone; (2) bone; (3) 
skins; (4) feathers and quills; (5) gourds; (6) shells; (7) earth and 
sand; (8) copper; (9) wood. 

STONE. 

This caption comprises the pictographs upon stone surfaces or tab- 
lets which are not of the dimensions or in the position to be included 
under the heading of petroglyphs, as elsewhere defined. Accounts, 
with and without illustrations, have been published of several engraved 
tablets, regarding which there has been much discussion, and some ex- 
amples appear, infra, under the appropriate heading. (See Chapter xxn, 
Sec. 1.) Other examples, in which the genuine aboriginal character of 
the work is undisputed, appear in the present work, and a large number 
of other engraved and incised stone objects could be referred to, some 
of which are in the possession of the Bureau of Ethnology, unpublished, 

205 



206 



PICTURE-WRITING OP THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



others being figured in its several reports. It is sufficient now for illus- 
tration of this subject to refer to the account accompanying PI. Li, infra, 
describing and copying the Thruston tablet, which is, perhaps, the 
most interesting of any pictograph on stone yet discovered, the genuine- 
ness of which as Indian work has not been called in question. 



For instances of the use of bone, several Alaskan and Eskimo carv- 
ings figured in this work may be referred to, e. g., Figs. 334, 459-462, 
534, 703, 704, 742, 771, 844, and 1228. 

Fig. 157, copied from 
Schoolcraft (e), is taken 
from the shoulder-blade of 
abuffalo found on theplains 
in the Comanche country 
of Texas. He says : 

It is a symbol showing the 
strife for the buffalo existing 
between the Indian and white 
races. The Indian (1) presented 
on horseback, protected by his 
ornamented shield and armed 
with a lance, (2) kills a Spaniard 
(3) after a circuitous chase (6), 
the latter being armed with a 
gun. His companion (4), armed 
with a lance, shares the same 
fate. 

It may be questioned 
whether Mr. Schoolcraft 
was not too active in the 
search for symbols in his 
explanation of (6) as a cir- 
cuitous chase. The device 
is either a lasso or a lariat, 
and relates to the posses- 
sion or attempt to take pos- 
session of the buffalo. The 
design (5), however, well 
expresses ideographically 
the fact that the buffalo at 
fig. 157,-comanche drawing on shoulder-blade. the time was in contention, 
and therefore was the property half of the Indians and half of the 
whites. 




A large number of pictographs upon the hides of animals are men- 
tioned in the present paper. PI. xx, with its description in the Dakota 



PICTOGKAPHS ON BONE AND SKIN. 



207 



Winter Counts, infra, Chap, x, Sec. 2, is one instance. Rawhide drum- 
heads are also used to paint upon, as by the shamans of the Ojibwa. 

The use of robes made of the hides of buffalo and other large animals, 
painted with biographic, shamanistic, and other devices, is also men- 
tioned in various parts of this work. A description of very early ob- 
servation is now introduced, taken from John Ribault in Hakluyt («). 

The Mng gaue our Captaine at his departure a plume or fanue of Hernshawes 
feathers died in red, and a basket made of Palmeboughes after the Indian fashion, 
and wrought very artificially and a great skinue painted and drawen throughout 
with the pictures of diuerswilde beasts so liuely drawen and pourtrayed, that noth- 
ing lacked but life. 

With the American use of pictographic robes may be compared the 
following account of the same use by Australian natives by Dr. Richard 
Andree (b). 

The inner side of the opossum skins worn by the blacks is also often ornamented 
with figures. They scratch lines into the skin, which afterward are rubbed over 
with fat and charcoal. 

FEATHERS AND QUILLS. 

Edward M. Kern, in Schoolcraft (/), reports that the Sacramento 
tribes of California were very expert in weaving blankets of feathers, 
many of them having beautiful figures worked upon them. 

The feather work in Mexico, Central America, and the Hawaiian 
Islands is well known, often having designs properly to be considered 
among pictographs, though in modern times not often passing beyond 
or n amentation . 

Worsnop (op. cit.) mentions that on grand occasions of the " Mindarie" 
(i. e., peace festival) the Australian natives decorate the bodies, face, 
legs, and feet with the down of wild fowl, stuck on with their own blood. 
The ceremony of taking the blood is very painful, yet they stand it 
without a murmur. It takes five or six men four to five hours to 
decorate one man. The blood is put on the body wet and the down 
stuck on the blood, showing, when finished, outlines of man's head, face, 
feet, snakes, emu, fish, trees, birds, and other outlines representing the 
moon, stars, sun, and Aurora Australis, the whole meaning that they 
are at peace with the world. 

Mr. David Boyle (a) gives an account of a piece of porcupine quill 
work, with an illustration, a part of which is copied in Fig. 158. 

Among the lost or almost lost arts of the Canadian Indians is that of employing 
porcupine quills as in the illustration. Partly on account of scarcity of material, 
but chiefly, it is likely, from change of habits and of taste, there are comparatively 
few Indian women now living who attempt to produce any fabric of this kind. * * * 

The central figure is meant to represent the eagle or great thunder-bird, the belief 
in which is, or was, widely spread among the Indians over the northern part of this 
continent. * * * 

This beautiful piece of quill work was produced from Ek-wah-satch, who resides 
at Baptiste lake. He informed me that it had belonged to his grandfather, who 
resided near Georgian bay. 



208 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

See also Fig. 683 for another illustration of pictographie work by 
colored porcupine quills. 

GOURDS. 

After gourds have dried the contents are removed and small pebbles 
or bones placed in the empty vessel. Handles are sometimes attached. 
They serve as rattles in dances and in religious and shamanistic rites. 

The representations of natural 
or mythical objects, connected 
with the ceremonies, for which 
the owner may have special 
reverence are often depicted 
upon their outer surfaces. 
This custom prevails among 
the Pueblos generally, and 
also among many other tribes, 
notably those of the Siouan 
linguistic stock. 

Fig. 159 is a drawing of the 
Sci-Manzi or "Mescal Wo- 
man " of the Kiowa as it ap- 
pears on a sacred gourd rattle 
in the mescal ceremony of that 
tribe, and was procured with 
full explanations in the winter 
of 1890-'91 by Mr. James Mooney of the Bureau of Ethnology. 

It shows the rude semblance of a woman, with divergent rays about 
her head, a fan in her left hand, and a star under her feet. 

The peculiarity of the drawing is its hermeneutic character, which is 
rarely ascertained by actual evidence as existing among the North 
American Indians. It has a double meaning, and 
while apparently only a fantastic figure of a woman, it 
conveys also to the minds of the initiated a symbolic 
representation of the interior of the sacred mescal 
lodge. Turning the rattle with the handle toward the 
east, the lines forming the halo about the head of the 
figure represent the circle of devotees within the lodge. 
The head itself, with the spots for eyes and mouth, 
represents the large consecrated mescal which is placed 
upon a crescent-shaped mound of earth in the center of 
fig. i5'.>.-.pieto- the lodge, this mound being represented in the figure 

graph on gourd. , , ° ' . 

by a broad, curving line, painted yellow, forming the 
curve of the shoulders. Below this is a smaller crescent curve, 
the original surface of the gourd, which symbolizes the smaller 
crescent mound of ashes built up within the crescent of earth as the 
ceremony progresses. The horns of both crescents, point toward the 





MALLEKY.] 



PICTOGRAPHS OX SHELLS. 



209 



door of the lodge on the east side which, in the figure, is toward 
the feet. In the chest of the body is a round globule painted red, 
emblematic of the fire within the horns of the crescent in the lodge. 
The lower part of the body is green, symbolic of the eastern ocean 
beyond which dwells the mescal woman who is the ruling spirit or 
divinity to whom prayers are addressed in the ceremony, and the star 
under her feet is the morning star which heralds her approach. In her 
left hand is a device representing the fan of eagle feathers used to 
shield the eyes from the glare of the fire during the ceremony. 

SHELLS. 

The admirable and well illustrated paper, Art in Shell of the Ancient 
Americans, by Mr. W. H. Holmes, in the Second Annual Eeport of the 
Bureau of Ethnology, and a similar paper, Burial Mounds of the North- 
ern Section of the United States, by Prof. Cyrus Thomas, in the Fifth 
Annual Beport of the same Bureau, render unnecessary present ex- 
tended discussion under this head. 

One example, however, which is unique in character and of estab- 
lished authenticity, is presented here as PI. xv. 

Dr. Edward B. Tylor (a) gives a description of the mantle copied 
upon that plate, which is condensed as follows : 

Among specimens illustrative of native North American arts, as yet untouched by 
European influence, is the deerskin mantle ornamented with shellwork, recorded to 
have belonged to the Virginian cbief, Powhatan. Of the group of Virginian mantles 
in Tradescant's collection there only now remains this shell embroidered one. It is 
entered as follows in the MS. catalogue of the Ashmoleon Museum, in tbe handwriting 
of the keeper, Dr. Plot, the well-known antiquary, about 1685: "205 Basilica Pow- 
hatan Regis Virginiani vestis, duabus cervorum cutibus consuta, et nummis indicis 
vulgo cori's dictis splendide exornata." He had at first written " Roanoke," but 
struck his pen through this word, and wrote " cori's " (i. e. cowries) above, thus by 
no means improving the accuracy of his description. 

The mantle measures about 2.2 m in length by 1.6 m in width. The two deerskins 
forming it are joined down the middle; no hair remains. The ornamental design 
consists of au upright human figure in the middle, divided by the seam; a pair of 
animals; 32 spirally-formed rounds (2 in the lowest line have lost their shells) and 
the remains of some work in the right lower corner. The marks where shellwork 
has come away plainly show the hind legs and tapering tails of both animals. It is 
uncertain whether the two quadrupeds represent in the conventional manner of pic- 
ture-writing some real animal of the region, or some mythical composite creature 
such as other Algonquin tribes are apt to figure. The decorative shellwork is of a 
kind well known in North America. The shells used are Marginella; so far as Mr. 
Edgar A. Smith is able to identify them in their present weathered state, M. nivosa. 
They have been prepared for fastening on, in two different ways, which may be dis- 
tinguished in the plate. In the animals and rounds, the shells have been perforated 
by grinding on one side, so that a sinew thread can be passed through the hole thus 
made and the mouth. In the man, the shells are ground away and rounded off at 
both ends into beads looking roughly ball-like at a distance. 

The artistic skill of the North American Indians was not, as a rule, 
directed to represent the forms of animals with such accuracy as to 
allow of their identification as portraitures. Instead of attempting 
10 eth II 



210 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



such accuracy tliey generally selected some prominent feature such as 
the claws of the bear, which were drawn with exaggeration, or the tail 
of the mountain lion which was portrayed of abnormal length over the 
animal's back. Those animals were, therefore, recognized by those 
selected features in much the same manner as if there had been a 
written legend — "this is a bear" or "a mountain lion," the want of 
.monographic accuracy being admitted. In the animals represented 
on the mantle no such indicating feature is obvious, and the general 
resemblance to the marten is the only guide to identification. 

The habitat of the marten does not include Virginia as a whole, but 
the animal is found in the elevated regions of that state. This local 
infrequency is not, however, of much significance. If regarded as a 
clan totem, as is probable, it may well be that the clan of Powhatan was 
connected with the clans of the more northern Algonquian tribes among 
whom the marten frequently appears as a clan totem. What is generally 
termed the Powhatan confederacy was a union, not apparently ancient, 
of a large number of tribal divisions or villages, and it is not known to 
which clan (probably extending through many of these tribal divisions) 
the head chief Powhatan belonged. There is almost nothing on record 
of the clan system of those Virginian Indians, but it is supposed to be 
similar to that of the northern and eastern members of the same lin- 
guistic family, among whom the marten clan was and still is found. 

The topic of wampum which, considered as to its material, belongs to 
the division of shellwork, is with regard to the purposes of the present 
paper, discussed under the head of "Mnemonic," Chap, ix, Sec. 3. 

EARTH AND SAND. 

The highly important work, The Mountain Chant, a Navajo Cere- 
mony, in the Fifth Annual Eeport of the Bureau of Ethnology, by Dr. 
Washington Matthews, U. S. Army, and that of Mr. James Stevenson, 
Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and Mythical Sand Painting of the 
Navajo Indians, in the Eighth Annual Eeport of that Bureau, give 
accounts of most interesting sand paintings by the Navajo Indians, 
which were before unknown. These paintings were made upon the 
surface of the earth by means of sand, ashes, and powdered vegetable 
and mineral matter of various colors. They were highly elaborate, 
and were fashioned with care and ceremony immediately preceding the 
observance of specific rites, at the close of which they were obliterated 
with great nicety. The subject is further discussed by Dr. W. H. Cor- 
busier, U. S. Army, in the present paper (see Chap, xiv, Sec. 5). 

Mr. Frank Hamilton Cushing. of the Bureau of Ethnology, kindly 
contributes the following remarks with special reference to the Zufii : 

A study of characteristic features in these so-called sand pictures of the Navajos 
would seem to indicate a Pueblo origin of the art, this notwithstanding the fact that 
it is to-day more highly developed or at least more extensively practiced amongst 
the Navajos than now, or perhaps ever, amongst the Pueblos. When, during my first 



POWHATAN'S MANTLE. 



[ALLERT.] 



PICTOGRAPHS IN SAND. 



211 



sojourn with the Zufii, I found this art practice in vogue among the tribal priest 
magicians and members of cult societies, I named it dry or powder painting. I 
could see at a glance that this custom of powder painting had resulted from the 
effort to transfer from a vertical, smooth, and stable surface, which could be painted 
on, to a horizontal and unstable surface, nnsuited to like treatment, such symbolic 
and sacramental pictographs as are painted on the walls of the kivas, temporarily, 
as appurtenances to the dramaturgic ceremonials of the cult societies, and as sup- 
posed aids to the magical incantations and formulas of all the monthly, semiannual, 
and quadrennial observances and fasts of the tribal priests; sometimes, also, in the 
curative or "Betterment" ceremonials of these priests. It is noteworthy that, with 
the exception of the invariable "Earth terrace," "Pathway of (earth) life," and a 
few other conventional symbols of mortal or earthly things (nearly always made of 
scattered prayer meal), powder painting is resorted to amongst the Zufii only in 
ceremonials pertaining to all the regions or inclusive of the loiver region. In such 
cases paintings typical of the North, West, South, and East are made on the four 
corresponding walls of the kiva, whilst the lower region is represented by appropri- 
ately powder or paint colored sand on the floor, and the upper region either by 
paintings on the walls near the ceiling or on stretched skins suspended from the lat- 
ter. Thus the origin of the practice of floor powder painting may be seen to have 
resulted from the effort to represent with more dramatic appropriateness or exact- 
ness the lower as well as the other sacramental regions, and to have been incident 
to the growth from the quaternary of the sextenary or septenary system of world 
division so characteristic of Pueblo culture. Hence it is that I attribute the art of 
powder or sand painting to the Pueblos, and believe that it was introduced both by 
imitation and by the adoption of Pueblo men amongst the Navajos. Its greater 
prevalence amongst them to-day is simply duo to the- fact that, having, as a rule, no 
suitable vertical or wall surfaces for pictorial treatment, all their larger ceremonial 
paintings have to be made on the ground, and can only or best be made, of course, 
by this means alone. 

It is proper to add, as having a not inconsiderable bearing on the absence gen- 
erally of screen or skin painting among the Navajos, that, w ith the Pueblos at least, 
these pictures are — must be — only temporary ; for they are supposed t<> be spiritually 
shadowed, so to say, or breathed upon by the gods or god animals they represent, 
during the appealing incantations or calls of the rites ; hence the paint substance of 
which they are composed is in a way incarnate, and at the end of the ceremonial must 
be killed and disposed of as dead if evil, eaten as medicine if good. 

Further light is thrown on this practice of the Zufii in making use of these sup- 
positively vivified paintings by their kindred practice of painting not only fetiches 
of stone, etc., and sometimes of larger idols, then of washing the paint off for use as 
above described, but also of poicder painting in relief; that Is, of modeling effigies in 
sand, sometimes huge in size, of hero or animal gods, sacramental mountains, etc., 
powder painting them in common with the rest of the pictures, and afterwards re- 
moving the paint for medicinal or further ceremonial use. 

The construction of the effigies in high relief last above mentioned 
should be compared with the effigy mounds mentioned below in this 
section. 

In connection with the ceremonial use, for temporary dry painting 
on the ground, of colored earth and sand and also that of sacred corn 
meal, a remarkable parallel is found in India. Mr. Edward Carpenter 
(a) mentions tnatthe Devadasis, who are popularly called Nautch girls, 
as a part of their duty, ornament the floor of the Hindu temples with 
quaint figures drawn in rice flour. 



212 PICTURE-WRITING OP THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The well known rnonnds or tumuli more or less distinctly represent- 
ing animal forms and sometimes called effigy mounds, found chiefly in 
Wisconsin and Illinois, come in this category, but it is not possible to 
properly discuss them and also give space to the many other topics in 
this paper, the facts and authorities upon which are less known or less 
accessible. A large amount of information is published by Eev. S. D. 
Peet (a). Other articles are by Mr. T. H. Lewis in Science, September 
7, 1888, and No. 318, 1889. One upon the Serpent mound of Ohio, by 
Prof. F. W. Putnam (a), is of special interest. It may be suggested as 
a summation that there is not sufficient evidence of the erection of this 
class of effigy mounds merely for burial purposes. They seldom ex- 
ceeded 6 feet in height and varied in expanse from 30 to 300 feet. The 
animals most frequently recognizable in the constructions are lizards, 
birds, and several more or less distinct quadrupeds; serpents and 
turtles also are identified. The species of fauna represented are those 
now or lately found in the same region. There is a strong probability 
that the forms of the mounds in question were determined by totemic 
superstitions or tribal habitudes. 

In England the pictographs styled "turf monuments" are sometimes 
made by cutting the natural turf and filling with chalk the part of the 
surface thus laid bare. Sometimes the color depends wholly upon the 
limestone, granite, or other rock exposed by removing the turf. Eev. 
W. 0. Plenderleath (a) gives a full account of this variety of pictograph. 

COPPER. 

This is the only metal on which it is probable that the North American 
Indians made designs. To present comparisons of pictures by other 
peoples on that or other metals or alloys would be to enter into a field, 
the most interesting part of which is classed as numismatic, and which 
would be a departure from the present heading. That virgin copper 
was used for diverse purposes, generally ornamental, by the North 
American Indians, is now established, and there is a presentation of 
the subject in Prof. Cyrus Thomas's (a) Burial Mounds. The most dis- 
tinct and at the same time surprising account of a true pictographic 
record on copper is given by W. W. Warren (a), au excellent authority, 
and is condensed as follows: 

The Ojibwa of the Crane family hold in their possession a circular plate of virgin 
copper, on which are rudely marked indentations and Lieroglyphics denoting the num- 
ber of generations of the family who have passed away since they first pitched their 
lodges at Shang-a-waum-ik-ong and took possession of the adjacent country, in- 
cluding the island of La Pointe. 

When I witnessed this curious family register in 1842 it was exhibited to my 
father. The old chief kept it carefully buried in the ground and seldom displayed 
it. On this occasion he brought it to view only at the entreaty of my mother 
whose maternal uncle he was. 

On this plate of copper were marked eight deep indentations, denoting- the number 
of his ancesters who had passed away since they first lighted their fire at Shang-a- 
waum-ik-ong. They had all lived to a good old age. 



PICTOGRAPHS ON COPPER. 



213 



By the rude figure of a man with a hat on its head, placed opposite one of these 
indentations, was denoted the period when the white race first made its appearance 
among them. This mark occurred in the third generation, leaving five generations 
which had passed away since that important era in their history. 

3Ir. I. W. Powell (a), Indian superintendent, in the report of the 
deputy superintendent-general of Indian affairs of Canada for 1879, 
gives an account of some tribes of the northwest coast, especially the 
Indians called in the report Newittees, a tribe now known as the 
Xaqomqilis of the Wakaskan family, who treasure pieces of copper 
peculiarly shaped and marked. The shape is that of one face of a trun- 
cated pyramid with the base upward. In the broad end appear marks 
resembling the holes for eyes and mouth, which are common in masks of 
the human face. The narrower end has a rough resemblance to an or- 
namental collar. These copper articles were made by the Indians origin- 
ally from the native copper, and in 1879 a few were held by the chiefs 
who used them for presentation at the potlaches or donation feasts. The 
value which is attached to these small pieces of copper, which are 
intrinsically worthless, is astounding. For one of them 1,200 blankets 
were paid, which would at the time and place represent $1,800. Some- 
times a chief in presenting one of them, in order to show his utter dis- 
regard of wealth, would break it into three or four pieces and give 
them away, each fragment being perhaps repurchased at an exorbitant 
sum. This competition in extravagance for display, under the guise of 
charity and humility, has had parallels in the silver-brick and flour- 
barrel auctions in parts of the United States, when the actors were 
white citizens. Apart from such public exhibitions, the copper tokens 
seem to partake of the natures both of flat money and of talismans. 

WOOD. 

This division comprises: 

(1) The living tree, of the use of which for pictographic purposes 
there are many descriptions and illustrations in this paper. In addi- 
tion to them may be noted the remark made by Bishop De Schweinitz (a) 
in the Life and Times of Zeisberger, that in 1750 there were numerous 
tree carvings at a place on the eastern shore of Cayuga lake, the mean- 
ing of which was known to and interpreted by the Cayuga Indians. 

This mode of record or notice is so readily suggested that it is found 
throughout the world, e. g., the "hieroglyph" in New Guinea, described 
by D'Albertis (a), being a drawing in black on a white tree. 

(2) Barl: — The Abnaki and Ojibwa have been and yet continue to 
be in the habit of incising pictographic characters and mnemonic 
marks upon birch bark. Many descriptions and illustrations of this 
style are given in this paper, and admirable colored illustrations of it 
also appear in PI. xix of the Seventh Ann. Eept. Bureau of Ethnology. 
The lines appear sometimes to have been traced on the inner surface of 
young bark with a sharply pointed instrument, probably bone, but in 
other examples the drawings are made by simple puncturing. The 



214 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



strips of bark, varying from an inch to several feet in length, roll up 
after drying, and are by heating straightened out for examination. 

Another mode of drawing on birch bark which appears to be peculiar 
to the Abnaki is by scratching the exterior surface, thus displaying a 
difference in color between the outermost and the second layer of the 
rind, which difference forms the figure. The lower character in PI. 
xvi shows this mode of picturing. It is an exact copy of part of an old 
bark record made by the Abnaki of Maine. 

They also use the mode of incision, many examples of which appear 
in the present work, but their mode of scratching produced a much 
more picturesque effect, as is shown also in Fig. 659, than the mere linear 
drawing. 

(3) Manufactured wood. — The Indians of the northwest coast gener- 
ally employ wood as the material on which their pictographs are to be 
made. Totem posts, boats, boat paddles, the boards constituting the 
front wall of a house, and wooden masks, are among the objects used. 

Many drawings among the Indians of the interior parts of the United 
States are also found upon pipestems made of wood, usually ash. 
Among the Arikara boat paddles are used upon which marks of per- 
sonal distinction are reproduced, as shown in Fig. 578. 

Mortuary records are also drawn upon slabs of wood. (See Figs. 728 
and 729). Mnemonic devices, notices of departure, distress, etc., are 
also drawn upon slips of wood. 

The examples of the use of wood for pictographs which are illustrated 
and described in this paper are too numerous for recapitulation; to 
them, however, may be added the following from Wilkes's (a) Explor- 
ing Expedition, referring to Fig. 160. 

Near an encampment on Ckickeeles river, near Puget Sound, Washington, were 
found some rudely carved painted planks, of which Mr. Eld made a drawing. These 
planks were placed upright and nothing could be learned of their origin. The col- 
ors were exceedingly bright, of a kind of red pigment. 




Fig. 160.— Pictographs on wood, Washington. 



Mr. James O. Pattie (a) gives an account of a wooden passport given 
to him in 1824 by a Pawnee chief. He describes it, without illustra- 
tion, as a small piece of wood curiously painted with characters some- 
thing like "hieroglyphics." The chief told Mr. Pattie's party if they saw 
any of his warriors to give them the stick, in which case they would be 
kindly treated, which promise was fulfilled a few days later when the 
party met a large band of the same tribe on the warpath. 



MALLERY.] 



PICTOGRAPHS ON FABRICS. 



215 



SECTION 3. 
ARTIFICIAL OBJECTS. 

Artificial objects may be classified, so far as is important for the 
present work, into, I, fictile fabrics and, II, textile fabrics. 

FICTILE FABRICS. 

A large number of articles of pottery bearing pictographs are fig- 
ured in the illustrated collections by Mr. James Stevenson in the 
Second Annual Report, and by Mr. Stevenson and Mr. William H. 
Holmes in the Third Annual Eeport of the Bureau of Ethnology. Pipes 
on which totemic designs and property marks appear are also common. 

The art of pottery was at first limited to vessel-making. In the 
earlier stages of culture, vases were confined to simple use as receptacles, 
but as culture ripened they were advanced to ceremonial and religious 
offices and received devices and representations in color and in relief 
connected with the cult to which they were devoted. Among some tribes 
large burial vases were fashioned to contain or cover the dead. An in- 
finite variety of objects, such as pipes, whistles, rattles, toys, beads, 
trowels, calendars, masks, and figurines, were made of pottery. Clays 
of varying degrees of purity were used, and sometimes these were tem- 
pered with powdered quartz, shell, or like materials. The vessels 
were frequently built by coiling. The surface was smoothed by the hands 
or the modeling implement or was polished with a stone or other 
smoothing tool. Much attention was given to surface embellishment. 
The finger nails and various pointed tools were used to scarify and in- 
dent, and elaborate figures and designs were incised. Stamps with 
systematically worked designs were sometimes applied to the soft clay. 
Cords and woven fabrics were also employed to give diversity to the 
surface. With the more advanced tribes, though these simple processes 
were still resorted to, engraving, modeling in relief and in the round, 
and painting in colors were employed. 

TEXTILE FABRICS. 

Textile fabrics include those products of art in which the elements 
of their construction are filamental and mainlycombined byusing their 
flexibility. The processes employed are called wattling, interlacing, 
plaiting, netting, weaving, sewing, and embroidery. The materials 
generally used by primitive people were pliable vegetal growths, such 
as twigs, leaves, roots, canes, rushes, and grasses, and the hair, quills, 
feathers, and tendons of animals. 

Unlike works in stone and clay, textile articles are seldom long pre- 
served. Still, from historic accounts and a study of the many beauti- 
ful articles produced by existing Indian tribes, a fair knowledge of the 
range and general character of native fabrics may be obtained. In 
many cases buried articles of that character have been preserved by 
the impregnation of the engirding earths with preservative salts, and 



216 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



also some fabrics which had been wrapped about buried utensils, or 
ornaments of copper remained without serious decay. Charring has 
also been a means of preserving cloth, and much has been learned of 
the weaving done by ancient workers through impressions upon pottery 
which had been made by applying the texture while the clay was still 
soft. The weaving appliances were simple, but the results in plain and 
figured fabrics, in tapestry, in lace-like embroideries, and in feather- 
work are admirable. 




It 

Fig. 161.— Haida basketry hat. 



This subject is discussed by Mr. W. H. Holmes in his paper, A Study 
of the Textile Art, etc., in the Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of 
Ethnology, in a manner so comprehensive as to embrace the field of 
pictography in its relation to woven articles. 

Several examples of this application also appear in the present work. 
See Figs. 821, 976 and 1167. In addition the following are now pre- 
sented. 



MALLEKY.] 



PICTOGRAPHS ON BASKETS. 



217 



Some of the California tribes are expert workers in grass and roots 
in the manufacture of baskets, upon which designs other than for mere 
ornamentation are frequently worked. The Yokuts, at Tule river 
Agency, in the southeastern part of the State, sometimes incorporate 
various human forms in which the arms are suspended at the sides of 
the body with the hands directed outward to either side. Above the 
head is a heavy horizontal line. 

The following is extracted from Prof. O. T. Mason's (a) paper on 
basket work, describing Fig. 161: 

a is a rain hat of twined basketry in spruce root from Haida Indians. This figure 
is the upper view and shows the ornamentation in red and black paint. The de- 
vice in this instance is the epitomized form of a bird, perhaps a duck. Omitting 
the red cross on the top the beak, jaws, and nostrils are shown; the eyes at the 
sides near the top, and just behind them the ears. The wings, feet, and tail, inclos- 
ing a human face, are shown on the margin. The Haida, as well as other coast In- 
dians from Cape Flattery to Mount Saint Elias, cover everything of use with totemic 
devices in painting and carving. 

b shows the conical shape of a. The painted ornamentation on these hats is laid 
on in black and red in the conventional manner of ornamentation in vogue among 
the Haidas and used in the reproduction of their various totems on all of their houses, 
wood and slat<- carvings, and implements. 

Mr. Mblack (b) says, describing Fig. 162 : 

The Chilkat and cedar-bark blankets are important factors in all ceremonial 
dances and functions. Other forms of ceremonial blankets or mantles are made from 
Hudson Bay Company blankets, with totemic figures worked on them in a variety 
of ways. The usual method is to cut out the totemic figure in red cloth and sew it 
on to the garment (ornamenting it with borders of beads and buttons) by the method 
known as applique work ; another method is to sew pieces of bright abalone or pearl 
shell or pearl buttons on to the garment in the totemic patterns. The illustration 
is a drawing of a vestment which hangs down the back, representiug the totem or 
crest of the wearer. 



This specimen is mentioned as the workmanship of the Tsimshiau 
Indians, at Point Simpson, British Columbia, and represents the halibut. 




Fig. ]62.— Tsimsliian blanket. 



CHAPTER VIII. 



INSTRUMENTS AND MATERIALS BY WHICH PICTOGRAPHS 
ARE MADE. 

So far as appears on ancient pictographic works the kind of instru- 
ments and materials with which they were made can be inferred only 
from its aspect, though microscopic examination and chemical analysis 
have sometimes been successfully applied. A few examples relating 
to the topic are given as follows, though other descriptions appear else- 
where in this treatise. 

SECTION 1. 
INSTRUMENTS FOR CARVING. 

This title, as here used, is intended to include cutting, pecking, 
scratching, and rubbing. The Hidatsa, when scratching upon stone or 
rocks, as well as upon pieces of wood, employ a sharply pointed piece 
of hard stone, usually a fragment of quartz. The present writer suc- 
cessfully imitated the Micmac scratching^ at Kejimkoojik lake, Nova 
Scotia, by using a stone arrow point upon the slate rocks. 

The bow-drill was largely used by the Innuit of Alaska in carving 
bone and ivory. Their present method of cutting figures and other 
characters is by a small steel blade, thick, though sharply pointed, re- 
sembling a graver. 

Many petroglyphs, e. g., those at Conowingo, Maryland, at Machias- 
port, Maine, and in Owens valley, California, present every evidence 
of having been deepened if not altogether fashioned by rubbing, either 
with a piece of wood and sand or with pointed stone. 

To incise or indent lines upon birch bark the Ojibwa, Ottawa, and 
other Algonquian tribes used a sharply pointed piece of bone, though 
they now prefer an iron nail. Examples of scratching upon the outer 
surface of bark are mentioned elsewhere. 

Several examples of producing characters on stone by pecking with 
another stone are mentioned in this paper, and Mr. J. D. McGuire (a), of 
Ellicott City, Maryland, has been remarkably successful in forming 
petroglyphs with the ordinary Indian stone hammer. Some of the re- 
sults established by him are published iu The American Anthropologist. 
218 



MAKING OF PICTOGRAPIIS. 



219 



SECTION 2. 
INSTRUMENTS FOR DRAWING. 

Drawings upon small slabs of wood, found among the Ojibwa, were 
made with a piece of red-hot wire or thin iron rod hammered to a point. 
Such figures are blackened by being burned in. 

When in haste or when better materials are not at hand, the Hi- 
datsa sometimes drew upon a piece of wood or the shoulder-blade of a 
buffalo with a piece of charcoal from the fire or with a piece of red 
chalk or red ocher, with which nearly every warrior is at all times 
supplied. 

Mr. A. W. Howitt, in Manuscript Notes on Australian Pictographs, 
says : 

Not having any process such as is used by some of the savage tribes to soften skins, 
the harshness of these rugs is remedied by marking upon them lines and patterns, 
which being partly cut through the skin give to it a certain amount of suppleness, 
Iu former times, before the white man enabled the black fellow to supplement his 
meager stock of implements with those of civilization, a Kumai made use of the sharp 
edge of a mussel shell (unio) to cut these patterns. At the present time the sharpened 
edge of the bowl of a metal spoon is used, partly because it forms a convenient in- 
strument, partly, perhaps, because its bowl bears a resemblance in shape to the 
familiar ancestral tool. 

SECTION 3. 
COLORING MATTER AND ITS APPLICATION. 

Painting upon robes or skins is executed by means of thin strips of 
wood or sometimes of bone. Tufts of antelope hair are also used, by 
tying them to sticks to make a brush, but this is evidently a modern 
innovation. Pieces of wood, one end of which is chewed so as to pro- 
duce a loose fibrous brush, are also used at times, as has been specially 
observed among the Teton Dakota. 

The Hidatsa and other Northwest Indians usually employ a piece of 
buffalo rib or a piece of hard wood having an elliptical form. This is 
dipped in a solution of glue, with or without color, and a tracing is 
made, which is subsequently filled up and deepened by a repetition of 
the process with the same or a stronger solution of the color. 

Of late years in the United States colors of civilized manufacture 
are readily obtained by the Indians for painting and decoration. Fre- 
quently, however, when the colors of commerce can not be obtained, 
the aboriginal colors are still prepared and used. The ferruginous 
clays of various shades of brown, red, and yellow occur in nature so 
widely distributed that these are the most common and leading tints. 
Black is generally prepared by grinding fragments of charcoal into a 
very fine powder. Among some tribes, as has also been found in some 
of the "ancient" pottery from the Arizona ruins, clay had evidently 
been mixed with charcoal to give better body. The black color made by 
some of the Innuit tribes is made with blood and charcoal intimately 



220 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



mixed, which is afterwards applied to incisions in ivory, bone, and 
wood. 

Among the Dakota, colors for dyeing porcupine quills were obtained 
chiefly from plants. The vegetable colors, being soluble, penetrate the 
substance of the quills more evenly and beautifully than the mineral 
colors of eastern manufacture. 

The black color of some of the Pueblo pottery is obtained by a special 
burning with pulverized manure, into which the vessel is placed as it is 
cooling after the first baking. The coloring matter — soot produced by 
smoke — is absorbed into the pores of the vessel, and does not wear off 
as readily as when colors are applied to the surface by brushes. 

In decorating skins or robes the Arikara Indians boil the tail of the 
beaver, thus obtaining a viscous fluid which is thin glue. The figures 
are first drawn in outline with a piece of beef-rib, or some other flat 
bone, the edge only being used after having been dipped iuto the 
liquor. The various pigments to be employed in the drawing are 
then mixed with some of the same liquid, in separate vessels, when 
the various colors are applied to the objects by means of a sharpened 
piece of wood or bone. The colored mixture adheres firmly to the 
original tracing in glue. 

When similar colors are to be applied to wood, the surface is fre- 
quently pecked or slightly incised to receive the color more readily. 

Jacques Cartier, in Hakluyt (ft), reports the Indian women of the Bay 
of Ohaleur as smearing the face with coal dust and grease. 

A small pouch, discovered on the Yellowstone river in 1873, which 
had been dropped by some fleeing hostile Sioux, contained several frag- 
ments of black micaceous iron. The latter had almost the appearance 
and consistence of graphite, so soft and black was the result upon rub- 
bing with it. It had evidently been used for decorating the face as 
war-paint. 

Mr. Wm. H. Dall («), treating of the remains found in the mammalian 
layers in the Amakuak cave, Unalaska, remarks : 

In the remains of a woman's work-basket, found in the uppermost layer in a cave, 
were bits of this resin [from the bark of pine or spruce driftwood], evidently care- 
fully treasured, with a little birch-bark case (the bark also derived from drift logs) 
containing pieces of soft hematite, graphite, and blue carbonate of copper, with 
which the ancient seamstress ornamented her handiwork. 

The same author reports (/) : 

The coloration of wooden articles with native pigments is of ancient origin, but all 
the more elaborate instances that have come to my knowledge bore marks of com- 
paratively recent origin. The pigments used were blue carbonates of iron and cop- 
per; the green fungus, or peziza, found in decayed birch and alder wood; hematite 
and red chalk; white infusorial or chalky earth; black charcoal, graphite, and mi- 
caceous ore of iron. A species of red was sometimes derived from pine bark or the 
cambium of the ground willow. 

Stephen Powers (a) states that the Shastika women "smear their faces 
all over daily with choke-cherry juice, which gives them a bloody, cor- 
sair aspect " 



COLORATION OF PICTOGRAPHS. 



221 



Mr. A. S. Gatschet, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reports that the 
Klamaths of southwestern Oregon employ a black color, lgu, made of 
burnt plum seeds and bulrushes, which is applied to the cheeks in the 
form of small round spots. This is used during dances. Bed paint, for 
the face and body, is prepared from a resin exuding from the spruce 
tree,panam. A yellow mineral paint is also employed, consisting prob- 
ably of ocher or ferruginous clay. He also says that the Klamath 
spal, yellow mineral paint, is of light yellow color, but turns red when 
burned, after which it is applied in making small round dots upou the 
face. The white infusorial clay is applied in the form of stripes or 
streaks over the body. The Klamaths use charcoal, lgum, in tattooing. 

Mud and white clay were used by the Winnebago for the decoration 
of the human body and of horses. Some of the California Indians in the 
vicinity of Tulare river used a white coloring matter, consisting of in- 
fusorial earth, obtained there. The tribes at and near the geysers 
north of San Francisco bay procured vermilion from croppings of cin- 
nabar. The same report is made with probability of truth concerning 
the Indians at the present site of the New Almaden mines, where tribes 
of the Mutsun formerly lived. Some of the black coloring matter of 
pictographs in Santa Barbara, California, proved on analysis to be a 
hydrous oxide of mangauese. The Mojave pigments are ocher, clay, 
and charcoal mingled with oil. 

Bev. J. Owen Dorsey, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reports regarding 
the Osage that one of their modes of obtaining black color for the face 
was by burning a quantity of small willows. When these were charred 
they were broken in small pieces and placed in pans, with a little 
water in each. The hands were then dipped into the pan and rubbed 
together and finally rubbed over the parts to be colored. 

Dr. Hoffman reports that among the Hualpai, living on the western 
border of the Colorado plateau, Arizona, some persons appeared as if 
they had been tattooed in vertical bands from the forehead to the 
waist, but upon closer examination it was found that dark and light 
bands of the natural skin were produced in the following manner : When 
a deer or an antelope had been killed the blood was rubbed over the 
face and breast, after which the spread and curved fingers were 
scratched downward from the forehead over the face and breast, thus 
removing some of the blood; that remaining soon dried and gave the 
appearance of black stripes. The exposed portion of the skin retained 
the natural dark-tanned color* while that under the coating of coagu- 
lated blood became paler by being protected against the light aud air. 
These persons did not wash off the marks and after a while the blood 
began to drop off by desquamation, leaving lighter spots and lines 
which for a week or two appear like tattoo marks. Similar streaks 
of blood have been held to have originated tattoo designs in several 
parts of the world to record success in hunting or in war, but such 
evolution does not appear to have resulted from the transient decora- 
tion in the case mentioned. 



222 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



It is well known that the meal of maize called kunque is yet com- 
monly used by the Zufii for ceremonial coloration of their own persons 
and of objects used in their religious rites. Hoddentin is less famil- 
iarly known. It is the pollen of the tule, which is a variety of cat-tail 
rush growing in all the ponds of the southwestern parts of the United 
States. It is a yellow powder with which small buckskin bags are 
filled and those bags then attached to the belts of Apache warriors. 
They are also worn as amulets by members of the tribe. In dances for 
the cure of sickness the shaman applied the powder to the forehead of 
the patient, then to his breast in the figure of a cross; next he sprinkles 
it in a circle around his couch, then on the heads of the chanters and 
the assembled friends of the patient, and lastly upon his own head and 
into his own mouth. 

Bverard F. im Thurn (c) gives the following details concerning Brit- 
ish Guiana: 

The dyes used by the Indians to paint their own bodies, and occasionally to draw 
patterns on their implements, are red faroah, purple caraweera, blue-black lana, 
white felspathic clay and, though very rarely, a yellow vegetable dye of unknown 
origin. 

Faroah is the deep red pulp around the seed of a shrub (Bixa orellana) which 
grows wild on the banks of some of the rivers, and is cultivated by the Indians in 
their clearings. It is mixed with a large quantity of oil. When it is to be used 
either a mass of it is taken in the palm of the hand and rubbed over the skin or 
other surface to be painted, or a pattern of line lines is drawn with it by means of 
a stick used as a pencil. 

Caraweera is a somewhat similar dye, of a more purplish red, and by no means 
so commonly used. It is prepared from the leaves of a yellow-flowered bignonia 
(B. chicka) together with some other unimportant ingredients. The dried leaves are 
boiled. The pot is then taken from the fire and the contents being poured into 
bowls are allowed to subside. The clear water left at the top is poured away and 
the sediment is of a beautiful purple color. 

Lana is the juice of the fruit of a small tree (Genipa americana) with which with- 
out further preparation, blue-black lines are drawn in patterns, or large surfaces 
are stained on the skin. The dye thus applied is for about a week indelible. 

Paul Marcoy (a), in Travels in South America, says the Passes, Yuris, 
Barres and Ohumanas of Brazil, employ a decoction of indigo or genipa 
in tattooing. 

P. S. Moreat, M. D., in Jour. Boy. Geog. Soc, xxxn, 1862, p. 125, 
says that the Andaman Islanders rubbed earth on the top of the head, 
probably for the purpose of ornamentation. 

Dr. Bichard Andree (b) says: 

Long before Europeans came to Australia, the Australian blacks knew a kind of 
pictorial representation, exhibiting scenes from their life, illustrating it with great 
fidelity to nature. An interesting specimen of that kind was found on a piece of 
bark that had served as cover of a hut on Lake Tyrrell. The black who produced 
this picture had had intercourse with white people, but had had no instruction 
whatever in drawing. The bark was blackened by smoke on the inside, and on 
this blackened surface the native drew the figures with his thumb nail. 



CHAPTER IX. 



MNEMONIC. 

This is the most obvious and probably was the earliest use to which 
picture-writing was applied. The contrivance of drawing the repre- 
sentations of objects, to fix in the memory either the objects themselves 
or the concepts, facts, or other matters connected with them, is prac- 
ticed early by human individuals and is found among peoples the most 
ancient historically or in the horizons of culture. After the adoption 
of the characters for purely mnemonic purposes, those at first intended 
to be iconographic often became converted into ideographic, emblem- 
atic, or symbolic designs, and perhaps in time so greatly conventional- 
ized that the images of the things designed could no longer be perceived 
by the imagination alone. 

It is believed, however, that this form and use of picturing were pre- 
ceded by the use of material objects which afterwards were reproduced 
graphically in paintings, cuttings, and carvings. In the present paper 
many examples appear of objects known to have been so used, the graphic 
representations of which, made with the same purpose, are explained 
by knowledge of the fact. Other instances are mentioned as connected 
with the evolution of pictographs, and they possibly may interpret some 
forms of the latter which are not yet understood. 

This chapter is divided into (1) knotted cords and objects tied; 
(2) notched or marked sticks; (3) wampum; (4) order of songs; (5) tra- 
ditions; (6) treaties; (7) appointment; (8) numeration; (9) accounting. 

SECTION 1. 
KNOTTED CORDS AND OBJECTS TIED. 

Dr. Hoffman reports a device among the Indians formerly inhabiting 
the mountain valleys north of Los Angeles, California, who brought or 
sent to the settlements blankets, skins, and robes for sale. The man 
trusted to transport and sell those articles was provided with a number 
of strings made of some flexible vegetable fiber, one string for each 
class of goods, which were attached to his belt. Every one confiding an 
article to the agent fixed the price, and when he disposed of it a single 
knot was tied to the proper cord for each real received, or a double 
knot for each peso. Thus auy particular string indicated the kind of 
goods sold, as well as the whole sum realized for them, which was dis- 
tributed according to the account among the former owners of the 
goods. 

223 



224 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Mr. George Turner (a) says that among the South Sea Islanders ty- 
ing a number of knots in a piece of cord was a common way of noting 
and remembering things in the absence of a written language. 

A peculiar and ingenious mode of expressing thoughts without pro- 
nouncing or writing them in language is still met with among the In- 
dian shepherds in the Peruvian Cordilleras, though it is practiced 
merely in the accounts of the flocks. This system consists of a peculiar 
intertwining of various strings into a net like braidwork, and the di- 
verse modes of tying these strings form the record, the knots and loops 
signifying definite ideas and their combination the connection of these 
ideas. This system of mnemonic device, which was practiced by the an- 
cient Peruvians, was called quipu, and, though a similar knot-writing 
is found in China, Tartary, eastern Asia, on many islands of the Pacific, 
and even in some parts of Africa, yet in Peru, at the time of the Incas, 
it was so elaborately developed as to permit its employment for offi- 
cial statistics of the government. Of course, as this writing gave no 
picture of a word and did not suggest sounds, but, like the notched 
stick, merely recalled ideas already existing, the writing could be 
understood by those only who possessed the key to it ; but it is note- 
worthy that when the Jesuit missions began their work in Peru they 
were able to use the quipus for the purpose of making the Indians 
learn Latin prayers by heart. 

A more detailed account of the ancient quipu is extracted from Dr. 
von Tschudi's Travels in Peru (a) with condensation as follows: 

This method consisted in the dexterous intertwining of knots on strings, so as to 
render them auxiliaries to the memory. The instrument was composed of one thick 
head or top string, to which, at certain distances, thinner ones were fastened. The 
top string was much thicker than these pendent strings anil consisted of two doubly 
twisted threads, over which two single threads were wound. The branches, or 
pendent strings, were fastened to the top ones by a single loop; the knots were 
made in the pendent strings and were either single or manifold. The length of the 
strings was various. The transverse or top string often measures several yards, 
and sometimes only a foot; the branches are seldom more than 2 feet long, and iu 
general they are much shorter. 

The strings were often of different colors, each having its own particular signifi- 
cation. The color for soldiers was red ; for gold, yellow ; for silver, white ; for corn, 
green, etc. The quipu was especially employed for numerical and statistical tables ; 
each single knot representing ten ; each double knot stood for one hundred; each 
triple knot for one thousand, etc. ; two single knots standing together made twenty ; 
and two double knots, two hundred. 

In this manner the ancient Peruvians kept the accounts of their army. On on,, 
string were numbered the soldiers armed with slings; on another the spearmen; on 
a third, those who carried clubs, etc. In the same manner the military reports 
were prepared. In every town some expert men Avere appointed to tie the knots of 
the quipu and to explain them. These men were railed quipucamayocuna (literally, 
officers of the knots.) The appointed officers required great dexterity in unriddling 
the meaning of the knots. It, however, seldom happened that they had to read 
a quipu without some verbal commentary. Something was always required to be 
added if the quipu came from a distant province, to explain whether it related to 
the numbering of the population, to tributes, or to war, etc. This method of calcu- 



QUIPUS. 



225 



lation is still practiced by the shepherds of Puna. On the first branch or string 
they usually place the number of the bulls; on tlie second, that of the cows, the 
latter being classed into those which were milked and those which were not milked; 
on the next string were numbered the calves according to their ages and sizes. Then 
came the sheep, in several subdivisions. Next followed the number of foxes killed, 
the quantity of salt consumed, and, finally, the cattle that had been slaughtered. 
Other quipus showed the produce of the herds in milk, cheese, wool, etc. Each 
list was distinguished by a particular color or by some peculiarity in the twisting 
of the string. 

Other accounts tell that the descendants of the Quiches still use the 
quipu, perhaps as modified by themselves, for numeration. They pierce 
beans and hang them by different colored strings, each of which repre- 
sents one of the column places used in decimal arithmetic. A green 
string signifies 1,000; a red one, 100; a yellow, 10, and a white refers 
to the 9 smaller digits. Thus if 7 beans are on a green, 2 on a red, 8 
on a yellow, and 6 on a white string, and the whole tied together, the 
bundle expresses the number 7,286. 

Before the time of their acquaintance with the quipus, the Peruvians 
used in the same way pebbles or maize-beans of various colors. The 
same practice was known in Europe in the prehistoric period. The 
habit of many persons in civilized countries to tie a knot in the hand- 
kerchief to recall an idea or fact to mind is a familiar example to show 
how naturally the action would suggest itself- for the purpose, and per- 
haps indicates the inheritance of the practice. 

Dr. Andree (b) gives an illustration of a quipu (here reproduced as 
part of PL xvi), which he represents as taken from Perez, and states 
that the drawing was made soon after the exhuming of the object from 
an ancient Peruvian grave. 

Capt. Bourke (a) gives descriptions and illustrations of varieties of 
the izze-kloth or medicine cord of the Apache. A condensed extract 
of his remarks is as follows : 

These cords, in their perfection, are decorated with beads and shells strung along 
at intervals, with pieces of the sacred green chalchihuitl, which has had such a mys- 
terious ascendancy over the minds of the American Indians — Aztec, Peruvian, Quiche, 
as well as the more savage tribes like the Apache and Navajo; with petrified wood, 
rock crystal, eagle down, claws of the hawk or eaglet, claws of the bear, rattle of 
the rattlesnake, buckskin bags of hoddentin, circles of buckskin in which are in- 
closed pieces of twigs and branches of trees which have been struck by lightning, 
small fragments of the abalone shell from the Pacific coast, and much other sacred 
paraphernalia of a similar kind. 

That the use of these cords was reserved for the most sacred and important occa- 
sions I soon learned. They were not to be seen on occasions of no moment, but the 
dances for war, medicine, and summoning the spirits at once brought them out, and 
every medicine man of any consequence would appear with one hanging from his 
right shoulder over his left hip. 

These cords will protect a man while on the warpath, and many of the Apache 
believe firmly that a bullet will have no effect upon the warrior wearing one of 
them. This is not their only virtue by any means ; the wearer can tell who has 
stolen ponies or other property from him or from his friends, can help the crops, and 
cure the sick. If the circle attached to one of these cords is placed upon the head 
it will at once relieve any ache, while the cross attached to another prevents the 
10 ETII 15 



226 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



wearer from going astray; no matter whore be may be; in other words, it has some 
connection with cross-trails and the four cardinal points, to which the Apache pay 
the strictest attention. 

I was at first inclined to associate I liese cords with the quipus of the Peruvians and 
also with the wampum of the aborigines of the Atlantic coast, and investigation 
only confirms this first suspicion. 

The praying beads of the Buddhists and of many Oriental peoples, 
who have used them from high antiquity, are closely allied to the quipu. 
They are more familiar now in the shape of the rosaries of Eomau 
Catholics. In the absence of manufactured articles, arranged on wires, 
the necessary materials were easily procured. Berries, nuts, pease, or 
beans strung in any manner answered the purpose. The abacus of the 
Chinese and Greeks was connected in origin with the same device. 

E. F. im Thurn (d) says of the Nikari-Karu Indians of Guiana: 

At last, after four days' stay, we got off. The two or three people from Euwari- 
manakuroo who came with us gave their wives knotted strings of quippus, each 
knot representing one of the days they expected to be away, and the whole string 
thus forming a calendar to lie used by the wives until the return of their husbands. 

That the general idea or invention for mnemonic purposes appearing 
in the quipu was actually used pictorially is indicated in the illustra- 
tions of the sculptures of Santa Lucia Cosumalhuapa in Guatemala 
given by Dr. S. Habel {b). Upon these he remarks: 

It has been frequently affirmed that the aborigines of America had nowhere arisen 
high enough in civilization to have characters for writing and numeral signs, but 
the sculptures of Santa Lucia exhibit signs which indicate a kind of cipher- writing 
higher in form than mere hieroglyphics. From the mouth of most of the human 
beings, living or dead, emanates a staff, variously bent, to the sides of which nodes 
are attached. These nodes are of different sizes and shapes, and variously distrib- 
uted on the sides of the staff, either singly or in twos and threes, the last named 
either separated or in shape of a trefoil. This manner of writing not only indicates 
that the person is speaking or praying, but also indicates the very words, the con- 
tents of the speech or prayer. It is quite certain that each staff, as bent and orna- 
mented, stood for a well-known petition, which the priest could read as easily as 
those acquainted with a cipher dispatch can know its purport. Further, one may 
be allowed to conjecture that the various curves of the staves served the purpose of 
strength and rhythm, just as the poet chooses his various meters for the same purpose. 

The following notices of the ancient mnemonic use of knotted cords 
and of its survival in various parts of the world are extracted from the 
essay of Prof. Terrien de Lacouperie (d) : 

The Yang tung, south of Khotcn, and consequently north of Tibet, who first com- 
municated with China in A. D. (ill, had no written characters. They only cut 
notches in sticks and tied knots in strings for records. 

The Bratyki and Buriats of Siberia are credited with the use of knotted cords. 

The Japanese are also reputed to have employed knots on strings or bind-weeds 
for records. 

The Li of Hainan, being unacquainted with writing, use knotted cords or notched 
sticks in place of bonds or agreements. 

In the first half of the present century cord records were still generally used in 
the Indian archipelago ami Polynesia proper. The tax-gatherers in the island of 
Hawaii by this means kept accounts of all the articles collected by them from the 
inhabitants. A rope 400 fathoms long was used as a revenue book. It was divided 



Bureau of Ethnology. Tenth Annual Report. Plate XVI. 




PERUVIAN QUIPU AND BIRCH BARK DRAWING 



NOTCHED OR MARKED STICKS. 



227 



into numerous portions corresponding to the various districts of the island ; the por- 
tions were under the care of the tax-gatherers, who, with the aid of loops, knots, 
and tufts of different shapes, colors, and sizes, were enabled to keep an accurate ac- 
count of the hogs, pigs, and pieces of sandal wood, etc., at which each person was 
taxed. 

In Timor island, according to the Chinese records in 1618, the people had no writ- 
ing. When they wanted to record something they did it with flat stones, and a 
thousand stones were represented by a string. 

Knotted cords were originally used in Tibet, but we have no information about 
their system of using them. The bare statement comes from the Chinese annals. 

The following statement regarding the same use by the Chinese is 
made by Ernest Faber [a). He says : " In the highest antiquity, govern- 
ment was carried on successfully by the use of knotted cords to pre 
serve the memory of things. In subsequent ages, the sages substituted 
for these written characters. By means of these the doings of all the 
officers could be regulated and the affairs of all the people accurately 
examined." 

SECTION 2. 
NOTCHED OR MARKED STICKS. 

The use of notches for mere numeration was frequent, but there are 
also instances of their special significance. 

The Dakotas, Hidafsa, and Shoshoni have been observed to note the 
number of days during which they journeyed from one place to another 
by cutting lines or notches upon a stick. 

The coup sticks carried by Dakota warriors often bear a number of 
small notches, which refer to the number of the victims hit with the 
stick after they had been wo united or killed. 

The young men and boys of the several tribes at Fort Berthold, 
Dakota, frequently carry a stick, upon which they cut a notch for every 
bird killed during a single expedition. 

In Seaver's (a) life of Mary Jemison it is set forth that the war chief 
in each tribe of Iroquois keeps a war-post, in order to commemorate 
great events and preserve the chronology of them. This post is a 
peeled stick of timber 10 or 12 feet high, and is erected in the village. 
For a campaign they make, or rather the chief makes, a perpendicular 
red mark about 3 inches long and half an inch wide. On the opposite 

side from this, for a scalp taken, they make a red cross, thus =j= 

On another side, for a prisoner taken alive, they make a red cross in 

this manner with a head or dot, and by placing these significant 

signs in so conspicuous a situation they are enabled to ascertain with 
great certainty the time and circumstances of past events. 

It is suggested that the device first mentioned represents the scalp 
severed and lifted from the head, and that the second refers to the 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



manner iu which the prisoners were secured at night, 
pegged and tied in the style called spread-eagle. 

Rev. Richard Taylor (a) notes that the Maori had 
neither the quipus nor wampum, but only a board 
shaped like a saw, which was called "he rakau 
wakapa-paranga," or genealogical board. It was, 
iu fact, a tally, having a notch for each name, and a 
blank space to denote where the male line failed 
and was succeeded by that of the female; youths 
were taught their genealogies by repeating the 
names of each ancestor to whom the notches referred. 

It is supposed that the use by bakers of notched 
sticks or tallies, as they are called, still exists in 
some civilized regions, and there is an interesting 
history connected with the same wooden tallies, 
which until lately were used iu the accounts of the 
exchequer of Great Britain. They also appear more 
recently and in a different use as the Khe-mou cir- 
culated by Tartar chiefs to designate the number of 
men and horses required to be furnished by each 
camp. 

| S E C TION 3 . 

a WAMPUM. 

1 Prof. Robert E. C. Stearns (a) .says that wampum 
f consisted of beads of two principal colors having a 
g cylindrical form, a quarter of an inch, more or less, 

2 in length, the diameter or thickness beiug usually 
about half the leugtk. The color of the wampum 
determined its value. The term wampum, wampon, 
or wampom, and wampum-peege was apparently ap- 
plied to these beads when strung or otherwise con- 
nected, fastened, or woven together. The illustra- 
tion giveu by him is now reproduced as Fig. 163. 

In the Jesuit Relations, 1656, p. 3, the hist pre- 
sent of an Iroquois chief to Jesuit missionaries at a 
council is described. This was a great figure of the 
sun, made of 6,000 beads of wampum, which ex- 
plained to them that the darkness shall not influence 
them in the councils and the sun shall enlighten them 
even in the depth of night. 

Among the Iroquoian and Algonquian tribes wam- 
pum belts were generally used to record treaties. 
Mr. John Long (a) describes one of them : 

The wampum belts given to Sir William Johnson, of im- 
mortal Indian memory, were in several rows, black on each 
side and white in the middle; the white being placed in the 
center was to express peace and that the path be' ween them 
was lair and open. In the center of the belt was a figure of 
a diamond madeof white wampum, which the Indians call the 
council fire. 



IALLERT.] 



WAMPUM. 



229 



In the Jesuit Relations, 1642, p. 53, it is said that among the northern 
Algonquius a present to deliver a prisoner consisted of three strings of 
wampum to break the three bonds by which he was supposed to be 
tied, one around the legs, one around the arms, and the third around 
the middle. 

In the same Relations, 1653, p. 19, is a good example of messages 
attached to separate presents of wampum, etc. This was at a council 
in 1653 at the Huron town, 2 leagues from Quebec : 

The first was given to dry the tears which are usually shed at the news of brave 
warriors massacred in combat. 

The second served as an agreeable drink, as an antidote to whatever bitterness 
migbt remain in the heart of the French on account of the death of their people. 

The third was to furnish a piece of bark or a covering for the dead, lest the sight 
of them should renew the old strife. 

The fourth was to inter them and to tread well the earth upon their graves, in 
order that nothing should ever come forth from their tombs which could grieve their 
friends and cause the spirit of revenge to arise in their minds. 

The fifth was to serve as a wrapping to pack up the arms whicli were henceforth 
not to be touched. 

The sixth was to cleanse the river, soiled with so much blood. 

The last, to exhort the Hnrons to agree to what Ouontio, the great captain of the 
French, should decide upon touching the peace. 

As a ride there was no intrinsic significance in a wampum belt, or 
collar, as the French sometimes called it. It was not understood 
except by the memory of those to whom and by whom it was delivered. 
This is well expressed in a dialogue reported by Capt. de Lamothe 
Cadillac (a) in 1703: 

[Council of Hurons at Fort Poncliartrain, June 3, 1703.] 

Quaraxte-Sols. I come on my way to tell you what I propose to do at Montreal. 
Here is a collar which has been sent to us by the Iroquois, and which the Ottawas 
have brought to us; we do not know what it signifies. 

M. de Lamothe. How have you received this collar without knowing the purpose 
for which it was sent you ? 

Quak ante-Sols. It has already been long siuce we received it. I was not there, 
and our old men have forgotten what it said. 

M. de Lamothe. Your old men are not regarded as children to have such a short 
memory. 

Quaraxte-Sols. We do not accept this collar; but we are going to take it to 
Sonnontouan [the Seneca town] to find out what it means ; because it is a serious 
matter not to respond to a collar ; it is the custom among us. The Ottawas can tell 
you what it is, because our people have forgotten it. 

M. de Lamothe. The Ottawas will reply that having received it you should 
remember it, but since this collar is dumb and has lost its speech I am obliged to be 
silent myself. 

In the Diary of the Siege of Detroit (a) it is narrated that after receiv- 
ing a belt of wampum from the commanding officer the Pottawatomi 
chief called it the officer's " mouth," and said that those to whom it 
was sent would believe it when " they saw his mouth." 

But wampum designs, besides being mere credentials, and thus like 
the Australian message sticks, and also mnemonic, became, to some 



ITING OF THE AMEKICAN INDIANS. 



extent, conventional. The predominance 
of white beads indicated peace, and pur- 
ple or violet meant war. 

On the authority of Sir Daniel Wilson 
(a) a string of black wampum sent round 
the settlement is still among the Indians 
of the Six Nations the notice of the death 
of a chief. 

The Iroquois belts had an arrangement 
of wampum to signify the lakes, rivers, 
mountains, valleys, portages, and falls 
along the path of trail between them and 
the Algonkins, who were parties to their 
treaty in 1653. 

On the authority of a manuscript letter 
from St. Ange to D'Abbadie, September 9, 
1704, quoted by Parkman (a), Pontiac's 
great wampum belt was 6 feet long, 4 inches 
wide, and was wrought from end to end 
with the symbols of tribes and villages, 47 
in number, which were leagued with him. 

In addition to becoming conventional 
the designs in wampum, perhaps from es- 
pertness in their workmanship, exhibited 
ideographs in their later development, of 
which the following description, taken 
from Eev. Peter Jones's (a), " History of 
the Ojebway Indians" is an instance: 

Johnson then explained the emblems contained 
in the wampum belt brought by Yellowhead, 
which, he said, they acknowledged to be the acts 
of their fathers. Firstly, the council fire at the 
Sault Ste. Marie has no emblem, because then the 
council was held. Secondly, the council lire at 
Mamtoulni has the emblem of a beautiful white 
fish; this signifies purity, or a clean white heart — 
that all our hearts ought to be white toward each 
other. Thirdly, the emblem of a beaver, placed a t 
an island on Fenetanguishew bay, denotes wis- 
dom — that all the acts of our fathers were done 
in wisdom. Fourthly, the emblem of a white deer, 
placed at Lake Simcoe, signified superiority ; the 
dish and ladles at the same place indicated a bun- 
danceof game andfood. Fifthly, the eagle perched 
on a tall pine tree at the Credit denotes watch- 
ing, and swiftness in conveying messages. The 
eagle was to watch all the council fires between 
the Six Nations and the Ojebways, and being far- 
sighted, he might, in the event of anything hap- 
pening, communicate The tidings to the distant 
tribes. Sixthly, the sun was hung up in the cen- 
ter of the belt to show that their acts were done 
in t he lace of the sun, by whom they swore that 



the 



Id 



I he treatief 



MAIXERY.J 



ORDER OF SONGS. 



231 



In the same work, p. 119, is a description of a wampum belt that 
recorded tbe first treaty between the Ojibwa and the Six Nations of 
the Iroquois confederacy. It has the figure of a dish or bowl at its 
middle to represent that the Ojibwa and the Six Nations were all to 
eat out of the same dish, meaning, ideographically, that all the game 
in the region should be for their common use. 

Mr. W. H. Holmes (c) gives an illustration of the well-known Penn 
wampum belt, reproduced here as Fig. 164, with remarks condensed as 
follows : 

It is believed to be the original belt delivered by the Leni-Lenape sachems to 
William Penn at the celebrated treaty under the elm tree at Schackamaxon in 1682. 
Up to the year 1857 this belt remained in the keeping of the Penn family. In March, 
1857, it was presented to the Pennsylvania Historical Society by Granville John 
Penn, a great-grandson of William Penn. Mr. Penn, in his speech on this occasion, 
states that there can be no doubt that this is the identical belt used at the treaty, 
and presents his views in the following language : 

"In the first place, its dimensions are greater than of those used on more ordinary 
occasions, of which we have one still in our possession — this belt being composed of 
18 strings of wampum, which is a proof that it was the record of some very impor- 
tant negotiation. In the next place, in the center of the belt, which is of white 
wampum, are delineated in dark-colored beads, in a rude, but graphic style, two 
figures — that of an Indian grasping with the hand of friendship the hand of a man 
evidently intended to be represented in the European costume wearing a hat, which 
can only be interpreted as having reference to the treaty of peace and friendship 
which was then concluded between William Penn and the Indians, and recorded by 
them in their own simple but descriptive mode of expressing their meaning by the 
employment of hieroglyphics." 

SECTION 4. 
ORDER OF SONGS. 

The Indian songs or, more accurately, chants, with which pictography 
is connected, have been preserved in their integrity by the use of 
pictured characters. They are in general connected with religious 
ceremonies, and are chiefly used in the initiation of neophytes to secret 
religious orders. Some of them, however, are used in social meetings 
or ceremonies of cult societies, though the distinction between social or 
any other general associations and those to be classified as religious is 
not easily defined. Religion was the real life of the tribes, permeating 
all their activities and institutions. 

The words of these songs are invariable, even to the extent that by 
their use for generations many of them have become archaic and form 
no part of the colloquial language. Indeed, they are not always un- 
derstood by the best of the shaman songsters, which fact recalls the 
oriental memorization of the Veda ritual through generations by the 
priests, who thus, withoitt intent, preserved a language. The sounds 
were memorized, although the characters designating or, more cor- 
rectly, recalling them, were not representations of sound, but of idea. 

Practically, the words — or sounds, understood or not, which passed 



232 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



for words — as well as the notes, were memorized by the singers, and 
their memory, or that of the shaman, who acted as leader or conductor 
or precentor, was assisted by the charts. Exoteric interpretation of 
any ideographic and not merely conventional or purely arbitrary char- 
acters in the chart, which may be compared for indistinctness with the 
translated libretto of operas, may suggest the general subject-matter, 
perhaps the general course, of the chant, but can not indicate the exact 
words, or, indeed, any words, of the language chanted. 

A simple mode of explaining the amount of symbolism necessarily 
contained in the charts of the order of songs is by likening them to the 
illustrated songs and ballads lately published in popular magazines, 
where every stanza has at least one appropriate illustration. Let it be 
supposed that the text was obliterated forever, indeed, the art of read- 
ing lost, the illustrations remaining, as also the memory to .some persons 
of the words of the ballad. The illustrations, kept in their original 
order, would always supply the order of the stanzas and also the par- 
ticular subject-matter of each particular stanza, and that subject-matter 
would be a reminder of the words. This is what the rolls of birchbark 
.supply to the initiated Ojibwa. Schoolcraft pretended that there is 
intrinsic symbolism in the characters employed, which might imply 
that the words of the chants were rather interpretations of those char- 
acters than that the latter were reminders of the words. But only 
after the vocables of the actual songs and chants have been learned 
can the mnemonic characters be clearly understood. Doubtless the 
more ideographic and the less arbitrary the characters the more read- 
ily can they be learned and retained in the memory, and during the 
long period of the practical use of the mnemonic devices many exhib- 
iting ideography and symbolism have been invented or selected. 

The ceremonial songs represented pictorially in PJ. x^n, A, B, C, 
and D, were obtained from Ojibwa shamans at White Earth, Minne- 
sota, by Dr. Hoffman, and pertain to the ceremony of initiating new 
members into the Mide' wiwin or Grand Medicine Society. The lan- 
guage, now omitted, differs to some extent from that now spoken. The 
songs and ritual are transmitted from generation to generation, and 
although an Indian who now receives admission into the society may 
compose his own songs for use in connection with his profession, he 
will not adopt the modern Ojibwa words, but employs the archaic when- 
ever practicable. To change the ancient forms would cause loss of 
power in the charms which such songs are alleged to possess. 

The translation of the songs was given by the Ojibwa singers, while 
the remarks in smaller type further elucidate the meaning of the phrases, 
as afterwards explained by the shaman. 

The characters were all drawn upon birch bark, as is usual with the 
"medicine songs" of the Ojibwa, and the words suggested by the in- 
cisions were chanted. The incompleteness of some of the phrases was 
accounted for by the shaman by the fact that they are gradually 




ORDER OF SONGS— OJIBWA. 



MALLERY.J 



OJIBWA CHANT. 



233 



being forgotten. The ceremonies are now of infrequent occurrence, which 
tends to substantiate this assertion. 

One song, as presented on a single piece of birch bark, really consists 
of as many songs as there are mnemonic characters. Each phrase, cor- 
responding to a character, is repeated a number of times ; the greater 
the number of repetitions the greater will be the power of inspira- 
tion in the singer. One song or phrase may, therefore, extend over a 
period of from two to ten or more minutes. 

The song covers much more time when dancing accompanies it, as is 
the case with the first one presented below. The dancing generally 
commences after a pause, designated by a single vertical bar. 

The following characters are taken from A, PI. XVII, and are here 
reproduced separately to facilitate explanation : 

The earth, spirit that I am, I take medicine out of 
the earth. 

The upper figure represents the arm reaching down toward 
the earth, searching for hidden remedies. 

(Because of) a spirit that I am, my son. 

The headless human figure emerging from the circle is a mys- 
terious being, representing the power possessed by the speaker. 
He addresses a younger and less experienced Mide' or shaman. 

Bar or rest. 

The vertical line denotes a slight pause in the song, after which 
the chant is renewed, accompanied by dancing. 

They have pity on me, that is why they call us to the 
Grand Medicine. 

The inner circle represents the speaker's heart ; the outer circle, 
the gathering place for shamans, while the short lines indicate 
the directions from which the sham-ans come together. 

I want to see you, medicine man. 

The figure of a head is represented with lines running down- 
ward (and forward) from the eyes, donating sight. The speaker is 
looking for the shaman, spoken to, to make his appearance within 
the sacred structure where the Mide' ceremonies are to take place. 

My body is a spirit. 

The character is intended to represent the body of a bear, with 
a line across the body, signifying one of the most powerful of the 
sacred Man'idos or spirits, of the Mide' wiwin or "(Jrand Medicine 
Society." 

You would [know] it, it being a spirit. 

The figure of a head is shown with lines extending both upward 
and downward from the ears, denoting a knowledge of things in 
realm of the Man'idos above, and of the secrets of the earth be- 
neath. 






234 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



As I am dressed, I am. 

The otter is emerging from the sacred Mide' inclosure ; the otter 
typifies the sacred Man'ido who received instruction for the peo- 
ple from Mi'nabo'zho, the intermediary between tlie "Great 
Spirit " and the Anishinabeg. 



That is what ails me, I fear my Mide' brothers. 

The arm reaching into a circle denotes the power of obtaining 
mysterious influence from Ki'tschi Man'ido, but the relation be- 
tween the pictograph and the phrase is obscure ; unless the speaker 
fears such power as possessed by others. 



The following- is the order of another Mide' song. The general style 
of the original resembles the specific class of songs which are used when 
digging medicines, i. e., plants or roots. The song is shown in PI. xvn, 
B as the character appears on the bark. 



As I arise from [slumber]. 

The speaker is shown as emerging from 
sleeping place. 



double circle, his 





What have I unearthed? 

The speaker has discovered a 



two hands grasping that a 



Man'ido, 
mal by the back. 



3 shown by the 



Down is the bear. 

The bear is said to have his legs cut off, by the outline of the 
Mide' structure, signifying he has become helpless because he is 
under the influence of the shamans. 



Big, I am big. 

The speaker is great in his own estimation ; his power of obtain- 
ing gifts from superior beings is shown by the arm reaching for 
an object received from above; he has furthermore overcome the. 
bear Man'ido and can employ it to a 



You encourage me. 

Two arms are shown extended toward a circle containing spots 
of mi'gis, or sacred shells. The arms represent the assistance of 
friends of the speaker encouraging him with their assistance. 



OJIBWA CHANT. 235 



I can alight in the medicine pole. 

The eagle or thunder-bird is perched upon the medicine pole 
erected near the shamans' sacred structure. The speaker pro- 
fesses to have the power of flight equal to the thunder-bird, that 
he may transport himself to any desired locality. 



The following is another example of a pictured Mide' song, and is 
represented in PI. xvn, 0. 

I know yon are a spirit. 

The figure is represented as having waving lines extending 
from the eyes downward toward the earth, and indicating search 
for secrets hidden beneath the surface of the earth. The hands 
extending upward indicate the person claims supernatural powers 
by which he is recognized as "equal to a spirit." 




I lied to my son. 

The signification of the phrase could not be explained by the 
informant, especially its relation to the character, which is an 
arm, reaching beyond the sky for power from Ki'tshi Man'ido. 
The waving line upon the arm denotes mysterious power. 



Spirit I am, the wolf. 

The speaker terms himself a wolf spirit, possessing peculiar 
power. The animal as drawn has a line across the body signify- 
ing its spirit character. 



At last I become a spirit. 

The circle denotes the spot occupied by the speaker; his hands 
extended are directed toward the source of his powers. 

1 give you the mi'gis. 

The upper character represents the arm reaching down giving 
a sacred shell, the mi'gis, the sacred emblem of the "Grand Medi- 
cine Society." The "giving of the mi'gis" signifies its "being 
shot" into the body of a new member of the society to give him 
life and the power of communing with spirits, or Man'idos. 




Yon are speaking to me. 

An arm is extended toward a circle containing a smaller one, 
the latter representing the spot occupied by Mide friends. 



236 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The characters next explained are taken from the last line, D, of the 
series given in PI. xvn. The speaker appears to have great faith in his 
own powers as a Mide'. 



Spirit I am, I enter. 

The otter, which Man'ido, the speaker, professes to represent, is 
iuteriug the sacred structure of Mide' lodge. 



(or 



Mide' friends, do yon hear me? 

The circles denote the locality where the Mide' are supposed to 
be congregated. The waving lines signify hearing, when, as in 
this ease, attached to the ears. 



The first time I heard you. 

The speaker asserts that he heard the voices of the Man'idos 
When he went through his tirst initiation iuto the society. He is 
Still represented as the otter. 



The spirit, he does hear ( *? ) 



The interpretation 
plained. The lines fr< 



uld not be otberwise ex- 



0> 



They, the Mide' friends, have paid enough. 

The arm in the attitude of giving, to Ki'tshi Man'ido, signifies 
that the Mide' have made presents of sufficient value to be enabled 
to possess the secrets, which they received in return. 



They have pity on me, the chief Mide'. 

The arms of Ki'tshi Man'ido are extended to the Mide' 
ng assistance as besought. 



The song mnemonically represented in PI. xvni A (reproduced from 
PI. x A. of the Seventh Ann. Rep. Bur. of Ethn.) is sung by the Ojibwa 
preceptor who has been instructing the candidate for initiation. It 
praises the preceptor's efforts and the character of the knowledge he 
has imparted. Its delivery is made to extend over as much time as 
possible. 

The mnemonic characters were drawn by Sikas'sige, and are a copy 
of an old birchbark scroll, which has for many years been in his posses- 



OJIBWA CHANT. 



237 



sion, and which was a transcript of one in the possession of his 
father Baiedzik, one of the leading Mide' at Mille Lacs, Minnesota. 

My arm is almost pulled out with digging medicine. 
It is full of medicine. 

The short zigzag lines signifying magic influence, erroneously 
designated "medicine." 

Almost crying because the medicine is lost. 

The lines extending downward from the eye signify weep- 
ing; the circle beneath the figure, the place where the " medi- 
cine " is supposed to exist. The idea of " lost " signifies that 
some information has been forgotten through death of those who 
possessed it. 



Yes, there is much medicine you may cry for. 
Refers to that which is yet to be taught. 



Yes, I see there is plenty of it. 

The Mide' has knowledge of more than he has imparted, but 
reserves that knowledge for a future time. The lines of " sight" 
run to various medicines which he perceives or knows of. 



Rest. 



When I come out the sky becomes clear. 

When the otter-skin Mide' sack is produced the sky becomes 
•lear, so that the ceremonies may proceed. 



The spirit has given me power to see. 

The Mide' sits on a mountain the better to commune with the 
good Man'ido. 

I brought the medicine to bring life. 

The Mide' Manido', the Thunderer, after bringing some of the 
plants— by causing the rains to fall— returns to the sky. The 
short line represents part of the circular line usually employed 
to designate the imaginary vault of the sky. 

I too, see how much there is. 

His power elevates the Mide' to the rank of a Man'ido, from 
whose position he perceives many secrets hidden in the earth. 



238 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



L 



I am going to the medicine lodge. 

The vertical, left-hand figure denotes a ley going toward the 
Mide'wigan. 




I take life from the sky. 

The Mide' is enabled to reach into the sky and to obtain from 
Ki'tshi Man'ido' the means of prolonging life. The circle at 
the top denotes the sacred migis or shell. 

Let us talk to one another. 

The circles denote the places of the speaker (Mide') and the 
hearer (Ki'tshi Man'ido), theshort lines signifying magic influ- 
ences, the Mide' occupying the left hand and smaller seat. 

The spirit is in my body, my friend. 

The lni'gis, given by Ki'tshi Man'ido, is in contact with the 
Mide"s body, and he is possessed of life and power. 



In the order of song, PI. xvni, B, reproduced from PI. ix, 0, of the 
Seventh Ann. Pep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, the preceptor appears 
to feel satisfied that the candidate is prepared to receive the initiation, 
and therefore tells him that the Mide' Man'ido announces to him the 
assurance. The preceptor therefore encourages his pupil with promises 
of the fulfillment of his highest desires : 



1 hear the spirit speaking to us. 

The Mide'-singer is of superior power, as designated by the 
horns and pointer upon his head. The lines from the ears indi- 
cate hearing. 



1. am going into the medicine lodge. - 
The Mide'wigan is shown with a line through it, to signify 
that the preceptor is going through it in imagination, as in the 
initiation. 




I am taking (gathering) medicine to make me live. 

The disks indicate the sacred objects sought for, which are 
ccessively obtained by the speaker, who represents the offici- 



OJIBWA CHANT. 



239 



I am flying into my lodge. 

Eepresents the thunder-bird, a deity dying into the arch of 
the sky, the abode of spirits or Mau'id5s. The short lines cut- 
ting the curve arc spirit lines. 



I give you medicine, and a lodge, also. 

The Mide', as the personator of Makwa Man'ido, is empowered 
to offer this privilege to the candidate. 




I have the medicine in my heart. 

The singer's heart is filled with knowledge relating to sa 
objects from the earth. 



The spirit has dropped medicine from the sky where 
we can get it. 

The line from the sky, diverging to various points, indicates 
that the sacred objects fall in scattered places. 




The song depicted in PI. xviii 0, was drawn by u Little Frenchman," 
an Ojibwa Mide' of the first degree, who reproduced it from a bark 
record belonging to his preceptor. ''Little Frenchman" had not yet 
received instruction in these characters, and consequently could not 
sing the songs, but from his familiarity with mnemonic delineations of 
the order of the Grand Medicine of ideas he was able to give an outline 
of the signification of the figures and the phraseology which they sug- 
gested to his mind. In the following description the first line pertain- 
ing to a character is the objective description, the second being the 
explanation. 

It is furthermore to be remarked that in this chart and the one fol- 
lowing the interpretation of characters begins at the right hand instead 
of the left, contrary to rule. The song is reproduced from PI. xxn, A, 
of the Seventh Annual Eeport of the Bureau of Ethnology : 



From the place where I sit. 

A man, seated and talking or sin< 




PICTURE-WHITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The big tree in the middle of the earth. 
Tree; inclosure represents the world as visible froi 
spot of observation — horizon. 



I will float down the fast running stream. 

Stream of water; the spots indicate progress of traveler, and 
may be rude indications of canoes or equally rude foot tracks, 
the usual pictograph for traveling. 



The place that is feared I inhabit; the swift run- 
ning stream. 

A spirit surrounded by a Hue indicating the shore. 



You who speak to me. 

Two spirits communing. 



I have long horns. 

Horned water monster. 



; dancing begins with next character. 



I, observing, follow your example. 

Man listening to water monster (spirit). 



You are my body; you see anybody; you see my 
nails are worn oft' in grasping the stone (from which 
medicine is taken). 

Bear, with claws, scratching ; depression shown by line under 
claws, where scratching has been done. 

You (i. e., the spirits who are there), to whom I am 
speaking. 

Spirit panther. 



CHART OF OJIBWA CHANT. 



241 



I am floating down smoothly. 

Spirit otter, swimming ; outer lines a 



I have finished my drum. 

Spirit holding- rlrum ; sound ascending. 

My body is like nnto you. 

This is the mi'gis shell — the special symbol of the Mide' a 



Hear me, thou, who art talking to me. 

Listening, and wanting others (spirits) to hear. 



See what I am taking. 

Spirit (Mide') taking "medicine root." 



See me whose head is out of the water. 

Otters, two spirits, the left-hand one being the ••speaker." 



The Mide' song, PI. xvm, D, was also copied by "Little Frenchman" 
upon birchbark, from one in the possession of his preceptor, but upon 
which he had not yet received careful instruction ; hence the incom- 
pleteness of some of his interpretations. It is reproduced from PI. xxn, 
B, of the Seventh Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology. 

I am sitting down with my pipe. 

Man sitting, holding a pipe. He has been called upon to 
"make medicine." The short lines beneath the body represent £cA= 
that he is seated. He holds a Allied pipe which he is not yet 
smoking. 

I, me the spirit, the spirit of the owl. 

Owl, held by Mide' ; arm above bird. This character appears 
upon the Grand Medicine chart from Bed Lake, as passing from 
the mide' lod^e to the ghost lodge. 
10 ETH 16 



242 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




0 0 

0 o 
0 (' 



It stands, that which I am going after. 

Tree ; showing tracks made by bear spirit. The speaker terms 
himself equal with this spirit and represents himself seeking 
remedies. 

T, who tiy. 

Medicine hag, flying. The figure is that of the thunder bird 
(eagle) whose skin was used for a bag. The trees beneath show 
the bird to have ascended beyond their tops. 

Kibiuan is what 1 use — the magic arrow. 
An arrow, held by hand. 

I am coming to the earth. 

Otter spirit. Circle denotes the surrounding sky in which is 
the spirit. The earth is shown by the horizontal line above 
which is the Indian hut. The speaker likens himself to the 
otter spirit wbo first received the rites of the Mide' initiation. 

I am feeling for it. 

Man (spirit) seeking for hidden medicine. The circle repre- 
sents a hole in the earth. 

I am talking to it. 

Medicine hag made of an owl skin is held by shaman ; latter 
is talking to the magic elements contained therein. 

They are sitting in a circle ("around in a row"). 

Mide' lodge ; Mide' sitting around. The crosses represent the 
persons present. 

You who are newly hung, and you who have reached 
half, and you who are now full. 

Full moon, one half, and quarter moon. 



I am going for my dish. 

Footprints leading to dish (ghost society dish). The circular 
objects here each denotes a " feast," usually represented by a 



1 go through the medicine lodge. 

Grand medicine lodge; tracks leading through it. The 
speaker, after having prepared a feast, is entitled to enter for 
initiation. 



CHART OF OJIBWA CHANT 



243 



Let us commune with one another. 

Two men conversing: two Mide'. 



The mnemonic order of song, PI. xix a, is another example from Red 
Lake, prepared by the Ojibwa last mentioned : 

Carved images." 

Carved images. These represent the speaker to say that he \fp 
prepares fetishes for hunting, love, etc. 

I am holding my grand medicine sack. fw\ 

Man holding "medicine bag." /S 

" Wants a woman.' 1 [So interpretation was ventured rfr\ 
by " Little Frenchman."] (ft \ J 

Hear me, great spirit. 

Lines from the ears, to denote hearing. 



I am about to climb. 

Medicine tree at grand lodge. The marks on either side are 
bear tracks, the footprints of the bear spirit — the speaker repre- 
senting him. 

I am entering the grand medicine lodge. 

The Mide'wigan, showing footprints of the bear Man'ido which 
are simulated by the boastful shaman. 



I am making my tracks on the read. 

Footprints on the path. 

I am resting at my home. 

Human figure, with "voice" issuing — singir 



PI. xix b is a similar song, also made by "Little Frenchman," and 
relates to magic remedies and his powers of incantation: 



The stars. 

Stars, preceded by a mark of rest or beginning. It may be 
noticed that one star has eight and the other six rays, showing 
that their number is not significant. 



244 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Tlie wolf that runs. 
Wolf; the banded tail distir 



mislies it from the otter. 



See me what I have; what I have (goods given in the 
mide' wigwan). 

Man holding how. 

See what I am about to do. 

Arm, holding a gun. 

The house of the heaver. 
Beaver, in his house. 

I, who make a noise. 

A frog, croaking, shown by "voice" lines. 

My white hair. 

Head with hair. The signification of white hair is great age, 
though there is no way to ascertain this without oral statement 
by the singer. 

The house of the otter. 
Otter in his burrow. 

Hear me, you, to whom I am talking. 

Mi'gis, spoken to by man, lines showing hearing. The sacred 
emblem of the Mide'wiwin is implored for aid in carrying out a 
desired scheme. 

I stoop as 1 walk. 

An old man. Age is denoted by the act of walking with a staff. 



\]/,/\ I stand by the tree. 

\' \ J Standing near medicine tree. The speaker knows of valued 

remedies which he desires to dispose of for payment. 

I am raising a rock. 

Man with stone for Mide' lodge. Carrying stone to Mide' lodge, 
against which to place a patient. 



CHART OF OJIBWA CHANT. 



245 



I am holding my pail. 

Vessel of medicine ; arm reaching do 1 



(f 



My arrow j>oint is of iron, and about to kill a male ^7\v^ 
bear. 

Bear, above arrow. Bow — lower character. 



I am about to speak to tbe sky. 

Speaking to the "sky." Power of communing with the Great 
Spirit, Ki'tshi Man'ido'. 

I am about to depart ; 1 will liken myself to a bear. 

Bear, tracks and path. 



I am walking on tbe hard sand beach. 

Body of water, and lynx. The ellipse denotes a lake. 



Another song of a similar character, reproduced from birchbark on 
PL xis c, is explained below. It was also made by "Little French- 
man," and relates to the searching for and preparation of objects used 
in sorcery. 



It is fiery, that which I give you. 
Vessel, with flames on top. Contains strong v 
nai;ical decoction. 



It is growing, the tree. 



g around it at four corners. 



I cover the earth with my length. 
Snakes ; guardians of the first degree. 



The bear is contained within me. 

Bear spirit within the man — i. e., the sj 



is indicates 
of the most 



that he possesses the power of the Bear Man'ido. 
powerful of the guardians of the Mide' society. 

He has Man'ido (spirit) in his mouth. 

Possessing the power of curing by "sucking" bad spirits from 
patient's body. This is the practice of the lower shamans, known 
as Jf-s'sakkTd'. 



246 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The hawk genus et sp. 

Ki-ni-en', the hawk from which "medicine" is obtained. 




I, who am about to talk. 

Head of man; lines from mouth denote speech. 




The interpretation uow again proceeds from right to left. 
j^r^k I am about to walk. 

Bear spirit, talking. The lines upon the back 
spirit character. 



I am crawling away. 

Mi'gis shell. The sacred emblem of the Mide' society. 



From this, I wish to be able to walk. 

Taking " medicine" trail (behind man). The speaker is address- 
ing a Man'ido which he holds. 



I am being called to go there. 

Sacred lodges, with spirits within. 



n)/ 

Y I am going. 



Footprints, leading toward a v 



The Ojibwa chart, used in the " Song for the Metai, or for Medicine 
Hunting," is taken from Tanner's (a) Narrative and reproduced in 
Fig. 105. It should be noted that the Metai of Tanner's intepretation, 
which follows, is the same as the Mide' in the foregoing interpretations : 

a. Now I hear it, my friends of the Metai, who are sitting about me. 

This and the three following are sung by the principal chief of the 



METAI CHART. 



247 



Metai, to the beat of his bwoin ah-keek, or drum. The line from the 
sides of the head of the figure indicate hearing. 

b. Who makes this river flow? The Spirit, he makes this river flow. 
The second figure is intended to represent a river, and a beaver 

swimming down it. 

c. Look at me well, my friends; examine me, and let us understand 
that we are all companions. 

This translation is by no means literal. The words express the 
boastful claims of a man who sets himself up for the best and most 
skillful in the fraternity. 

d. Who maketh to walk about, the social people ? A bird niaketh 
to walk about the social people. 

By the bird the medicine man means himself; he says that his voice 




Fig. 165— Song lor Medicine Hunting. 



has called the people together. Weej-huh nish-a-nauba, or weeja- 
nish-a-nau-ba seems to have the first syllable from the verb which 
means to accompany. The two liues drawn across, between this figure 
and the next, indicate that here the dancing is to commence. 

e. I fly about and if anywhere I see an animal, I can shoot him. 

This figure of a bird (probably an eagle or hawk) seems intended to 
indicate the wakefulness of the senses and the activity required to in- 
sure success in hunting. The figure of the moose which immediately 
follows, reminding the singer of the cunning and extreme shyness of 
that animal, the most difficult of all to kill. 

/. I shoot your heart; I hit your heart, oh, animal — your heart — I hit 
your heart. 

This apostrophe is mere boasting ami is sung with much gesticula- 
tion and grimace. 

g. I make myself look like fire. 



248 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



This is a medicine man disguised in the skin of a bear. The small par- 
allelogram under the bear signifies fire, and the shamans, by some com- 
position of gunpowder, or other means, contrive to give the appearance 
of fire to the mouth and eyes of the bear skin, in which they go about 
the village late at night, bent on deeds of mischief, oftentimes of blood. 
We learn how mischievous are these superstitions when we are in- 
formed that they are the principal men of the Metai, who thus wander 
about the villages in the disguise of a bear, to wreak their hatred on a 
sleeping rival or their malice on an unsuspecting adversary. But the 
customs of the Indians require of anyone who may see a medicine man 
on one of these excursions to take his life immediately, and whoever 
does so is accounted guiltless. 

h. I am able to call water Irom above, from beneath, and from around. 
Here the medicine man boasts of his power over the elements, and 

his ability to do injury or benefit. The segment of a circle with dots 
in it represents water and the two short lines touching the head of the 
figure indicate that he can draw it to him. 

i. I cause to look like the dead, a man I did. 
I cause to look like the dead, a woman I did. 
I cause to look like the dead, a child I did. 

The lines drawn across the face of this figure indicate poverty, dis- 
tress, aud sickness; the person is supposed to have suffered from the 
displeasure of the medicine man. Such is the religion of the Indians. 
Its boast is to put into the hands of the devout supernatural means 
by which he may wreak vengeance on his enemies whether weak or 
powerful, whether they be found among the foes of his tribe or the 
people of his own village. This. Metai, so much valued and revered by 
them, seems to be only the instrument in the hands of the crafty for 
keeping in subjection the weak and the credulous, which may readily 
be supposed to be the greater part of the people. 

1c. I am such, I am such, my friends; any animal, any animal, my 
friends, I hit him right, my friends. 

This boast of certain success in hunting is another method by which 
he hopes to elevate himself in the estimation of his hearers. Having 
told them he has the power to put them all to death, he goes on to speak 
of his infallible success in hunting, which will always enable him to be 
a valuable friend to such as are careful to secure his good will. 

The following chart for the " Song for beaver hunting and the Metai," 
is taken from the same author, loc. cit., and reproduced in Fig. 166, 
with interpretations as follows: 

a. I sit down in the lodge of the Metai, the lodge of the Spirit. 

This figure is intended to represent the area of the Metai-we-gaun, or 
medicine lodge, which is called also the lodge of the Man'ido, and two 
men have taken their seats in it. The matter of the song seems to be 
merely introductory. 



MALLERY.] 



METAI CHART. 



249 



b. Two tlays must you sit fast, my friend; four days must you sit 
fast, my friend. 

The two perpendicular lines on the breast of this figure are read ne- 
o-gone (two days), but are understood to mean two years; so of the 
four lines drawn obliquely across the legs, these are four years. The 
heart must be given to this business for two years, and the constrained 
attitude of the legs indicates the rigid attention and serious considera- 
tion which the subject requires. 

e. Throw off, woman, thy garments, throw off. 

The power of their medicines and the incantations of the Metai are 
not confined in their effect to animals of the chase, to the lives and 




Fig. 166.— Song for beaver hunting. 



health of men ; they control also the minds of all and overcome the 
modesty as well as the antipathies of women. The Indians firmly be- 
lieve that many a woman who has been unsuccessfully solicited by a 
man is not only by the power of the Metai made to yield, but even in 
a state of madness to tear off her garments and pursue after the man 
she before despised. These charms have greater power than those in 
the times of superstition among the English, ascribed to the fairies, 
and they need not, like the plant used by Puck, be applied to the per- 
son of the unfortunate being who is to be transformed ; they operate at 
a distance through the medium of the Miz-zin-ne-neens. 

d. Who makes the people walk about? It is I that calls you. 

This is in praise of the virtue of hospitality, that man being most 
esteemed among them who most frequently calls his neighbors to his 
feast. 

e. Anything I can shoot with it (this medicine) even a dog, lean 
kill with it. 

/. I shoot thy heart, man, thy heart. 

He means, perhaps, a buck moose by the word e-nah-ne-wah, or man. 
g. I can kill a white loon, I can kill. 

The white loon (rara avis nigroque similimo cygno) is certainly a rare 
and most difficult bird to kill ; so we may infer that this boaster can 
kill anything, which is the amount of the meaning intended in that 



250 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



part of his song recorded by the five last figures. Success iii hunting 
they look upon as a virtue of a higher character, if we may judge from 
this song, than the patience uuder suffering or the rakishness among 
women, or even the hospitality recommended in the former part. 
7i. My friends 

There seems to be an attempt to delineate a man sitting with his 
hands raised to address his friends; but the remainder of his speech 
is not remembered. This is sufficient to show that the meaning of the 
characters in this kind of picture writing is not well settled and re- 
quires a traditional interpretation to render it intelligible. 

?'. I open my wolf skin and the death struggle must follow. 

This is a wolf skin used as a medicine bag and he boasts that when- 
ever he opens it something must die in consequence. 

Tanner's Narrative (ft) says of musical notation drawn on bark by 
Ojibwas : 

Many of these songs are noted down by a method probably peculiar to the Indians, 
on birch bark, or small flat pieces of wood: the ideas being conveyed by emblematic 
figures, somewhat like those * * used in communicating ordinary information. 

Eev. P. J. De Smet (a) gives an account of the mnemonic order of 
songs among the Kickapoo and Pottawatomi. He describes a stick 1£ 
inches broad and 8 or 10 long, upon which are arbitrary characters 
which they follow with the finger in singing the prayers, etc. There 
are live classes of these characters. The first represents the heart, the 
second heart and flesh (chair), the third life, the fourth their names, 
and the fifth their families. 

A. W. Howitt (ft) says: 

The makers of the Australian songs, or of the combined songs and dances are the 
poets or bards of the tribe and are held in great esteem. Their names are known 
to the neighboring peoples, and their songs are carried from tribe to tribe until the 
very meaning of the words is lost as well as the original source of the song. 

Such an instance is a song which was accompanied by a carved stick painted red, 
which was held by the chief singer. This traveled down the Murray river from some 
unknown source. The same song, accompanied by such a stick, also came into 
Gippsland many years ago from Melbourne and may even have been the above men- 
tioned one on its return. 

SECTION 5. 
TRADITIONS. 

Even since the Columbian discovery some tribes have employed 
devices yet ruder than the rudest pictorial attempt as markers for the 
memory. An account of one of these is given in E. Winslow's Relation 
(A. D. 1624), Col. Mass. Hist. Soc, 2d series, ix, 1822, p. 99, as follows: 

Instead of records and chronicles they take this course: Where any remarkable 
act is done, in memory of it, either in the place or by some pathway near adjoining, 
they make a round hole in the ground about a foot deep and as much over, which, 
when others passing by behold, they inquire the cause and occasion of the same, 
which, bjing once known, they are careful to acquaint all men as occasion serveth 
therewith. And lest such holes should be filled or grown over by any accident, as 



OSAGE CHART. 



251 



The tree 



men pass by they will often renew the same, by which means many things of great 
antiquity a're fresh in memory. So that as a man traveleth. if he can understand his 
guide, his journey will be the less tedious by reason of the many historical dis- 
courses which will be related unto him. 

In connection with this section students may usefully consult Dr. Brin- 
ton's (f) Lensipe and their Legends. 

As an example of a chart used in the exact repetition of traditions, 
Fig. 167 is presented with the following explanation by Eev. J. Owen 
Dorsey : 

The chart accompanies a tradition chanted by members of a secret society of the 
Osage tribe. It was drawn by an Osage, Red Corn. 

The tree at the top represents the tree of life. By this flows ; 
and the river are described later in the degrees. 
When a woman is initiated she is required by the 
head of her gens to take four sips of water (sym- 
bolizing the river), then he rubs cedar on the palms 
of his hands, with which he rubs her from head to 
foot. If she belongs to a gens on the left side of a 
tribal circle, her chief begins on the left side of her 
head, making three passes, and pronouncing the 
sacred name three times. Then he repeats the pro- 
cess from her forehead down; then on the right side^ 
of her head ; then at the back of her head ; four times 
three times, or twelve passes in all. 

Beneath the river are the following objects : The 
^Yatse q.u^a, male slaying animal (f), or morning 
star, which is a red star. 2. Six stars called the 
"Elm rod" by the white people in the Indian terri- 
tory. 3. The evening star. i. The little star. 
Beneath these are the moon, seven stars, and sun. 
Under the seven stars are the peace pipe and Avar 
hatchet ; the latter is close to the sun, and the former . 
and the moon are on the same side of the chart. 
Four parallel lines extending across the chart, rep- 
resent four heavens or upper worlds through which 
the ancestors of the Tsiou people passed before they 
came to this earth. The lowest heaven rests on an 
oak tree ; the ends of the others appear to be sup- 
ported by pillars or ladders. The tradition begins 
below the lowest heaven, on the left side of the 
chart, under the peace pipe. Each space c 
pillar corresponds with a line of the chant ; and each 
stanza (at the opening of the tradition) contains 
four lines. The first stanza precedes the arrival of 

the first heaven, pointing to a time when the chil- Fig. 1C7.— Osage chart, 

dren of the "former end" of the race were without human bodies as well as human 
souls. The bird hovering over the arch denotes an advance in the condition of the 
people : then they had human souls in the bodies of birds. Then followed the pro- 
gress from the fourth to the first heaven, followed by the descent to earth. The 
ascent to four heavens and the descent io three, makes up the number seven. 

When they alighted, it was on a beautiful day when the earth was covered with 
luxuriant vegetation. From that time the paths of the Osages separated; some 
marched on the right, being the war gentes, while those on the left were peace 
gentes. including the Tsiou, whose chart this is. 
















1 


5 



252 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Then the Tsiou met the black bear, called in the tradition Kaxe-wa"hu-sa»' (Crow- 
bone- white), in the distance. He offered to become their messenger, so they sent him 
to the different stars for aid. According to the chart he went to them in the follow- 
ing order: Morning star, sim, moon, seven stars, evening star, little star. 

Then the black bear went to the Waoinjpvoii^se, a female red bird sitting on her 
nest. This grandmother granted his request. She gave them human bodies, making 
them out of her own body. 

The earth lodge at the end of the chart denotes the village of the Hali^a utaf a'^si, 
who were a very warlike people. Buffalo skulls w ore on (ho tops of the lodges, and 
the bones of the animals on which they subsisted whitened on the ground. The very 
air was rendered offensive by the decaying bodies and offal. 

The whole of the chart was used mnemonically. Parts of it, such as the four 
heavens and ladders, were tattooed on the throat and chest of the old men belong- 
ing to the order. 



The tradition relating to Minabo'zho and the sacred objects received 
from Kitshi Man'idd is illustrated in Fig. 168, which represents a copy 
(one-third original size) of the record preserved at White Earth. This 
record is read from left to right and is, briefly, as follows : 



a represents Minabo'zho, who says of the adjoining characters repre- 
senting the members of the Midewin : " They are the ones, they are the 
ones who put into my heart the life." Minabo'zho holds in his left 
hand the sacred medicine bag. 

b and c represent the drummers ; at the sound of the drum everybody 
rises and becomes inspired, because the Great Spirit is then present in 
the lodge. 

d denotes that women also have the privilege of becoming members 
of the Midewin. This figure holds a snake-skin "medicine bag" in her 
left hand. 

e represents the tortoise, the good spirit, who was the giver of some 
of the sacred objects used in the rite. 

/the bear, also a benevolent spirit, but not held in so great venera- 
tion as the tortoise. His tracks are visible in the lodge. 

g the sacred medicine bag, Bin-ji-gu-san, which contains life and can 
be used by the Mide' to prolong the life of a sick person. 

A represents a dog given by the spirits to Minabo'zho as a com- 
panion. 

Fig. 169 gives copies, one-third actual size, of two records in posses- 
sion of different Mide' at Red lake. The characters are almost identical, 
and one record appears to have been copied from the other. The lower 
figure, however, contains an additional character. The. following is an 



ft 




OJIBWA TRADITIONS. 



253 



incomplete interpretation of the characters, the letters applying equally 
to both : 





a, Esh'gibo'ga, the great uncle of the Unish'-in-ab'-aig, the receiver 
of the Midewiu. 

&, the drum and drumsticks. 

c, a bar or rest, observed while chanting the words pertaining to the 
records. 

d, the bin'-ji-gu'-san, or sacred medicine bag. It consists of an otter 
skin, and is the ini'gis, or sacred symbol of the mide'wigan' or grand 
medicine lodge. 

e, a Mide' shaman, the one who holds the mi'gis while chanting the 
Mide' song in the grand medicine lodge, /. He is inspired, as indicated 
by the line extending from the heart to the mouth. 

/, representation of the grand medicine lodge. This character, with 
slight addition, is usually employed by the southern division of the 
Ojibwa to denote the lodge of a jessakki'd, and is ordinarily termed a 
"jugglery." 

g, a woman, and signifies that women may also be admitted to the 
mide'wigan', shown in the preceding character. 
Ji, a pause or rest in the chant. 

i, the sacred snake-skin bag, having the power of giving life through 
its skin. This power is indicated by the lines radiating from the head 
and the back of the snake. 

j represents a woman. 

Jc, another illustration of the mi'gis, represented by the sacred otter. 

7 denotes a woman who is inspired, as shown by the line extending 
from the heart to the mouth in the lower chart, and simply showing the 
heart in the upper. In the latter she is also empowered to cure with 
magic plants. 

to represents a Mide' shaman, but no explanation was obtained of the 
special character delineated. 



254 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



In Fig. 170 is presented a variant of the characters shown 
in a of Fig. 109. The fact that this denotes the power to 
VyT cure b .V the use of plants would appear to indicate an older 
I and more appropriate form than the delineation of the bow 
fig. "70— Mi- and arrow, as well as being more in keeping with the gen- 
nabozho. eral rendering of the tradition. 

Fig. 171, two-thirds real size, is a reproduction, introduced here for 
comparison and explanation, of a record illustrating the alleged power 
of a Mide'. 

. 



a, the author, is the Mide/, who was called upon to take a man's life 
at a distant camp. The line extending from the Mide' to i, explained 
below, signifies that his power extended to at least that distance. 

b, an assistant Mide'. 

c, d, e, and / represent the four degrees of the Midewin, of which 
both shamans are members. The degrees are also indicated by the 
vertical lines above each lodge character. 

g is the drum used in the ceremony. 

h is an outline of the victim. A human figure is drawn upon a piece 
of birchbark, over which the incantations are made, and, to insure 
the death of the subject, a small spot of red paint is rubbed upon the 
breast and a sharp instrument thrust into it. 

i, the outer line represents a lake, while the inner one is an island, 
upon which the victim resides. 

The ceremony indicated in the "above description actually occurred at 
White Earth during the autumn of 1884, and, by a coincidence, the In- 
dian "conjured" died the following spring of pneumonia resulting from 
cold contracted during the winter. This was considered as the result 
of the Mide"s power, and naturally secured for him many new ad 
herents and believers. 

Fig. 172 represents a je"ssakki'd, named Ne-wik'-ki, curing a sick 
woman by sucking the demon through a bone tube. It 
is introduced here for comparison, though equally ap- 
propriate to Chap, xiv, sec. 3. The left-hand charac- 
ter represents the Mide' holding a rattle in his hand. 
Around his head is an additional circle, denoting quan- 
F ki'd 7 curin S8a a" (literally, more than an ordinary amount of knowl- 
woman. edge), the short line projecting to the right therefrom 

indicating the tube used. The right-hand character is the patient 
operated upon. 




COSMOLOGIC CHART. 



255 



The juggling trick of removing disease by sucking it through tubes 
is performed by the Mide' after fasting and is accompanied with many 
ceremonies. 

THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. 

Sikas'sige, one of the officiating priests of the Mide' society of the 
Ojibwa at White Earth, Minnesota, gives the following explanation of 
Fig. 173, which is a reduced copy of a pictorial representation of a tra- 
dition explaining the origin of the Indians : 

In the beginning, Ki'tshi Man'ido — Dzhe Man'ido, a — made the Mide' Man'idSs. 
He first created two men, 6 and c, and two women, d and e, hut they had no power 
of thought or reason. Then Dzhe Man'ido made them reasoning beings. He then 
took them in his hands so that they should multiply ; he paired them, and from this 
sprung the Indians. Then, when there were people, he placed them upon the earth ; 
but he soon observed that they were subject to sickness, misery, and death, and 
that unless he provided them with the sacred medicine they would soon become 
extinct. 

Between the position occupied by Dzhe Man'ido and the earth were four lesser 
spirits, /, g, h, and i, with whom Dzhe Man'ido decided to commune, and to impart 
the mysteries by which the Indians could be benefited; so he first spoke to a spirit 
at/, and told him all he had to say, who in turn communicated the same information 
to g, and he in turn to ft, who also communed with i. Then they all met in council 
and determined to call in the four wind gods at j, Jc, 1, and m. After consulting a« 
to what would be best for the comfort and welfare of the Indians, these spirits 
agreed to ask Dzhe Man'ido to communicate the mystery of the sacred medicine to 
the people. 

Dzhe Man'ido then went to the Sun Spirit (o) and asked him to go to the earth and 
instruct the people as had been decided upon by the council. The Sun Spirit, in the 
form of a little boy, went to the earth and lived with a woman (p) who had a little 
boy of her own. 

This family went away in the autumn to hunt, and during the winter this woman's 
son died. The parents were so much distressed that they decided to return to the 
village and bury the body there ; so they made preparations to return, and as they 
traveled along they would each evening erect several poles upon which the body 
was placed to prevent the wild beasts from devouring it. When the dead boy was 
thus hanging irpon the poles the adopted child — who was the Sun Spirit — would 
play about the camp and amuse himself, and finally told his adopted father he 
pitied him, and his mother, for their sorrow. The adopted son said he could bring 
his dead brother to life, whereupon the parents expressed .ureat surprise and desired 
to know how that could be accomplished. 

The adopted boy then had the party hasten to the village, when he said, " Get the 
women to make a wig'iwam of bark (q), put the dead boy in a covering of birch 
bark and place the body on the ground in the middle of the wig'iwam." On the 
next morning, when this had been done, the family and friends went into this lodge 
and seated themselves around the corpse. 

After they had all been sitting quietly for some time they saw, through the door- 
way, the approach of a bear (»•), which gradually came toward the wig'iwam, entered 
it, and placed itself before the dead body, and said hfi', hu', hu', hu', when he passed 
around it toward the left side, with a trembling motion, and as he did so the body 
began quivering, which increased as the bear continued, until he had passed around 
four times, when the body came to life and stood up. Then the bear called to the 



256 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



father, who was sitting in the distant 
addressed to him the following words: 

Nos Ka-wi'-na ni'-ski-na'-bi wis 

My father is not an Indian n 

Be-mai'-a-mi'-nik ni'-dzki man'-i-do 

Insomuch my fellow spirit. 

Nos a-zhi'-gwa a-se'-ma tshi-a'-to-yek 

My father now tobacco you shall put. 

a-wi-dink' dzki-gosh'-kwi-tot' 

once to he able to do it 

bi-ma'-di-zid'-mi-o-ma' 



9- 



si a-ya'wi-an' man'-i-do nin-gi'-sis. 
mi'-a-zhi'-gwa tshi-gi'-a-we-aa'. 
A'-mi-kun'-dem mi-e'-ta 

you shall put. He speaks of only 

wen'-dzta-bi-ma'-di-zid'-o-ma' a-ga'-wa 

do it why he shall live here now 

ni'-dzhi man'-i-do mi'-a-zhi'-gwa tshi-gi'-we-an'. 

my fellow spirit now I shall go home. 

The little hear boy (>■) was the one who did this. 
He then remained among the Indians (s) and 
^ taught them the mysteries of the Grand Medicine 
--^jjj (t), and after he had finished he told his adopted 
father that as his mission had been fulfilled, that 
he was to return to his kindred spirits, the Indians 
would have no need to fear sickness, as they now 
possessed the Grand Medicine which would assist 
them to live. He also said that his spirit could 
bring a body to life but onee, and he would now 
return to the sun from which they would feel his 
influence. 

This is called Kwi'-wi-sens' wed-di'-shi-tshi' 
ge'-wi-nlp' — "Little boy, his work." 

From .subsequent information it was learned 
that the line (w) denotes the earth, and that, 
being considered as one step in the course of initia- 
tion into the Mide'wiwin, three others must be 
taken before a candidate can be admitted. These 
steps, or rests, as they are denominated, are typi- 
fied by four distinct gifts of goods, which must 
be remitted to the Mide' priests before the cere- 
mony can take place. 

The characters s and t are repetitions of the 
figures alluded to in the tradition (q and r) to 
signify that the candidate must personate the 
Makwa' Man'ido — bear spirit — when entering the 
Mide'wiwin (t); t is the Mide' Man'ido, as Ki'tshi 
Man'ido is termed by the Mide' priest3. The 
device of horns, attached to the head, is a com- 
mon symbol of superior power, found in con- 
nection with the figures of human and divine 
forms in many Mide' snugs and other mnemonic 
records; v represents the earth's surface, similar 
, y, and z represent the. four degrees of the grand 

SECTION (J. 
TREATIES. 

Fig. 174 is ropy of a birchbark record which was made to com- 
memorate a treaty of peace between the Ojibwa and Assinaboin In- 
dians. The drawing on bark wa 
Earth, Minnesota. 




5 made by an Ojibwa chief at White 



M-iLLERY.] 



DIARY OF INDIANS. 



257 



The figure on the left, holding a flag, represents the Ojibwa chief, 
while that on the right denotes the chief acting on the part of the 
Assinaboins. The latter holds in his left 
hand the pipe which was used in the prelimi- 
naries, and smoke is seen issuing from the 
mouth of the Assinaboin. He also holds in 
his right hand the drum used used as an ac- 
companiment to the songs. 

The Ojibwa holds a flag used as an emblem 

of peace. Fig. 174.— Record of treaty. 

A considerable number of pictographic records of treaties are pre- 
sented in different parts of the present work (see under the headings 
of Wampum, Chap, is, Sec. 3; Notices, Chap, xi; History, Chap, xvi; 
Winter Counts, Chap, x, See. 2. 




SECTION 7. 
APPOINTMENT. 

Le Page Du Pratz (b) says in describing the council of conspiracy 
which resulted in the Xatchez war of 1729: 

An aged councillor advised that after all the nations had been informed of the 
necessity of taking this violent action, each one should receive a bundle of sticks, 
all containing an equal number, and which were to mark the number of days to 
pass before that on which they were all to strike at once; that in order to guard 
against any mistake it would be necessary to take care to extract one stick every 
day and to break it and throw it away; a man of wisdom should be charged with 
this duty. All the old men approved of his advice and it was adopted. 

Pere [Nicholas Perrot (a) says: 

Celui qui, chez les Hurons, prenait la parole en cette circonstance, recevait un 
petit faisceau de pailles d'pied de long qui luy servoient comme de jetons, pour sup- 
puter les nombres et pour ayder la memoire des assistans, les distribuant en clivers 
lots, suyrant la diversite des choses. Dans l'Amerique du Sud, les Galibis de la 
riviere d'Amacourou et del'Orenoque usaient dumeme precede mnemotechnique, mais 
perfectionne. Le capitaine [Galibis] et moy, ecrit le P. la Pierre (Voyage en terre- 
fermeet a la coste de Paria, p. 15 du Ms. orig.), eusmes un grand discours . . . luy 
ayant demande ce qu'il alloit faire a Barime, il me respondit qu'il alloit avertir tous 
les capitaines des aultres rivieres, du jour qu'il en faudroit sortir pour aller donner 
l'attaque a leurs ennemis. Et, pour me faire eomprendre la facon dont il s'y prenoit 
il me montra vingt petites buches liees ensemble qui se plient a la facon d'un rouleau. 
Les six premieres estoient d'une couleur particuliere; elles signifioent que, les six 
premiers jours, il falloit preparer du magnot [manioc] pour faire vivres. Les quatre 
suivantes estoient d'une aultre couleur pour marque qu'il falloit avertir les hommes. 
Les six d'aultre couleur et ainsi du reste, marquant par leur petites buches, faites 
en facon de paille, l'ordre que chaque capitaine doit faire observer a ses gens pour 
estre prest tous en mesine temps. La sortie devroit se faire dans vingt jours; car 
il n'y avoit que cest [vingt] petites buches. 

Im Thurn (e) tells of the Indians of Guiana as follows : 

When a paiwari feast is to be held, invitations are sent to the people of all neigh- 
boring settlements inhabited by Indians of the same tribe as the givers of the feast. 
10 ETH 17 



258 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The latter prepare a number of strings, each of which is knotted as many times as 
there are days before the feast day. One of these strings is kept by the headman of 
the settlement where the feast is to be held; the others are distributed, one to the 
headman of each of the settlements from which guests are expected. Every day 
one of the knots, on each of the strings, is untied, and when the last has been un- 
tied guests and hosts know that the feast day has come. 

Sometimes, instead of knots on a string, notches on a piece of wood are used. 
This system of knot-tying, the quippoo system of the Peruvians, which occurs in 
nearly identical form in all parts of the world, is not only used as in the above in- 
stance for calendar-keeping, but also to record items of any sort ; for instance, if 
one Indian owes another a certain number of balls of cotton or other articles, debtor 
and creditor each has a corresponding string or stick, with knots or notches to the 
number of the owed article, and one or more of these is oblitered each time a pay- 
ment is made until the debt is wiped out. 

Darius (Herodot. IV, 98) did something of the kind when he took a 
thong and, tying sixty knots in it, gave it to the Ionian chiefs, that they 
might untie a knot every day and go back to their own land if he had 
not returned when all the knots were undone. 

Champlain (a) describes a mode of preparation for battle among the 
Canadian Algonquins which partook of the nature of a military drill 
as well as of an appointment of rank and order. It is in its essentials 
mnemonic. He describes it as follows: 

Les chefs prennent des batons de la longueur d'un pied autant' en noinbre qu'ils 
sont et signalent par d'autres un pen plus grands, leurs chefs; puis vontdans le hois 
et esplanadent line place de cinq ou six pieds en quarre oil le chef comme Sergent 
Major, met par ordre tous ces batons comme bon luy semble; puis appelle tous ses 
compagnous, qui vienueut tous armez, et leur monstre le rang et ordre qu'ils deuvont 
tenir lors qu'ils se battront avec leurs ennemis. 

The author adds detail with regard to alignment, breaking ranks, 
and resumption of array. 

SECTION 8. 
NUMERATION. 

D. W. Eakins, iu Schoolcraft I, p. 273, describes the mnemonic nu- 
meration marks of the Muskoki thus : 

Each perpendicular stroke stood for one, and each additional stroke marked an 
additional number. The ages of deceased persons or number of scalps taken by 
them, or war-parties which they have headed, are recorded ou their grave-posts by 
this system of strokes. The sign of the cross represents ten. The dot and comma 
never stood as a sign for a day, or a moon, or a month, or a year. The chronologi- 
cal marks that were and are in present use are a small number of sticks made gen- 
erally of cane. Another plan sometimes in use was to make small holes in a board, 
in which a peg was inserted to keep the days of the week. 

Oapt. Bourke (b) gives the following account of an attempt at com- 
promise between the aboriginal method of numbering days, weeks, and 
months, and that of the civilized intruders to whose system the Indians 
found it necessary to conform. 

The Apache scouts kept records of the time of their absence on campaign. There 
were several methods in vogue, the best being that of colored beads which were 



NUMERATION AND ACCOUNTS. 



259 



strung on a string, six white ones to represent the days of the week, and one black, or 
other color, to stand for Sundays. This method gave rise to some confusion, because 
the Indians had been told that there were four weeks, or Sundays ( " Domin"-os"), in 
each "Luna," or moon, and yet they soon found that their own method of determining 
time by the appearance of the crescent moon was much the more satisfactory. Among 
the Zuni I have seen little tally sticks with the marks for the days and months in- 
cised on the narrow edges, and among the Apache another method of indicating the 
flight of time by marking on a piece of paper along a horizontal line a number of 
circles or of straight lines across the horizontal datum line to represent the full days 
which had passed, a heavy straight line for each Sunday, and a small crescent for 
the beginning of each month. 

It is not necessary to discuss the obvious method of repeating strokes, 
dots, knots, human heads or forms, weapons, and totemic designs, to 
designate the number of persons or articles referred to in the picto- 
graphs where they appear. 

SECTION 9. 



ACCOUNTING. 



The Abnaki, in especial the Passamaquoddy division of the tribe in 
Maine, during late years have been engaged in civilized industries in 
which they have found it necessary to keep accounts. These are in- 
teresting as exhibiting the aboriginal use of ideographic devices which 
are only partially supplemented by the imitation of the symbols pecu- 
liar to European civilization. Several of these devices were procured 
by the present writer in 1888, and are illustrated and explained as fol- 
lows : 



<p <p q> x x x - 



A deer hunter brings 3 deerskins, for which he is allowed $2 each, 
making $6; 30 pounds of venison, at 10 cents per pound, making $3. 
In payment thereof he purchases 3 pounds of powder, at 40 cents per 
pound; 5 pounds of pork, at 10 cents per pound; and 2 gallons of mo- 
lasses, at 50 cents per gallon. The debit foots $3.30, according to the 



260 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Indian account, but it seems on calculation to be 30 cents in excess, an 
overcharge, showing the advance in civilization of the Passamaquoddy 
trader. 

The following explanation will serve to make intelligible the char- 
acters employed, which are reproduced in Fig. 175. The hunter is 
shown as the first character in line a, and that he is a deer-hunter is 
furthermore indicated by his having a skin-stretcher upon his back, as 
well as the figure of a deer at which he is shooting. The three skins 
referred to are shown stretched upon frames in line Z», the total num- 
ber being also indicated by the three vertical strokes, between which 
and the drying frames are two circles, each with a line across it, to de- 
note dollars, the total sum of $6 being the last group of dollar marks 
on line b. 

The 30 pounds of venison are represented in line c, the three crosses 
signifying 30, the T-shaped character designating a balance scale, 
synonymous with pound, while the venison is indicated by the drawing 
of the hind quarter or ham. The price is given by uniting the X, or 
numeral, and the T, or pound mark, making a total of $3 as completing 
the line c. 



The line d refers to the purchase of 3 pounds of powder, as expressed 
by the three strokes, the T, or scale for pound, and the powder horn, the 
price of which is four Xs or 40 cents per pound, or T; and 3 pounds of 
powder, the next three vertical strokes succeeded by a number of spots 
to indicate grains of powder, which is noted as being 10 cents per 
pound, indicated by the cross and T, respectively. The next item, 
shown on line c, charges for 5 pounds of pork, the latter being indi- 
cated by the outline of a pig, the price being indicated by the X cr 10, 
and T, scale or pound; then two short lines preceding one small oblong 
square or quart measure, indicates that 2 quarts of molasses, shown by 
the black spot, cost 5 crosses, or 50 cents per measure, the sum of the 
whole of the purchase being indicated by three rings with stems and 
three crosses, equivalent to $3.30. 

Another Indian, whose occupation was to furnish basket wood, 
brought some to the trader for which he received credit to the amount 
of $1.15, taking in exchange therefor pork sufficient to equal the above 
amount. 

In Fig. 176 the Indian is shown with a bundle of basket wood, the 
value of which is given in the next characters, consisting of a ring with 




MALLERY.] 



P ASSAM AQUODDY BOOK-KEEPING. 



261 



a line across to denote $1, a cross to represent 10 cents, and the five short 
vertical lines for an additional 5 cents, making a total of $1.15. The 
pork received from the trader is indicated by the outline of a pig, while 
the crossed lines to the right denotes that the "account" is canceled. 

Another customer, as shown in Fig. 177, was an old woman, the 
desceudent of an ancient name — one known before the coming of white 
people. She was therefore called the "Owl," and is represented in the 
"account" given below. She had bought on credit 1 plug of smoking 
tobacco, designated by one vertical stroke for the quantity and an oblong 
square hgnre corresponding to the shape of the package, which was to 
be used for smoking, as indicated by the spiral lines to denote smoke. 
She had also purchased 2 quarts of kerosene oil, the quantity desig- 
nated by the two strokes preceding the small squares to represent quart 
measures, and the liquid is indicated by the rude outline of a kerosene 
lamp. This is followed by two crosses, representing 20 cents, as the 
value of the amount of her purchases. This account was settled by 
giving one basket, as shown in the device nearly beneath the owl, half 
of which is marked with crossed lines, connected by a line of dots or 
dashes with the cancellation mark at the extreme right of the record. 




Fig. 177.— Shop account. 

Another Passamaquoddy Indian, unable to read or write, carries on 
business and keeps his books according to a method of his own inven- 
tion. One account is reproduced in Fig. 178. It is with a very slim 
Indian, as will be observed from the drawing, who carries on "truck- 
ing" and owns a horse, that animal being represented in outline and 
connected by lines with its owner. For services he was paid $5.45, 
which sum is shown in the lower line of characters by five dollar-marks — 
i. e., rings with strokes across them — 4 crosses or numerals signifying 10 
cents each, and live short vertical lines for 5 cents. The date is shown in 
the upper line of characters, the 4 short lines in front of the horse signify- 
ing 4, the oval figure next, to the right and intended for a circle, de- 
noting the moon — i. e., the fourth moon, or April — while the 10 short 
strokes signify the tenth day of the month — i. e., he was paid $5.45 in 
full for services to April 10. 

Another account was with a young woman noted as very slim, and 
is shown in Fig. 179. The girl brought a basket to the store, for which 



262 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




she was allowed 20 cents. She received credit for 10 cents on account 
of a plug of tobacco bought some time previously. 

In the illustration the decidedly slim form of the girl is portrayed, 
her hands holding out the basket which she had made. The unattached 
cross signifies 10 cents, which she probably received in cash, while the 
other cross is connected by a dotted line with the piece of plug tobacco 



//// 0 '"""«•" 
<f>fit>4>C X X XX ""' 



for which she had owed 10 cents. The attachment of the plug to the 
unpaid dime is amusingly ideographic. 

Another Indian, descended from the prehistoric 
3 Indians, was called "Lox," the evil or tricksy deity, 
appearing as an animal having a long body and tail 
and short legs, which is probably a wolverine, under 
which form Lox is generally depicted by the Passa- 
maquoddy. His account with the trader is given in 
Fig. 180, and shows that he brought 1 dozen ax 
handles, for which he received $1.50. 

Beneath the figure of Lox are 2 axes, the 12 short 
lines denoting the number of handles delivered, while 
fig. 179—Book account, the dotted line to the right connects them with the 
amount received, which is designated by 1 one dollar mark and 5 
crosses or dime marks. 

Dr. Hoffman found in Los Angeles, 
California, a number of notched sticks, 
which had been invented and used by 
the Indians at the Mission of San 
Gabriel. They had chief herders, who 
had under their charge overseers of 
3 the several classes of laborers, herders, 
J etc. The chief herder was supplied 
with a stick of hard wood, measuring 
about 1 inch in breadth and thick- 
ness and from 20 to 21 inches long. 
The corners were beveled at the handle. The general form of the stick 
is given in the upper character of Fig. 181, with the exception that 
the illustration is intentionally shortened so as to show both ends. 




IT 



p 



CATTLE COUNTING. 



263 



Upon each of the beveled surfaces on the handle are marks to indi- 
cate the kind of horned cattle referred to. The cross indicates that 
the corner of the stick upon which it is iucised relates to heifers, each 
notch designating one head, the long transverse cut denoting ten, with 
an additional three cuts signifying that the herder has in charge thir- 
teen heifers. Upon the next beveled edge appears an arrow-pointed 
mark, to denote in like manner which edge of the stick is to be notched 
for indicating the oxen. Upon the third beveled surface is one trans- 
verse cut for the record of the number of bulls in the herd, while upon 
the fourth bevel of the handle are two notches to note the number of 
cows. 

The stick is notched at the end opposite the handle to signify that 
it refers only to horned cattle. That used to designate horses is sharp- 
ened from two sides only, so that the end is wedge-shaped, or exactly 





the reverse of the one first mentioned. The marks upon the handle 
would be the same, however, with this exception — that one cut would 
mean a stallion, two cuts a mare, the cross a gelding, and the arrow- 
shaped figure a colt. Sticks were also marked to denote the several 
kinds of stock and to record those which had been branded. 

Another class of sticks were also used by the overseers, copies of 
which were likewise preserved by the laborers and herders, to keep an 
account of the number of days on which labor was performed, and to 
record the sums of money received by the workman. 

The lower character of Fig. 181 represents a stick, upon the beveled 
edge of the handle of which is a cross to denote work. The short 
notches upon the corner of the stick denote days, each seventh day or 
week being designated by a cut extending across the stick. 

Upon the opposite side of the handle is a circle or a circle with a 
cross within it to denote the number of reals paid, each real being indi- 
cated upon the edge of the stick by a notch, while each ten reals or 
peso is noted by making the cut all the way across that face of the 
stick. 



264 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Mr. Dall (a) says that the Iniiuit frequently keep accounts by tying 
knots in a string or notching a stick. Capt. Bourke (c) reports : 

In the Mexican state of Sonora I was shown, some twenty years ago, a piece of 
buckskin, upon which certain Opata or Yaqui Indians — I forget exactly Which tribe, 
but it matters very little, as they are both industrious and honest — had kept account 
of the days of their labor. There was a horizontal datum line as before, with com- 
plete circles to indicate full days and half circles to indicate half days, a long heavy 
black line for Sundays and holidays, and a crescent moon for each new month. 
These accounts had to be drawn up by the overseer or superintendent of the rancho 
at which the Indians were employed before the latter left for homo each night. 

Terrien de Lacouperie (e) says of the Southals of Bengal: 

Their accounts are either notches on a stick, like those formerly used by the rus- 
tics for keeping scores at cricket matches in country villages in England, or knots 
on a piece of grass string, or a number of bits of stra w tied together. 1 well remem- 
ber my astonishment while trying my first case between a grasping Alalia jun and a 
Sonthal when I ordered them to produce their accounts. * * * The Sonthal pro- 
duced from his back hair, where it had been kept, I suppose, for ornament, a dirty 
bit of knotted grass string and threw it on the table, requesting the court to count 
that, as it had got too long for him. Each knot represented a rupee, a longer space 
between two knots represented the lapse of a year. 

Many modes of accounting in a pictorial manner are noted in Europe 
and America among people classed as civilized. Some of these are very 
curious, but want of space prevents their recital here. A valuable 
description of the survival of the system in Brittany is given by M. 
Armand Landrin (a), translated and condensed as follows: 

In the department of Finisterre the farmers, in keeping accounts, made bags of 
their old socks and coat sleeves, of different colors, each color representing one of 
the divisions of farm outlay or receipt, as cows, butter, milk, and corn. Each amount 
received was placed in coin in the appropriate bag. When any coins were taken 
out the same number of small stones or of peas or beans was put in to replace the 
coins. Other farmers substituted for the bags small sticks of different length and 
thickness in which they made cuts representing the receipts. 

In the accounts with the laborers and farm hands the women were designated by 
the triangle, intended to represent the Breton head dress d grandes barbes. The 
kind of work performed was expressed by the tool connected with it, e.g., a horse- 
shoe denoted the blacksmith, a scythe the mower, an ax the carpenter, a saddle the 
harness-maker, and a tub the cooper. The bill of a veterinary surgeon was rendered 
by drawing the figures of the several animals treated united in one group by a line. 

Until quite recently the important accounts of the British exchequer 
were kept by wooden tallies, and some bakers in the United States yet 
persevere in keeping their accounts with their customers by duplicate 
tallies, one of which is rendered as a bill and is verified by the other. 



CHAPTER X. 



CHRONOLOGY. 

It is not within the scope of the present work to examine the several 
systems of chronology of the American Indians, but only those pic- 
torially exhibited. The Mexican system, much more scientific and 
more elaborate than that employed by the northern tribes, resembled 
it in the graphic record or detail of exhibit, and is highly interesting 
as compared with the Dakota Winter Counts. Although the principle 
of designating the years was wholly different, the mode of that desig- 
nation was often similar, as is shown by collating the Codex Vaticanus 
and the Codex Telleriano Remensis with the Winter Counts of Lone 
Dog and Battiste Good, infra. It is also desirable to note the remarks 
of Prof. Brinton (e) with regard to the Cbilan Balam. At the close 
of each of the Maya larger divisions of time (the so-called "Katum"), a 
" chilan " or inspired diviner uttered a prediction of the character of 
the year or epoch which was about to begin. This prophetic designa- 
tion of the year was like a Zadkiel's almanac, while the Dakotan method 
was a selection of the most important events of the past. 

SECTION 1. 
TIME. 

Dr. William H. Corbusier, surgeon, U. S. Army, gives the following 
information : 

The Dakotas make use of the circle as the symbol of a cycle of time ; a small one 
for a year and a large one for a longer period of time, as a life time, one old man. 

-ooo- 

Fig. 182.— Bevice denoting succession of time. Dakota. 

Also a round of lodges or a cycle of seventy years, as in Battiste Good's Winter 
Count. The continuance of time is sometimes indicated by a line extending in a di- 
rection from right to left across the page when on paper, and the annual circles are 
suspended from the line at regular intervals by short lines, as in Fig. 182, upper 
character, and the ideograph for the year is placed beneath each one. At other times 
the line is not continuous, but is interrupted at regular intervals by the yearly cir- 
cle, as in the lower character of Fig. 182. 

Under other headings in this paper are presented graphic expres- 
sions for divisions of time — month, day, night, morning, noon, and 
evening. See, for some of them, Chap, xx, Sec. 2. 

265 



266 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



SECTION 2. 
WINTER COUNTS. 

In the preliminary paper on "Pictographs of the North American 
Indians," published in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Eth- 
nology, 58 pages of text and 46 full-page plates were devoted to the 
winter counts of the Dakota Indians. The minute detail of explana- 
tion, the systematic comparison, and the synoptic presentation which 
seemed to be necessary need not now be repeated to establish the genu- 
ine character of the invention. This consisted in the use of events, 
which were in some degree historical, to form a system of chronology. 
The record of the events was only the device by which was accom- 
plished the continuous designation of years, in the form of charts 
corresponding in part with the orderly arrangement of divisions of 
time termed calendars. It was first made public by the present writer 
in a paper entitled "A Calendar of the Dakota Nation," which was 
issued in April, 1877, in Bulletin III, No. I, of the United States Geo- 
logical and Geographical Survey. The title is now changed to that 
adopted by the Dakotas themselves, viz, Winter Counts — in the origi- 
nal, wan'iyetu wo'wapi. 

The lithographed chart published with that paper, substantially the 
■same as PI. xx, Lone-Dog's Winter Count, now much better presented 
than ever before, is the winter count used by, or at least known to, a 
large portion of the Dakota people, extending over the seventy-one 
years commencing with the winter of A. D. 1800-'01. 

The copy from which the lithograph was taken is traced on a strip 
of cotton cloth, in size 1 yard square, which the characters almost 
entirely fill, and is painted in two colors, black and red, used in the 
original, of which it is a facsimile. The plate is a representation of 
the chart as it would appear on the buffalo robe. It was photographed 
from the copy on linen cloth, and not directly from the buffalo robe. 
It was painted on the robe by Lone Dog, an Indian belonging to the 
Yanktonais tribe of the Dakotas, who in the autumn of 1876 was near 
Fort Peck, Montana. His Dakota name is given in the ordinary Eng- 
lish literation as Shunka-ishnala, which words correspond nearly with 
the vocables in Eiggs's lexicon for dog-lone. Lone-Dog claimed that, 
with the counsel of the old men of his tribe, he decided upon some event 
or circumstance which should distinguish each year as it passed, and 
marked what was considered to be its appropriate symbol or device 
upon a buffalo robe kept for the purpose. The robe was at convenient 
times exhibited to other Indians of the tribe, who were thus taught the 
meaning and use of the signs as designating the several years. 

It is not, however, supposed that Lone-Dog was of sufficient age in the 
year 1800 to enter upon the work. Either there was a predecessor from 
whom he received the earlier records or, when he had reached man- 



Bureau of Ethnology. 




LON E DOG J 



Tenth Annual Report. Plate XX 




INTER COUNT. 



MALLERY.] 



INDIAN CHRONOLOGY. 



267 



hood, lie gathered the traditions from his elders and worked back, the 
object either then or -before being to establish some system of chronol- 
ogy for the use of the tribe or more probably in the first instance for 
the use of his own band. 

Present knowledge of the winter-count systems shows that Lone-Dog 
was not their originator. They were started, at the latest, before the 
present generation, and have been kept up by a number of independ- 
ent recorders. The idea was one specially appropriate to the Indian 
genius, yet the peculiar mode of record was an invention, and it is not 
probably a very old invention, as it has not been used beyond a defi- 
nite district and people. If an invention of that character had been of 
great antiquity k would probably have spread by intertribal channels 
beyond the bands or tribes of the Dakota, where alone the copies of 
such charts have been found and are understood. 

The fact that Lone-Dog's Winter Count, the only one known at the 
time of its first publication, begins at a date nearly coinciding with 
the first year of the present century, as it is called in the arbitrary com- 
putation that prevails among most of the civilized peoples, awakened 
a suspicion that it might be due to civilized intercourse and was not a 
mere coincidence. If the influence of missionaries or traders started 
any plan of chronology, it is remarkable that they did not suggest one 
in some manner resembling the system so long and widely used, and 
the only one they knew, of counting the numbers from an era, such as 
the birth of Christ, the Hegira, the Ab Urbe Coudita, or the first Olym- 
piad. But the chart shows nothing of this nature. The earliest char- 
acter merely represents the killing of a small number of Dakotas by 
their enemies, an event neither so important nor interesting as many 
others of the seventy-one shown in the chart, more than one of which, 
indeed, might well have been selected as a notable fixed point before 
and after which simple arithmetical notation could have been used to 
mark the years. Instead of any plan that civilized advisers would 
naturally have introduced, the one actually adopted was to individu- 
alize each year by a specific recorded symbol. The ideographic record, 
being preserved and understood by many, could be used and referred 
to with ease and accuracy. Definite signs for the first appearance of 
the smallpox and for the first capture of wild horses were dates as 
satisfactory to the Dakota as the corresponding expressions A. D. 
1802 and 1813 are to the Christian world, and far more certain than the 
chronology expressed in terms of A. M. and B. C. The arrangement of 
separate characters in an outward spiral starting from a central point 
is a clever expedient to dispense with the use of numbers for noting 
the years, yet allowing every date to be determined by countiug back- 
ward or forward from any other known. The whole conception seems 
one strongly characteristic of the Indians, who in other instances have 
shown such expertness in ideography. The discovery of several other 
charts, which differ in their times of commencement and ending from 



268 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



that of Lone-Dog- and from each other, removed any inference arising 
from the above-mentioned coincidence in beginning with the present 
century. The following copies of charts, substantially the same as that 
of Lone-Dog, are now or have been in the possession of the present 
writer: 

1. A chart made and kept by Bo-i'-de, The-Flame, a Dakota, who, in 
1877, lived near Fort Sully, Dakota. 

The facsimile copy is on a cotton cloth about a yard square and in 
black and red, thus far similar to the copy of Lone-Dog's chart, but 
the arrangement is different. The character for the first year men- 
tioned appears in the lower left-hand corner, and the record proceeds 
toward the right to the extremity of the cloth, then crossing toward 
the left and again toward the right at the edge of the cloth, and so 
throughout, in the style called boustrophedon. It thus answers the 
same purpose of orderly arrangement, allowing constant additions, like 
the more circular spiral of Lone-Dog. This record is for the years 
1786-87 to 1876-77, thus commencing earlier and ending later than 
that of Lone-Dog. 

2. A Minneconjou chief, The-Swan, kept another record on the dressed 
skin of an antelope or deer, claiming that it had been preserved in his 
family for seventy years. 

The characters are arranged in a spiral similar to those in Lone-Dog's 
chart, but more oblong in form. The course of the spiral is from left 
to right, not from right to left. 

3. Another chart was kindly loaned to the writer by Bvt. Maj. 
Joseph Bush, captain Twenty-second IT. S. Infantry. It was procured 
by him in 1870 at the Cheyenne Agency. This copy is one yard by 
three-fourths of a yard, spiral, beginning in the center, from right to 
left. The figures are substantially the same as those in Lone-Dog's 
chart, with which it coincides in time, except that it ends at 1869-'7<>, 
but the interpretation differs from that accompanying the latter in a 
few particulars. 

4. The chart of Mato Sapa, Black-Bear. He was a Minneconjou 
warrior, residing in 1868 and 1869 on the Cheyenne Agency reserva- 
tion, on the Missouri river, near the mouth of the Cheyenne river. 

This copy is on a smaller scale than that of Lone-Dog, being a flat 
and elongated spiral, 2 feet 6 inches by 1 foot 6 inches. The spiral 
reads from right to left,. This chart, which begins like that of Lone- 
Dog, ends with the years 1868-'69. 

5. A most important and interesting Winter Count is that made by 
Battiste Good, a Brule Dakota, which was kindly contributed by Dr. 
WLliain H. Corbusier, surgeon U. S. Army. It begins with peculiar 
cyclic devices from the year A. D. 900, and in thirteen figures embraces 
the time to A. D. 1700, all these devices being connected with myths, 
and some of them showing European influence. From 1700-'01 to 
1879-'80 a separate character is given for each year, with its interpre- 



MALLERY.] 



COUNT OP YEARS BY WINTERS. 



2G9 



tation, in much the same style as shown in the other charts mentioned. 
Several Indians and half-breeds said that this count formerly embraced 
about the same number of years as the others, but that Battiste G-ood 
gathered the names of many years from the old people and placed 
them in chronological order as far back as he was able to learn them. 

Another Winter Count, communicated by Dr. Oorbusier, is that in 
the possession of American-Horse, an Oglala Dakota, at the Pine 
Eidge agency in 1879, who asserted that his grandfather began it, and 
that it is the production of his grandfather, his father, and himself. 

A third Winter Count is communicated by Dr. Corbusier as kept 
by Cloud-Shield. He was also an Oglala Dakota, at the Pine Ridge 
agency, but of a different band from American-Horse. The last two 
counts embrace nearly the same number of years, viz, from A. D. 1775 
to 1878. Two dates belong to each figure, as a Dakota year covers a 
portion of two of the calendar years common to civilization. 

Dr. Corbusier also saw copies of a fourth Winter Count, which was 
kept by White-Cow-Killer, at the Pine Eidge agency. He did not ob- 
tain a copy of it, but learned most of the names given to the winters. 

With reference to all the Winter Counts and to the above remarks 
that a Dakota year covers a portion of two calendar years, the follow- 
ing explanation may be necessary : The Dakota count their years by 
winters (which is quite natural, that season in their high levels and lati- 
tudes practically lasting more than six months), and say a man is so 
many snows old, or that so many snow seasons have passed since an 
occurrence. They have no division of time into weeks, and their months 
are absolutely lunar, only twelve, however, being designated, which 
receive their names upon the recurrence of some prominent physical 
phenomenon. For example, the period partly embraced by February is 
called the " raccoon moon ; " March, the " sore-eye moon ; " and April, that 
"in which the geese lay eggs." As the appearance of raccoons after 
hibernation, the causes inducing inflamed eyes, and oviposition by geese 
vary with the meteorological character of each year, and as the twelve 
lunations reckoned do not bring back the point in the season when 
counting commenced, there is often dispute in the Dakota tipis toward 
the end of winter as to the correct current date. In careful examina- 
tion of the several counts it often is left in doubt whether the event 
occurred in the winter months or was selected in the months immedi- 
ately before or in those immediately after the winter. No regularity 
or accuracy is noticed in these particulars. 

In considering the extent to which Lone-Dog's chart is understood 
and used, it may be mentioned that every intelligent Dakota of full 
years to whom the writer has shown it has known what it meant, and 
many of them knew a large part of the years portrayed. When there 
was less knowledge, there was the amount that may be likened to that 
of an uneducated person or a child who is examined about a map of the 
United States, which had been shown to him before, with some expla- 



270 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

nation only partially apprehended or remembered. He would tell that 
it was a map of the United States ; would probably be able to point out 
with some accuracy the state or city where he lived; perhaps the cap- 
ital of the country; probably the names of the states of peculiar posi- 
tion or shape, such as Maine, Delaware, or Florida. So the Indian 
examined would often point out in Lone-Dog's chart the year in which 
he was born, or that in which his father died, or in which there was 
some occurrence that had strongly impressed him, but which had no 
relation whatever to the significance of the character for the year in 
question. It had been pointed out to him before, and he had remem- 
bered it, while forgetting the remainder of the chart. 

On comparing all the Winter Counts it is found that they often corre- 
spond, but sometimes differ. In a few instances the differences are in 
the succession of events, but they are usually due to an omission or to 
the selection of another event. When a year has the same name in all 
of them, the bands were probably encamped together, or else the event 
fixed upon was of general interest; and when the name is different 
the bands were scattered, or nothing of general interest occurred. 
Many of the recent events are fresh in the memory of the people, as 
the warriors who strive to make their exploits a part of the tribal tra- 
ditions proclaim them on all occasions of ceremony, count their coups, 
as the performance is called. Declarations of this kind partake of the 
nature of affirmations made in the invoked presence of a supposed 
divinity. War shirts, on which scores of the enemies killed are kept, 
and which are carefully transmitted from generation to generation, 
help to refresh their memories in regard to some of the events. 

The study of all the charts renders plain some points remaining in 
doubt while the Lone-Dog chart was the only example known. It be- 
came clear that there was no fixed or uniform mode of exhibiting the 
order of continuity of the year-characters. They were arranged spirally 
or lineally, or iu serpentine curves, by boustrophedon or direct, start- 
ing backward from the last year shown or proceeding uniformly for- 
ward from the first year selected or remembered. Any mode that 
would accomplish the object of continuity with the means of regular 
addition seemed equally acceptable. So a theory advanced that there 
was some symbolism in the right-to-left circling of Lone-Dog's chart 
was abandoned, especially when an obvious reproduction of that very 
chart was made by an Indian with the spiral reversed. It was also 
obvious that when copies were made, some of them probably from 
memory, there was no attempt at Chinese accuracy. It was enough to 
give the graphic or ideographic character, and frequently the character 
is better defined on one of the charts than on the others for the corre- 
sponding year. One interpretation would often throw light on the 
others. It also appeared that, while different events were selected by 
the recorders of the different systems, there was sometimes a selection 
of the same event for the same year and sometimes for the next, such 



WINTER COUNTS. 



271 



as would be natural in the progress of a famine or epidemic, or as an 
event gradually became known over a vast territory. 

A test of the mode of selecting events for designating the Winter 
Counts may be found in a suggestion made by the present writer in his 
account of Lone-Dog's chart, published in 1877, as follows : 

The year 1876 lias furnished good store of events for the recorder's choice, and it 
will be interesting to learn whether he has selected as the distinguishing event the 
victory over Custer, or, as of still greater interest, the general seizure of ponies, 
whereat the tribes, imitating Rachel, weep and will not be comforted, because they 
are not. 

It now appears that two of the Counts made for 1876 and observed 
by the writer several years later have selected the event of the seizure 
of the ponies, and that none of them make any allusion to the defeat of 
Custer. 

After examination of all the charts it is obvious that the design is not 
narrative, that the noting of events is being subordinated to the mark- 
ing of the years by them, and that the pictographic serial arrangements 
of sometimes trivial though generally notorious incidents having been 
selected with special adaptation for use as a calendar. That in a few. 
instances small personal events, such as the birth of the recorder or the 
death of members of his family, are set forth, may be regarded as inter- 
polations in or unauthorized additions to the charts. If they had ex- 
hibited a complete national or tribal history for the years embraced in 
them, their discovery would have been in some respects more valuable, 
but they are interesting to anthropologists because they show an at- 
tempt before unsuspected among the northern tribes of American 
Indians to form a system of chronology. 

While, as before mentioned, it is not now necessary to recapitulate 
the large amount of matter before published concerning the Winter 
Counts of the Dakota, it has been decided to present in an abbre- 
viated form the characters and interpretations of the Lone-Dog chart 
as being the system which was first discovered, and the publication of 
which occasioned the discovery of all the other charts mentioned. The 
Winter Count of Battiste Good has not hitherto been published, and it 
possesses special importance and interest apart from its chronology, for 
which reason it is inserted in the present paper, see infra. 

The several charts of The-Flame, The-Swan, American-Horse, and 
Cloud-Shield, published in the Fourth Annual Eeport of the Bureau of 
Ethnology, are omitted, but selections from all of them are presented 
under the headings of Ideography, Tribal and Personal Designations, 
lleligion, Customs, History, Biography, Conventionalizing, Compari- 
son, and in short are interspersed through the present paper where 
they appropriately belong. 

The reader of the Lone-Dog and Battiste Gk>od charts may find it 
convenient to note the following brief account of the tribal names fre- 
quently mentioned : 



272 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The great linguistic stock or family which embraces not only the 
Sioux or Dakota proper, but the Missouri, Omaha, Ponka, Osage, 
Kausa, Oto, Assinaboin, Oros Ventre or Minnitari, Crow, Iowa, Man- 
dan, and some others, has been frequently styled the Dakota family. 
Maj. J. W. Powell, the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, from 
consideration of priority, has lately adopted the name Siouan for the 
family, and for the grand division of it popularly called Sioux has used 
the term Dakota, which the people claim for themselves. 

The word "Dakota" is translated in Biggs's dictionary of that lan- 
guage as " leagued" or " allied." The title Sioux, which is indignantly 
repudiated by the people, is either the last syllable or the last two syl- 
lables, according to pronunciation, of "Nadowesioux," which is the 
French plural of the Algonkin name for the Dakotas " Nadowessi," 
a hated foe." The Ojibwa called the Dakota "Nadowessi," which is 
their word meaning rattlesnake, or, as others translate, adder, with a 
contemptuous or diminutive termination ; the plural is Nadowessiwak 
or Nadawessyak. The French gave the name their own form of the 
plural and the voyagers and trappers cut it down to " Sioux." 

The more important of the tribes and organized bands into which the 
Dakotas are now divided, being the dislocated remains of the " Seven 
Great Council Fires," are as follows : 

Yankton and Yanktonai or Ihankto u wa u , both derived from a root 
meaning " at the end," alluding to the former locality of their villages. 

Sihasapa, or Blackfeet. 

Oheno u pa, or Two-Kettles. 

Itaziptco, Without Bow. The French equivalent Sans Arc is more 
commonly used. 

Minneconjou, translated " Those who plant by the water," the physi- 
cal features of their old home. 
Sitca''gu, Burnt Hip or Brule. 

Santee, subdivided into Wahpeton, Men among Leaves, i. e., among 
forests, and Sisseton, Men of Prairie Marsh. Two other bands, now 
practically extinct, formerly belonged to the Santee, or as it is more 
correctly spelled, Isanti tribes, from the root "Issan," knife. Their 
former territory furnished the material for stone knives, from the manu- 
facture of which they Avere called the " knife people." 

Uncpapa, once the most warlike and probably the most powerful of 
all the bands, though not the largest. 

Oglala. The meaning and derivation of this name and of Uncpapa 
have been the subjects of controversy. 

Hale, Gallatin, and Eiggs designate a "Titon tribe" as located west 
of the Missouri, and as much the largest division of the Dakotas, the 
latter authority subdividing into the Sicha"gu, Itazipcho, Sihasapa, 
Minneconjou, Ohenonpa, Oglala, and Huncpapa, seven of the tribes 
specified above, which he calls bands. "Titon," (from the word UHan, 
meaning -'at or on land without trees or prairie,") was the name of a 



LONE-DOGS WINTER COUNT. 



273 



tribal division, but it has become only an expression for all tliose tribes 
whose ranges are on the prairie, and thus it is a territorial and acci- 
dental, not a tribular distinction. One of the Dakotas at Fort Eice 
spoke to the present writer of the "hostiles" as "Titons," with obviously 
the same idea of locality, "away on the prairie," it being well known 
that they were a conglomeration from several tribes. 

LONE-DOG'S WLNTER COUNT. 

Fig. 183, 1800-'01.— Thirty Dakotas were killed by Crow Indians. 
The device consists of thirty parallel black lines in three columns, 
the outer lines being united. In this chart, such black lines JII/I//II 
always signify the death of Dakotas killed by their enemies. J. !.!.', 

The Absaroka or Crow tribe, although belonging to the |jj [11 
Siouan family, has nearly always been at war with the Da- fill mil 
kotas proper since the whites have had any knowledge of ||jf|/[j| 
either. They are noted for the extraordinary length of their n«. 183. 
hair, which frequently distinguishes them in pictographs. 

Fig. 184, 1811-'02. — Many died of smallpox. The smallpox broke 
out in the tribe. The device is the head and body of a man Jfj\ 
covered with red blotches. In this, as in all other cases where A*| 
colors in this chart are mentioned, they will be found to corre- j.f||' I 
spond with PI. xx, but not in that respect with the text figures, 
which have no coloration. fig. im. 

Fig. 185, 1802-'03. — A Dakota stole horses with shoes on, i. e., stole 
them either directly from the whites or from some other Indians 
who had before obtained them from whites, as the Indians \ L 
never shoe their horses. The device is a horseshoe. 

Fig.l86,1803-'04.— They stole some "curly horses" 
from the Crows. Some of these horses are still on 
the plains, the hair growing in closely curling tufts. 
The device is a horse with black marks for the tufts. 
The Crows are known to have been early in the pos- 
session of horses. 

Fig. 186. 

Fig. 187, 1804-'0o. — The Dakota had a calumet dance and then went 
to war. The device is a long pipestem, ornamented with feathers and 
streamers. The feathers are white, with black tips, evidently the tail 
feathers of the adult golden eagle (Aquila chrysaetos), highly prized by 
the Plains Indians. The streamers anciently were colored 
strips of skin or flexible bark ; now gayly colored strips 
of cloth are used. The word calumet is a corruption of 
the French chalumeau. Cap t. Carver (c) in his Three Tears? 
Travels Through the Interior Parts of North America, 
after puzzling over the etymology of "calumet," describes 
the pipe as "about 4 feet long, bowl of red marble, stem of FlG . i 87 . 

10 £IH 18 





274 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



a light wood curiously painted with hieroglyphics in various colors and 
adorned with feathers. Every nation has a different method of decorat- 
ing these pipes and can tell at once to what band it belongs. It is used 
as an introduction to all treaties, also as a flag of truce is among Euro- 
peans." Among the Indian tribes generally the pipe, when presented 
or offered to a stranger or enemy, was the symbol of peace, yet when 
used ceremonially by members of the same tribe among themselves 
was virtually a token of impending war. For further remarks on this 
point see the year 1842-'43 of this Winter Count. 
Fig. 188, 1805-'06.— The Crows killed eight Dakotas. Again the 
short parallel black lines, this time eight in number, united 
by a long stroke. The interpreter, Fielder, says that this 
fig. 188. character with black strokes is only used for grave marks. 
Fig. 189, 1806-'07. — A Dakota killed an Arikara (Bee) as he was 
^ about to shoot an eagle. The sign gives the head and 

'^^^^^ shoulders of a man with a red spot of blood on his neck, 
^N^^£ an arm being extended, with aline drawn to a golden 
T^T^r eagle. 

V) 2 The drawing represents an Indian in the act of catch- 

I ^ ing an eagle by the legs, as the Arikara were accus- 
I J tomed to catch eagles in their earth traps. These were 
fig. 189. holes to which the eagles were attracted by baits and in 
which the Indians were concealed. They rarely or never shot war 
eagles. The Arikara was shot in his trap just as he put his hand up 
to grasp the bird. 

jyL>-H, Fig. 190, 1807-'08.— Bed-Coat, a chief, was killed. The 
^K 1 ^"^ figure shows the red coat pierced by two arrows, with blood 
HHf dropping from the wounds. 

Fig. 190. 

Fig. 191, 1808-'09.— The Dakota who had killed the Bee shown in 
this record for 1806-'07 was himself killed by the Bees. He is repre- 
sented running, and shot with two arrows, blood dripping. These two 
figures, taking in connection, afford a good illustration of the method 

^-w pursued in the chart, which was not intended to be a coutinu- 
ous history, or even to record the most important event of 

I each year, but to exhibit some one of special peculiarity. 

V I There was some incident about the one Bee who was shot 

/ when, in fancied security, he was bringing down an eagle, and 

J whose death was avenged by his brethren the second year 

no. 191. afterward. It would, indeed, have been impossible to have 
graphically distingushed the many battles, treaties, horse-stealings, 
big hunts, etc., so most of them were omitted and other events of greater 
individuality and better adapted for portrayal were taken for the year 
count, the criterion being not that they were of historic moment, but 



MALLERY.] 



WINTER COUNTS. 



275 



that they were of general notoriety, or perhaps of special interest to 
the recorders. 

Fig. 192, 1809-'10. — A chief, Little-Beaver, set fire to a trad- 
ing store, and was killed. The character simply designates 
his name-totem. The other interpretations say that he was a 
white trapper, bnt probably he had gained a new name among 
the Indians. 

Fig. 192. 

Fig. 193, lSlO-'ll. — Black- Stone made medicine. The expression 
medicine is too common to be successfully eliminated, though it is 
altogether misleading. The " medicine men " have no connection with 
therapeutics, feel no pulses, and administer no drugs, or, if sometimes 
they direct the internal or external use of some secret prepara. ^ 
tion, it is as a part of superstitious ceremonies, and with main <T> 
reliance upon those ceremonies. Their incantations are not 
only to drive away disease, but for many other purposes, such >A 
as to obtain success in war, avert calamity, and were very fre- S C 
quently used to bring within reach the buffalo, on which the I I 
Dakotas depended for food. The rites are those known as I | 
shamanism, noticeable in the ethnic periods of savagery and FlG - 193 - 
barbarism. In the ceremonial of 11 making medicine," a buffalo head, 
and especially the head of an albino buffalo, held a prominent place 
among the plains tribes. Many references to this are to be found 
in the Prince of Wied's Travels in the Interior of North America. Also 
see infra, Chap. xiv. The device in the chart is the man figure, with 
the head of an albino buffalo held over his own. 

Fig. 194, 1811-'12.— The Dakota fought a battle with the Oros 
Ventres and killed a great many. Device, a circle inclosing 
three round objects with flat bases, resembling heads severed 
from trunks, which are too minute in this device for decision of ^ 194 . 
objects represented; but they appear more distinct in the record for 
1864-'65 as the heads of enemies slain in battle. In the sign language 
of the plains, the Dakota are denoted by drawing a hand across the 
throat, signifying that they cut the throats of their enemies. The 
Dakota count by the fingers, as is common to most peoples, but with 
a peculiarity of their own. When they have gone over the fingers and 
thumbs of both hands, one finger is temporarily turned down for one ten. 
At the end of the next ten another finger is turned, and so on to a hun- 
"dred. Opawinge (Opawi n xe), one hundred, is derived from pawinga 
(pawi n xa), to go round in circles, to make gyrations, and contains the 
idea that the round of all the fingers has again been made for their 
respective tens. So the circle is never used for less than one hundred, 
but sometimes signifies an indefinite number greater than a hundred. 
The circle, in this instance, therefore, was at first believed to express 
the kilHng in battle of many enemies. But the other interpretations 
removed all symbolic character, leaving the circle simply as the rude 



276 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



drawing of a dirt lodge to which the Gros Ventres were driven. The 
present writer, by no means devoted to symbolism, had supposed a 
legitimate symbol to be indicated, which supposition further informa- 
tion on the subject showed to be incorrect. 

Fig. 195, 1812-'13. — Wild horses were first run and caught by the 
Dakotas. The device is a lasso. The date is of value, as showing 
when the herds of prairie horses, descended from those animals 
introduced by the Spaniards in Mexico, or those deposited by 
them on the shores of Texas and at other points, had multiplied 
so as to extend into the far northern regions. The Dakotas 
undoubtedly learned the use of the horse and perhaps also that 
of the lasso from southern tribes, with whom they were in con- 
i J tact; and it is noteworthy that notwithstanding the tenacity with 
which they generally adhere to ancient customs, in only two gen- 
Fig. i95. era ti 0 ns since they became familiar with the horse they had been 
so revolutionized in their habits as to be utterly helpless, both in war 
and the chase, when deprived of that animal. 



Fig. 196, 1813-'14. — The whooping-cough was very preva- 

8,111 lent and fatal. The. sign is suggestive of a blast of air 
coughed out by the man- figure. 
The interruption in the cough peculiar to the disease is 
fig. 197. more clearly delineated in the Winter Count of The- Flame 
^. for the same year, Fig. 197, and still better in The-Swan's 
i i""** Winter Count, Fig. 198. 



Fig. 199, 1814-'15. — A Dakota killed an Arapaho in 
his lodge. The device represents a tomahawk or battle- 
ax, the red being blood from the cleft skull. 



Fig. 200, 1815-'16.— The Sans Arcs made the first attempt at a dirt 
K lodge. This was at Peoria Bottom, Dakota. Crow Feather 
I ) was their chief, which fact, in the absence of the other charts, 
Ij seemed to explain the fairly drawn feather of that bird por- 
Jkk trading from the lodge top, but the figure must now be ad- 
JSSfSb mitted to be a badly drawn bow, in allusion to the tribe Sans 
1 1 1 1 1 1 Arc > w ith° ut > however, any sign of negation. As the inter- 
fig. 2oo. prefer explained the figure to be a crow feather and as Crow- 



WINTEE COUNTS. 



277 



Feather actually was the chief, Lone-Dog's chart with its interpreta- 
tion may be independently correct. 

Fig. 201, 1S16-" 17.— -Buffalo belly was plenty." The device 
rudely portrays a side of buffalo. 

Ia/vJ 

Pig. 201. 



Fig. 202, 1S17-'1S. — La Framboise, a Canadian, 
built a trading store with dry timber. The dry- 
ness is shown by the dead tree. La Framboise 
was an old trader among the Dakota, who once 
established himself in the Minnesota valley. His 
name is mentioned by various travelers. 



Fig. 202. 

Fig. 203, 1S18-'19. — The measles broke out and many died. The de- 
vice in the copy is the same as that for 1801-'02, relating to the small- 
pox, except a very slight difference in the red blotches : and, though 
Lone-Dog's artistic skill might not have been sufficient to distinctly 
vary the appearance of the two patients, both diseases being 
eruptive, still it is one of the few serious defects in the chart 
that the sign for the two years is so nearly identical that, sepa- 
rated from the continuous record, there would be confusion be- 
tween them. Treating the do cument as a mere aide-de-memoire 
no inconvenience would arise, it probably being well known fig. 203. 
that the smallpox epidemic preceded that of the measles; but care is 
generally taken to make some, however minute, distinction between 
the characters. It is also to be noticed that the Indian diagnosis makes 
little distinction between smallpox and measles, so that no important 
pictographic variation could be expected. The head of this figure is 
clearly distinguished from that in 1801-'02. 

Fig. 204, 1819-20.— Another trading store was built, this 
time by Louis La Oonte, at Fort Pierre. Dakota. His tim- 
ber, as one of the Indians consulted especially mentioned, 
was rotten. 

Fig. 204. 

Fig. 205, 1S20-21.— The trader. La Conte, gave Two- 
Arrow a war dress for bis bravery. So translated an 
interpreter, and the sign shows the two arrows as the 
warrior's name-totem; likewise the gable of a house, 
which brings in the trader: also a long strip of black 
tipped with red streaming from the roof, which possibly 
may be the piece of parti-colored material out of which 
the dress was fashioned. This strip is not intended for sparks and 





278 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



smoke, which at first sight was suggested, as in that case the red would 
ha ve been nearest the roof instead of farthest from it. 

\ 

A Fig. 206, 1821-'22.— The character represents the falling to 
1 earth of a very brilliant meteor. 

Fig. 206. 

Fig. 207, 1822-'23. — Another trading house was built, which 
was by a white man called Big-Leggings, and was at the 
jjL "T mouth of the Little Missouri or Bad river. The drawing is 
r'^^C distinguishable from that for 1819-'20. 

Fig. 207. 

Fig. 20S, 1823-24. — White soldiers made their first appearance in 
the region. So said the interpreter, Clement, but from the unanimous 
interpretation of others the event portrayed is 
the attack of the United States forces accom 
panied by Dakotas upon the Arikara villages, 
the historic account of which is given in some 
detail in Chap, xvi, infra. 
fig. 208. The device represents an Arickara palisaded 

village and attacking soldiers. Not only the remarkable character and 
triumphant result of this expedition, but the connection that the Dakotas 
themselves had with it, made it a natural subject for the year's totem. 
All the winter counts refer to this expedition. 

Fig. 209, 1824->25.— Swan, chief of the Two-Kettle 
tribe, had all of his horses killed. Device, a horse 
pierced by a lance, blood flowing from the wound. 

Fig. 209. 

Fig. 210, 1825-'26.— There was a remarkable flood in the 
Missouri river and a number of Indians were drowned, 
^il r\(\o With some exercise of fancy the symbol may suggest 
fig. 2io. heads appearing above a line of water, and this is more 
distinct in some of the other charts. 
Fig. 211, 1826-'27.— "An Indian died of the dropsy." So Basil 
Clement said. It was at first suggested that this circumstance was 
noted because the disease was so unusual in 1826 as to excite remark. 
^Ci Baron de La Hontau (o), a good authority concerning the North- 
C \ western Indians before they had been greatly affected by inter - 
I / course with whites, specially mentions dropsy as one of the dis- 
fig.211. eases unknown to them. Carver, op. cit., also states that this 
malady was extremely rare. The interpretations of other charts ex- 





WINTER COUNTS. 



279 



plained, however, that some Dakotas on the warpath had nearly 
perished with hunger when they found and ate the rotting carcass of 
an old buffalo on which the wolves had been feeding. They were seized 
soon after with pains in the stomach, their abdomens swelled, and gas 
poured from the mouth. This disease is termed tympanites, the ex- 
ternal appearance occasioned by it much resembling that of dropsy. 

Fig. 212, 1827-'2S. — Dead- Arm was stabbed with a knife or 
dirk by a Mandan. The illustration is quite graphic, show- 
ing the long-handled dirk in the bloody wound and withered 
arm. 



Fig. 213, 1828-'29. — A white man named Shadran, who 
lately, as reported in 1877, was still living in the same 
neighborhood, built a dirt lodge. The hatted head ap- 
pears under the roof. This name should probably be 
spelled Chadron, with whom Oatlin hunted in 1832, in the 
region mentioned. 

Fig. 214, 1829-30. — A Yanktonai Dakota was killed by 
Bad- Arrow Indians. 

The Bad- Arrow Indians is a translation of the Dakota 
name for a certain band of Blackfeet Indians. 



Fig. 215, 1830-'31.— Bloody battle with the Crows, of whom 
it is said twenty-three were killed. Nothing in the sign de- 
notes number, it being only a man figure with red or bloody 
body and red war bonnet. 



Fig. 216, 1831-'32.— Le Beau, a white man, killed 
another named Kermel. Le Beau was still alive at 
Little Bend, 30 miles above Fort Sully, in 1877. 



Fig. 217, 1832-'33.— Lone-Horn had his leg « killed," as 
the interpretation gave it. The single horn is on the figure, 
and a leg is drawn up as if fractured or distorted, though 
not unlike the leg in the character for 1808-'09, where run- 
ning is depicted. 



Fig. 212. 
Fig. 213. 
Fig. 214. 




280 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



1*4 iJ^fiftP Fi &- 218 ' 1833-'34.— ''The stars fell," as the In- 
^'7 clians all agreed. This was the great meteoric 

shower observed all over the United States on the 
night of November 12 of that year. In this chart 
'* the moon is black and the stars are red. 




Fig. 219, 1834-'35.— The chief Medicine-Hide was killed. The 
device shows the body as bloody, but not the war bonnet, by 
which it is distinguished from the character for 1830-'31. 

Fig. 219. 

Fig. 220, 1835-'36. — Lame-Deer shot a Crow Indian with an arrow; 
/y drew it out and shot him again with the same arrow. The 

Cy if//f uanc l is drawing the arrow from the first wound. This 
S ^1 is another instance of the principle on which events were 
f T selected. Many fights occurred of greater moment, but 
| I with no incident precisely like this. Lame-Deer was a dis- 

fig. 220. tinguished chief among the hostiles in 1876. His camp of 
five hundred and ten lodges was surprised and destroyed by Gen. Miles, 
and four hundred and fifty horses, mules, and ponies were captured. 

Fig. 221, 1836-'37.— Band's-Father, chief of the Two Kettles, died. 

a The device is nearly the same as that for 1816-'17, denoting 
plenty of buffalo belly. 
Interpreter Fielder throws light on the subject by saying that 
this character was used to designate the year when The- 
fig. 221. Breast, father of The-Band, a Minneconjou, died. The-Band 
himself died in 1875, on Powder river. His name was O-ye-a-pee. The 
character was, therefore, the Buffalo-Breast, a, personal name. 

Fig. 222, 1837-'38. — Commemorates a remarkably suc- 
cessful hunt, in which it is said 100 elk were killed. 
The drawing of the elk is good enough to distinguish it 
■ from the other quadrupeds in this chart. 

Fig. 222. 

Fig. 223, 1838-'39. — A dirt lodge was built for Iron- Horn. The other 
dirt lodge (1815-'16) has a mark of ownership, which this has 
fflflfch not. A chief of the Minneconjous is mentioned in Gen. Har- 
11)111 ney's report in 1856 under the name of The-One-Iron-Horn. 
fig. 223. The word translated " iron " in this case and appearing thus 
several times in the charts does not always mean the metal of that name. 
According to Rev. J. Owen Dorsey it has a mystic significance, in some 
manner connected with water and with Avater spirits. In pictographs 
objects called iron are painted blue when that color can be obtained. 




WINTER COUNTS. 



281 




Fig. 224, 1839-'40.— The Dakotas killed au entire village 
of Snake or Shoslioni Indians. The character is the ordi- 
nary tipi pierced "by arrows. 

Fig. 224. 

Fig. 225, 1840-'41.— The Dakotas made peace j 
with the Cheyennes. The symbol of peace is the 
common one of the approaching hands of two per- 
sons. The different coloration of the two hands and arms shows that 
they belonged to two different persons, and in fact to different tribes. 
The mere unceremonial hand grasp or "shake" of friendship was not 
used by the Indians before it was introduced by Europeans. 

Fig. 226, 1841-'42.— Feather-in -the-Ear stole 30 
spotted ponies. The spots are shown red, distin- 
guishing them from those of the curly horse in the 
character for lS03-'04. 

A successful theft of horses, demanding skill, 
patience, and daring, is generally considered by 
the Plains Indians to be of equal merit with the 
taking of scalps. Indeed, the successful horse thief is more popular 
than a mere warrior, on account of the riches gained by the tribe, wealth 
until lately being generally estimated in ponies as the unit of value. 

Fig. 227, 1842-'43. — One-Feather raised a large war 
party against the Crows. This chief is designated by 
his long solitary red eagle feather, and holds a pipe with 
black stem and red bowl, alluding to the usual ceremo- 
nies before starting on the warpath. For further infor- 
mation on this subject see Chap. xv. The Red- War-Eagle- 
Feather was at this time a chief of the Sans Arcs. 



Fig. 228, 1843-'44. — Th Sans Arcs made medicine to 
bring the buffalo. The medicine tent is denoted by a 
buffalo's head drawn on it, which in this instance is not 
the head of an albino buffalo. 



Fig. 229, 1844-'45«— The Minneconjous built a pine 
fort. Device, a pine tree connected with a tipi. 
Another account explains that they went to the woods 
and erected their tipis there as affording some pro- 
tection from the unusually deep snow. This would 
account for the pine tree. 




282 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




Fig. 230, 1845-'46.— Plenty of buffalo meat, which 
is represented as hung upon poles and trees to 
dry. This device has become the conventional 
sign for plenty and frequently appears in the sev- 
eral charts. 



Fig. 231, 1840-'f 7.— Broken-Leg died. Rev. Dr. William- 
son says he knew him. He was a Brule. There is enough 
difference between this device and those for 1808-'09 and 
1832-'33 to distinguish each. 



Fig. 231. 



ft*. 



q q Fig. 232, 1847-'48. — Two-Man was killed. His totem is drawn, 
\)[\ two small man figures side by side. Another interpretation 
fio. 232. explains the figure as indicating twins. 

Fig. 233, 1848-'49.— Humpback was killed. An 
ornamented lance pierces the distorted back. Other 
/ I records name him Broken-Back. He was a distin- 

/ / guished chief of the Minneconjous. 

Fig. 233. 

fyOO'V) Fig. 234, 1849-'50.— The Crows stole a large drove of 

D horses (it is said eight hundred) from the Brules. The 
circle is a design for a camp or corral from which a number 
of horse-tracks are departing. 

Fig. 234. 

Fig. 235, 1850-'51. — The character is a distinct drawing of a buffalo 
containing a human figure. Clement translated that 
"a buffalo cow was killed in that year and an old 
woman found in her belly ; v also that all the Indians 
believed this. Good- Wood, examined through an- 
other interpreter, could or would give no explanation except that it was 
" about their religion." The Dakotas have long believed in the appear- 
ance from time to time of a monstrous animal that swallows human 
beings. This superstition was perhaps suggested by the bones of mas- 
todons, often found in the territory of those Indians; and, the buffalo 
being the largest living animal known to them, its name was given to 
the legendary monster, in which nomenclature tliey were not wholly 
wrong, as the horns of the fossil Bison latifrons are 10 feet in length. 



WINTER COUNTS. 



Major Bush suggests that perhaps some old squaw left to die sought 
the carcass of a buffalo for shelter and then died. He has known this 
to occur. 

Fig. 236, 1851-52.— Peace with the Crows. Two In- 
dians, with differing arrangement of hair, showing 
two tribes, are exchanging pipes for a peace smoke. 

Fig. 236. 

Fig. 237, 1852-'53. — The ifez Perces came to Lone-Horn's lodge at 
midnight. The device shows an Indian touching with 
a pipe a tipi, the top of which is black or opaque, sig- 
nifying night. 

Touch-the-Clouds, a Minneconjou, son of Lone- 
Horn, when this chart was shown to him by the pres- 
ent writer, designated this character as being partic- 
ularly known to him from the fact of its being bis 
father's lodge. He remembered all about it from talk FlG . 237. 
in his family, and said it was the Nez Perces who came. 

Fig. 238, 1853-'54. — Spanish blankets were first brought 
to the country. A fair drawing of one of those striped 
blankets is held out by a white trader. 

Fig. 22 

Fig. 239, 1854-'55. — Brave-Bear was killed. His ex- 
tended arms are ornamented with pendent stripes. 

Fig. 239. 

Fig. 240, 1855-'o6.— G-en. Harney, called by the Dakota Putinska 
("white beard" or "white mustache"), made peace 
with a number of the tribes or bands of the Dakotas. 
The figure shows an officer in uniform shaking hands 
with an Indian. 

Executive document Ko. 94, Thirty- fourth Congress, 
first session, Senate, contains the "minutes of a council held at Fort 
Pierre, Nebraska, on the 1st day of March, 1856, by Brevet Brig. Gen. 
William S. Harney, TJ. S. Army, commanding the Sioux expedition, 
with the delegations from nine of the bands of the Sioux, viz, the Two 
Kettle band, Lower Yankton, Uncpapas, Blackfeet Sioux, Minnecon- 
jous, Sans Arcs, Tanctonnais (two bands), Brules of the Platte." 

Fig. 241, 1856-'57. — Four-Horn was made a calumet or medicine man. 







284 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



A man with four liorns holds out the same kiucl of 

^ A ornamented pipestem shown in the character for 

^ — -A 1801-05, it being his badge of office. Four-Horn 

^ -\ was one of the subchiefs of the Uncpapas, and was 

\ introduced to Gen. Harney at the council of 1856 

t*V by Bear-Eib, head chief of that tribe. 
^ ~ i"T I Interpreter Clement, in the spring of 1874, said 
I J that Four-Horn and Sitting-Bull were the same 
\ / person, the name Sitting-Bull being given him 
FlG - 241 - after he was made a calumet man. No other au- 

thority tells this. 

Fig. 242, 1857-'58. — The Dakotas killed a Crow squaw. 
She is pierced by four arrows, and the peace made with 
the Crows in 18.">l-'52 seems to have been short lived. 



Fig. 243, 1858-'59. — Lone-Horn, whose solitary horn 
appears, made buffalo " medicine," doubtless on account 
of the scarcity of that animal. Again the head of an al- 
bino bison. One-Horn, probably the same individual, is 
recorded as the head chief of the Minneconjous at this 
date. 

Fig. 244, 1859-'60.— Big-Crow, a Dakota chief, was 
killed by the Crows. He had received his name from 
killing a Crow Indian of unusual size. 



Fig. 245, 1860-'61. — Device, the head and neck of an elk, similar to 
that part of the animal for 1837-'38, with a line extend- 
ing from its mouth, at the extremity of which is the 
\ V albino buffalo head. "The elk made you understand 
fig. 245. voice while he was walking." The interpreter per- 

sisted in this oracular rendering. This device and its interpretation 
were unintelligible to the writer until examination of Gen. Harney's 
report, above referred to, showed the name of a prominent chief of the 
Minneconjous set forth as "The Elk that Holloes Walking." It then 
became probable that the device simply meant that the aforesaid chief 
made buffalo medicine, which conjecture, published in 1877, was veri- 
fied by the other records subsequently discovered. 

Interpreter A. Lavary said, in 1867, that The-Elk-that-Holloes- Walk- 
ing, then chief of the Minneconjous, was then at Spotted-Tail's camp. 
His father was Bed-Fish. He was the elder brother of Lone-Horn. 
His name is given as A-hag-a-hoo-man-ie, translated The Elk's Voice 
Walking; compounded of he-ha-ka, elk, and omani, walk; this ac- 
cording to Lavary's literation. The correct literation of the Dakota 
word meaning elk is heqaka; voice, ho; and to walk, walking, mani. 



WINTER COUNTS. 



285 




Their compound would be heqaka-ko-mani, the translation being the 
same as above given. 



Fig. 246, 1861-'62.— Buffalo were so plentiful that 
their tracks came close to the tipis. The cloven-hoof 
mark is cleverly distinguished from the tracks of 
horses in the character for 1849-50. c& £,/ 

Fig. 246. 

Fig. 247, 1862-'63. — Red-Feather, a Minneconjou, was killed, 
feather is shown entirely red, while the "one-feather" in 
1842-'43 has a black tip. 

It is to be noted that there is no allusion to the great Minne- 
sota massacre, which commenced in August, 1862, and in which 
many of the Dakotas belonging to the tribes familiar with these 
charts were engaged. Little-Orow was the leader. He escaped 
to the British possessions, but was killed in July, 1863. Perhaps FlG - 247 • 
the reason of the omission of any character to designate the massacre 
was the terrible retribution that followed it. 

Fig. 248, 1863-'64.— Eight Dakotas were killed. Again 
the short, parallel black lines united by a long stroke. In If// J J| | 
this year Sitting-Bull fought General Sullv in the Black ^AlUU 

„ „ J * Fig. 248. 

Hills. 



His 



Fig. 249, 1864-'65.— The Dakotas killed four Crows. 
Four of the same rounded objects, like severed heads, 
shown in 1825-26, but these are bloody, thus distinguish- 
ing them from the cases of drowning. 

Fig. 250, 1865-'66. — Many horses died for want of 
grass. The horse here drawn is sufficiently distinct 
from all others in the chart. 



Fig. 251, 1866-'67.— Swan, father of Swan, chief of the 
Miuneconjous in 1877, died. With the assistance of the 
name the object intended for his totem may be recog- 
nized as a swan swimming on the water. 



Fig. 252, 1867-68. — Many flags were given them by the Peace Com- 
mission. The flag refers to the visit of the Peace Commissioners, 
among whom were Generals Sherman, Terry, and other promi- 
nent military and civil officers. Their report appears in the | 
Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1868. 
They met at Fort Leavenworth, August 13, 1867, and between 
August 30 and September 13 held councils with the various bands 
of the Dakota Indians at Forts Sully and Thompson, and also at 1 




, Fig. 252. 



286 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



the Yankton, Ponka, and Santee reservations. These resulted in the 
Dakota treaty of 18G8. 

Fig. 253, 1868-'69.— Texas cattle were brought 
into the country. This was done by Mr. William 
A. Paxton, a well known business man, resident 
in Dakota in 1877. 




Fig. 254, 1869-'70. — An eclipse of the sun. This was the solar 
. eclipse of August 7, 1869, which was central and 

•^j ^ total on a line drawn through the Dakota country. 

This device has been criticised because Indians gener- 
ally believe an eclipse to be occasioned by a dragon or 
aerial monster swallowing the sun, and it is contended 
that they would so represent it. An answer is that 
tig. 254. the design is objectively good, the sun being painted 
black, as concealed, while the stars come out red, i. e., bright, and 
graphic illustration prevails throughout the charts where it is possible 
to employ it. 

Dr. Washington Matthews, surgeon, U. S. Army, communicated the 
fact that the Dakotas had opportunities all o\er their country of receiv- 
ing information about the real character of the eclipse. He was at Fort 
Bice during the eclipse and remembers that long before it occurred the 
officers, men, and citizens around the post told the Indians of the com- 
ing event and discussed it with them so much that they were on the 
tip-toe of expectancy when the day came. Two-Bears and his band 
were then encamped at Fort Rice, and he and several of his leading 
men watched the eclipse along with the whites and through their 
smoked glass, and then and there the phenomenon was thoroughly 
explained to them over and over again. There is no doubt that similar 
explanations were made at all the numerous posts and agencies along 
the river that day. The path of the eclipse coincided nearly with the 
course of the Missouri for over a thousand miles. The duration of 
totality at Fort Eice was nearly two minutes (P 48"). 

Fig. 255, 1870-'71.— The 
ti Uncpapas had a battle 



i 



y^H * uncpapas naa a Dattie 

\ I (| h H ^ with the Crows, the former 

V " „! i'i , a losing-, it is said. 14. and 




losing, it is said, 14, and 
kiUing 29 out of 30 of the 
latter, though nothing ap- 
pears to show those num- 
O"^^ ^ bers. The central object is 
*7 f ~' not a circle denoting mul- 
* titude, but an irregularly 
rounded object, perhaps 
intended for one of the 



B ATT 1ST E GOOD'S WINTER COUNT. 



287 



wooden inclosures or forts frequently erected by the Indians, and 
especially the Crows. The Crow fort is shown as nearly surrounded, 
and bullets, not arrows or lances, are flying. This is the first instance 
in this chart in which any combat or killing is protrayed where guns 
explicitly appear to be used by Indians, though nothing in the chart 
is at variance with the fact that the Dakotas had for a number of years 
been familiar with firearms. The most recent indications of any 
weapon were those of the arrows piercing the Crow squaw in 1857-'58, 
and Brave-Bear in 1854-'55, while the last one before those was the 
lance used in 1848-'49, and those arms might well have been employed 
in all the cases selected, although rifles and muskets were common. 
There is an obvious practical difficulty in picturing, by a single char- 
acter, killing with a bullet, not arising as to arrows, lances, dirks, and 
hatchets, all of which can be and are shown in the chart projecting 
from the wounds made by them. Other pictographs show battles in 
which bullets are denoted by continuous dotted lines, the spots at 
which they take effect being sometimes indicated, and the fact that 
they did hit the object aimed at is expressed by a specially invented 
symbol. It is, however, to be noted that the bloody wound on the Bee's 
shoulder (1806-'07) is without any protruding weapon, as if made by a 
bullet. 

More distinct information regarding this fight, the record of which 
concludes the original Lone-Dog chart, has been kindly communicated 
by Mr. Luther S. Kelly, of Garfield County, Colorado. 

The war party of Uncpapas mentioned charged upon a small trading 
post for the Crows on the Upper Missouri river, at the mouth of Mus- 
selshell river. Usually this post was garrisoned by a few frontiersmen, 
but on that particular day there happened to be a considerable force 
of freighters and hunters. The Indians were afoot and, being concealed 
by the sage brush, got within shooting distance of the fort before being 
discovered. They were easily driven off, and going a short distance 
took shelter from the rain in a circular washout, not having any idea 
of being followed by the whites. Meanwhile the whites organized and 
followed. The surprise was complete, the leading white man only being 
killed. The Indians sang their song and made several breaks to escape, 
but were shot down as fast as they rose above the bank. Twenty-nine 
were killed. 

BATTISTE GOOD'S WINTER COUNT. 

Dr. William H. Corbusier, surgeon, U. S. Army, while stationed in 
1879 and 1880 at Camp Sheridan, Nebraska, near the Pine Bidge Indian 
Agency, Dakota, obtained a copy of this Winter Count from its recorder 
Baptiste, commonly called Battiste Good, aBrule Dakota, whose Dakotan 
name is given as Wa-po-cta n -xi, translated Brown-Hat. He was then liv- 
ing at theBose Bud Agency, Dakota, and explained the meaning of the 
pictographs to the Bev. Wm. J. Cleveland, of the last named agency, 
who translated them into English. 



288 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The copy made by Battiste Good from Iris original record, of which 
it is said to be a facsimile, is painted in five colors besides black, in 
which the outlines are generally drawn, but with the exception of red 
blood-marks these colors do not often appear to be significant. This 
copy, which was kindly contributed by Dr. Corbusier, is made in an 
ordinary paper drawing-book, the last page of which contains the 
first record. This is represented in Fig. 256, and pictures what is 
supposed to be an introduction in the nature of a revelation. The 
next page, reading backwards and corresponding with PI. xxi, is 
a pretended record of a cycle comprising the years (presumed to be in 
the Christian chronology) from 901 to 930. Eleven similar pages and 
cycles bring the record down to 1700. These pages are only interesting 
from the mythology and tradition referred to and suggested by them, 
and which must be garnered from the chaff of uncomprehended mis- 
sionary teaching. From 1700 to 1880, when the record closes, each 
year, or rather winter, is represented by a special character according 
to the Dakota system above explained. 

Battiste Good, by his own statement in the present record, was born 
in the year 1821-'22. Any careful examination of the figures as worked 
over by his own hand shows that he has received about enough educa- 
tion in English and in writing to induce him to make unnecessary 
additions and presumptuous emendations on the pictographs as he 
found them and as perhaps he originally kept and drew the more recent 
of them. He has written English words and Arabic numerals over and 
connected with the Dakota devices, and has left some figures in a state 
of mixture including the methods of modern civilization and the 
aboriginal system. To prevent the confusion to the reader which might 
result from Battiste's meddlesome vanity, these interpolated marks are 
in general omitted from the plates and figures as now presented, but, 
as specimens of the kind and amount of interference referred to, the 
designs on the copy for the years 1700-'01, 1701-'02, and 1707-'08 are 
given below as furnished. 

The facts stated to have occurred so long ago as the beginning of 
the last century can not often be verified, but those of later date given 
by Battiste are corroborated by other records in the strongest manner — 
that is, by independent devices which are not mere copies. Therefore, 
notwithstanding Battiste's mythic cycles and English writing, the body 
of his record, which constitutes the true Winter Counts, must be regarded 
as genuine. He is simply the bad editor of a good work. But whether 
or not the events occurred as represented, the pictography is of unique 
interest. It may be remarked that Battiste's record is better known 
among the Oglala and Brule, and Lone-Dog's Winter Count among 
the Minneconjou. 

It should be noted that when allusions are made to coloration in 
Fig. 256, and in anyone of the other figures in the text which illustrate 
this Winter Count, they must be understood as applicable to the orig- 



BATTISTE GOOD S INTRODUCTION. 



289 



inal. Pis. xxi, xxn, and xxiii are colored (.-opies of those furnished 
by Battiste Good, reduced, however, in size. 

Fig. 256 illustrates Battiste Good's introduction. He is supposed to 
be narrating his own experience as follows: "In the year 1856, I went 
to the Black Hills and cried, and cried, and cried, and suddenly I saw 
a bird above me, which said: 'Stop crying: I am a woman, but I will 
tell you something : My Great-Father, Father God, who made this 
place, gave it to me for a home and told me to watch over it. He put 




Fig. 256.— Battiste Good's Revelation. 

a blue sky over my head and gave me a blue flag to have with this 
beautiful green country. [Battiste has made the hill country, as well 
as the curve for sky and the flag, blue in his copy.] My Great-Father, 
Father God (or The Great-Father, God my Father) grew, and his flesh 
was part earth and part stone and part metal and part wood and part 
water ; he took from them all and placed them here for me, and told 
me to watch over them. I am the Eagle- Woman who tell you this. 
10 eth 19 



290 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

The whites know that there are four black flags of God; that is, four 
divisions of the earth. He first made the earth soft by wetting it, then 
cut it into four parts, oue of which, containing the Black Hills, he gave 
to the Dakotas, and, because I am a woman, I shall not consent to the 
pouring of blood on this chief house (or dwelling place), i. e., the Black 
Hills. The time will come that you will remember my words ; for after 
many years you shall grow up one with the white people.' She then 
circled round and round and gradually passed out of my sight. I also 
saw prints of a man's hands and horse's hoofs on the rocks [here he 
brings in petroglyphs], and two thousand years, and one hundred mil- 
lions of dollars (sl()0,000,000). I came away crying, as I had gone. I 
have told this to many Dakotas, and all agree that it meant that we 
were to seek and keep peace with the whites." 

(Note by Dr. Corbusier. — The Oglalas and Brules say that they, 
with the rest of the Dakota nation, formerly lived far on the other side 
of the Missouri Biver. After they had moved to the river, they lived 
at first on its eastern banks, only crossing it to hunt. Some of the 
hunting parties that crossed at length wandered far off from the rest 
and, remaining away, became the westernmost bands.) 

PI. xxi A. The record shown by this figure dates from the appear- 
ance of The-Woman-from-Heaven, 901 A. D.; but the Dakotas were a 
people long before this. The circle of lodges represents a cycle of 
thirty years, from the year 901 to 930, and incloses the "legend" by 
which this period is known. All the tribes of the Dakota nation were 
encamped together, as was then their custom, when all at once a beau- 
tiful woman appeared to two young men. One of them said to the 
other, "Let us catch her and have her for our wife." The other said, 
"No; she may be something waka 11 " (supernatural or sacred). Then 
the woman said to them, " I came from Heaven to teach the Dakotas 
how to live and what their future shall be." She had what appeared 
to be snakes about her legs and waist, but which were really braids of 
grass. She said, "1 give you this pipe; keep it always;" and with the 
pipe she gave them a small package, in which they found four grains 
of maize, oue white, one black, one yellow, and one variegated. The 
pipe is above the buffalo. She said, "I am a buffalo, The White-Buf- 
falo-Cow. I will spill my milk all over the earth, that the people may 
live." She meant by her milk maize, which is seen in the picture drop- 
ping from her udders. The colored patches on the four sides of the 
circle are the four quarters of the heavens (the cardinal points of the 
compass). In front of the cow are yellow and red. She pointed in this 
direction and said, "When you see a yellowish (or brownish) cloud 
toward the north, that is my breath; rejoice at the sight of it, for you 
shall soon see buffalo. Bed is the blood of the buffalo, and by that you 
shall live. Pointing east [it will be noticed that Battiste has placed 
the east toward the top of the page], she said, "This pipe is related to 
the heavens, and you shall live with it." The line running from the 



Bureau of Ethnolqdy. 



Tenth Annual Report. P late XX 1 




i X 



BATTISTE GOOD'S CYCLES. 
A 901 - 930 B 931 - 1000. 



BATTISTE GOOD'S CYCLES. 



291 



pipe to the blue patch denotes the relation. The Dakotas have always 
supposed she meant by this that the blue smoke of the pipe was one with 
or nearly related to the blue sky; hence, on a clear day, before smoking, 
they often point the stem of the pipe upward, in remembrance of her 
words. Pointing south, she said, "Clouds of many colors may come 
up from the south, but look at the pipe and the blue sky and know that 
the clouds will soon pass away aud all will become blue and clear 
again." Pointing west, i. e., to the lowest part of the circle, she said, 
"When it shall be blue in the west, know that it is closely related to 
you through the pipe and the blue heavens, and by that you shall grow 
rich." Then she stood up before them and said, "I am The White-Buf- 
falo-Cow; my milk is of four kinds; I spill it on the earth that you may 
live by it. You shall call me Grandmother. If you young men will 
follow me over the hills you shall see my relatives." She said this four 
times, each time stepping back from them a few feet, and after the 
fourth time, while they stood gazing at her, she mysteriously disap- 
peared. [It is well known that four is the favorite or magic number 
among Indian tribes generally, and has reference to the four cardinal 
points.] The young men went over the hills in the direction she took 
and there found a large herd of buffalo. 

(Note by Dr. Corbusier. — Mr. Cleveland states that he has heard 
several different versions of this tradition.) 

The man who first told the people of the appearance of the woman 
is represented both inside and outside the circle. He was thirty years 
old at the time, and said that she came as narrated above, in July of 
the year of his birth. Outside of the circle, he is standing with a pipe 
in his hand; inside, he is squatting, and has his hands in the position 
for the gesture-sign for pipe. The elm tree and yucca, or Spanish bayo- 
net, both shown above the tipis, indicate that in those days the Dakota 
obtained fire by rapidly revolving the end of a dry stalk of the yucca 
in a hole made in a rotten root of the elm. The people used the bow 
and stone-pointed arrows, which are shown on the right. From time 
immemorial they have kept large numbers of sticks, shown by the side 
of the pipe, each one about as thick and as long as a lead-pencil (sic), 
for the purpose of counting and keeping record of numbers, and they 
cut notches in larger sticks for the same purpose. 

(Note by Dr. Corbusier. — They commonly resort to their fingers 
in counting, and the V of the Eoman system of notation is seen in the 
outline of the thumb and index, when one hand is held up to express 
five, and the X in the crossed thumbs, when both hands are held up 
together to express ten.) 

The bundle of these sticks drawn in connection with the ceremonial 
pipe suggests the idea of an official recorder. 

PI. xxi B, 931-1000. From the time the man represented in PI. xxi A 
was seventy years of age, i. e., from the year 931, time is counted by cycles 
of seventy years until 1700. This figure illustrates the manner of killing 
buffalo before and after the appearance of The- Woman. When the 



292 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Dakotas bad found the buffalo, they moved to the herd and corralled 
it by spreading their camps around it. The Man- Who-Dreamed-of a- 
Wolf, seen at the upper part of the circle, with bow and arrow in hand, 
then shot the chief bull of the herd with- his medicine or sacred arrow; 
at this, the women all cried out with joy, " He has killed the chief bull !" 
On hearing' them shout the man with bow and arrow on the opposite side, 
The-Man-Wbo Dreamed-of-the-Thunder - and - received - an - arrow- from - 
the-Thunder-Bird (wakinyan, accurately translated " the flying one") 
shot a buffalo cow, and the women again shouted with joy. Then all the 
men began to shout, and they killed as many as they wished. The 
buffalo heads and the blood-stained tracks show what large numbers 
were killed. They cut off the head of the chief bull, and laid the pipe 
beside it until their work was done. They prayed to The- Woman to 
bless and help them as they were following her teachings. Having no 
iron or knives, they used sharp stones, and mussel shells, to skin and 
cut up the buffalo. They rubbed blood in the hides to soften and tan 
them. They had no horses, and had to pack everything on their own 
backs. 

The cyclic characters that embrace the period from 1001 to 1140 illus- 
trate nothing of interest not before presented. Slight distinction ap- 
pears in the circles so that they can be identified, but without enough 
significance to merit reproduction. 

PI. xxii A, 1141-1210. Among a herd of buffalo, surrounded at one 
time during this period, were some horses. The people all cried out, 
"there are big dogs with them," having never seen horses before, hence 
the name for horse, sunka (dog) tanka (big), or sunka (dog) wakan (won- 
derful or mysterious). After killing all the buffalo they said " let us 
try and catch the big dogs;" so they cut a thong out of a hide with a 
sharp stone and with it caught eight, breaking the leg of one of them. 
All these years they used sharpened deer horn for awls, bone for needles, 
and made their lodges without the help of iron tools. [All other 
Dakota traditions yet reported in regard to the first capture of horses, 
place this important event at a much later period ana long after horses 
were brought to America by the Spaniards. See this count for the 
year 1802-'03, and also Lone-Dog's Winter Count for the same year.] 

PI. xxn B, 1211-1280. At one time during this period a war party 
of enemies concealed themselves among a herd of buffalo, which the 
Dakotas surrounded and killed before they discovered the enemy. 
No one knows what people, or how many they were; but the Dakotas 
killed them all. The red and black lodges indicate war, and that the 
Dakotas were successful. 

The pages of the copy which embrace the period from 1281 to 1420 
are omitted as valueless. 

PI. xxin A, 1421-1490. " Found horses among the buffalo again 
and caught six." Five of the horses are represented by the hoof prints. 
The lasso or possibly the lariat is shown in use. The bundle of sticks 
is now in the recorder's hands. 



Bureau of Ethnology. Tenth Annual Report. Plate XXII. 




BATTISTE GOOD'S CYCLES. 
A 1141 - 1210. B 1211 - 1280. 



MALLERY.] 



BATTISTE GOOD'S WINTER COUNT. 



293 



Battiste's pages which embrace the period from 1491 to 1630 are 
omitted for the same reason as before offered. 

PI. xxiii B, 1631-1700. This represents the first killing of buffalo 
on horseback. It was done in the year 1700, iuside the circle of lodges 
pitched around the herd, by a man who was tied on a horse with thongs 
and who received the name of Hunts-inside-the-lodges. They had but 
one horse then, and they kept him a long time. -Again the bundle of 
count-sticks is in the recorder's hands. . 

This is the end of the obviously mythic part of the record, in which 
Battiste has made some historic errors. From this time forth each 
year is distinguished by a name, the explanation of which is in the 
realm of fact. 

It must be again noted that when colors are referred to in the de- 
scription of the text figures, the language (translated) used by Battiste 
is retained for the purpose of showing the coloration of the original and 
his interpretation of the colors, which are to be imagined, as they can 
not be reproduced by the process used. 

Fig. 257, 1700-'01. — " The-t wo- killed-on - going - back - to - the - hunting- 
ground winter (or year)." Two Dakotas returned to 
the hunting ground, after the hunt one day, and were 
killed by enemies, of what tribe is unknown. The blood- 
stained arrow in the man's side signifies killed; the 
numeral 2 over his head, the number killed; and, the 
buffalo heads, the carcass of a buffalo — which had been 
left behind because it was too poor to eat — together with 
the arrow pointing toward them, the hunting-ground. 
The dot under the figure 2, and many of the succeeding 
ones, signifies, That is it. This corresponds with some fig.257. 
gesture signs for the same concept of declaration, in which the index 
linger held straight is thrust forward with emphasis and repeatedly as 
if always hitting the same point. 

With regard to the numeral 2 over the head of the man see remarks, 
page 288. 



Fig. 258, 1701-'02.— « Tke-three-killed-who went -fish- 
ing winter." The arrow pointing toward the 5, indi- 
cates that they were attacked ; the arrow in the man's 
arm, and the blood stain, that they were killed; the 
pole, line, and fish which the man is holding, their 
occupation at the time. 

Fig. 258. 

Fig. 259, 1702-'03.— " Camped-cutting-the-ice-through winter." Along 
lake toward the east, near which the Dakotas were encamped, was 
frozen over, when they discovered about one thousand buffalo. They 





294 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



secured them all by driving them on the ice, through 
which they broke, and in which they froze fast. When- 
! /7T ever the people wanted meat, they cat a buffalo out of 
I j .«^p v, the ice. In the figure, the wave, lines represent the water 
lr;'jT,." -jzzZ- of the lake; the straight lines, the shore; the blue lines 
fig. 259. outside the black ones, trees; the bine patches inside, 
the ice through which the heads of the buffalo are seen; the line across 
the middle, the direction in which they drove the buffalo. The supply 
of meat lasted one year. (Note by Dr. Corbusier. — The Apache of 
Arizona, the Ojibwa, and the Ottawa also represent water by means 
of waved lines.) 

Fig. 260, 1703-'04.— "The-burying winter," or "Many- 
hole winter." — They killed a great many buffalo during the 
summer, and, after drying the meat, stored it in pits for 
winter's use. It lasted them all winter, and they found 
it all in good condition. The ring surrounding the buf- 
. falo head, in front of the lodge, represents a pit. The 
§ forked .stick, which is the symbol for meat, marks the 
''pit. [Other authorities suggest that the object called 
by Battiste a pit, which is more generally called "cache," 
fig. 260. i s a heap, and means many or much.] 
Fig. 261, 1704-'05.— "Killed-fifteen-Pawnees-who-came-to -fight win- 
ter." The Dakotas discovered a party of Pawnees com- 
ing to attack them. They met them and killed fifteen. 
' In this chart the Pawnee of the Upper Missouri (An- 
kara or Ree), the Pawnee of Nebraska, and the Oma- 
ha are all depicted with legs which look like ears of corn, 
but an ear of corn is symbol for the Rees only. The 
Pawnee of Nebraska may be distinguished by a lock of 
hair at the back of the head ; the Omaha, by a cropped 
head or absence of the scalp-lock. The absence of all 
signs denotes Dakota. Dr. W. Matthews, in Ethnography 
fig. 2gi. an( j philology of the Hidatsa Indians, states that the 
Ankara separated from the Pawnee of the Platte valley more than a 
century ago. [To avoid confusion the literation of the tribal divisions 
as given by the translator of Battiste Good are retained, though not 
considered to be accurate.] 





f 



Fig. 262, 1705-'06.— "They-came-and-killed-seven-Da- 
kotas winter." It is not known what enemies killed 
them. 



MALLERY.] 



BATTISTE GOOD'S WINTER COUNT. 



295 



Fig. 263, 1706-'07.— "Killed -the- Gros- Ventre -with- 
snowshoes-on winter." A Gros- Ventre (Hidatsa), while 
hunting buffalo on snowshoes, was chased by the Da- 
kotas. He accidentally dropped a snowshoe, and, being 
then unable to get through the snow fast enough, they 
gained on him, wounded him in the leg, and then killed 
him. The Gros-Ventres and the Crows are tribes of the 
same nation, and are therefore both represented witli 
striped or spotted hair, which denotes the red clay they 
apply to it. %g m 263. 

Fig. 264, 1707 -'08. — "Many-kettle winter." A man— 1 man- 
named Corn, killed (3) his wife, 1 woman, 

and ran off. He remained away for a year, r vn&'/u -^eyy^ -frfj 

and then came back, bringing three guns #X 3 

with him, and told the people that the English, 1 '&V7rWn Jf ~ 

who had given him these guns, which were the 
first known to the Dakotas, wanted him to 
bring his friends to see them. Fifteen of the 
people accordingly went with him, and when 
they returned brought home a lot of kettles or 
pots. These were the first they ever saw. Some 
numerical marks for reference and the written 
words in the above are retained as perhaps 

the worst specimens of Battiste's mixture of civilized methods with the 
aboriginal system of pictography. See remarks above, page 288. 



.Fig. 265, 1708-'09.— "Brought-home-Omaha horses win- 
ter." The cropped head over the horse denotes Omaha. 



Si 




Fig. 266, 1709-'10. — " Brought -home- Assiniboin-horses 
winter." The Dakota sign for Assiniboin, or Hohe, which 
means the voice, or, as some say, the voice of the musk ox, 
is the outline of the vocal organs, as the Dakotas conceive 
them, and represents the upper lip and roof of the mouth, 
the tongue, the lower lip and chin, and the neck. 



Fig. 267, 1710-'ll.— " The- war-parties-met, or killed- 
three-on-each-side winter." A war party of Assini- 
boins met one of Dakotas, and in the fight which 
ensued three were killed on each side. 



Fig. 266. 



296 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fig. 208, 1711-12. — Four -lodges- drowned winter." When the thun- 
ders returned in the summer the Dakotas were still in their 
winter camp, on the bottom lands of a large creek. Heavy 
rains fell, which caused the creek to rise suddenly; the bot- 
toms were flooded, and the occupants of four lodges were 
swept away and drowned. Water is represented by waved 
fig. 208. lines, as before. The lower part of the lodge is submerged. 
The human figure in the doorway of the lodge indicates how unconscious 
the inmates were of their peril. 

Fig. 269, 1712-'13.— "Killed -the- Pawnee- who- 
was eagle-hunting winter." A Pawnee (Bee) was 
crouching in his eagle-trap, a hole in the ground 
covered with sticks and grass, when he was sur- 
prised and killed by the Dakotas. This event is 
substantially repeated in this count for the year 
1806-07. 





Fig. 270, 1713-'14. — "Oame-and-shot-them-in-the- 
lodge winter." The Pawnee (Bees) came by night, 
and, drawing aside atipi door, shot a sleeping man, 
and thus avenged the death of the eagle-hunter. 

Fig. 271, 1714-'15. — " Caine- to-attack-on-horse- 
back -but -killed-nothing winter." The horseman 
has a pine lance in his hand. It is not known 
what tribe came. (Note by Dr. Corbusier. — It 
is probable that horses were not numerous among 
any of the Indians yet, and that this mounted at- 
tack was the first one experienced by the Brule.) 

Fig. 272, 1715-'16. — " Came - and - attacked - on- 
horseback - and - stabbed-a-boy - near-the-lodge win- 
ter.'" Eagle tail-feathers hang from the butt end 
of the lance. 



Fig. 273, 1716-T 




. — "Much-pemmican winter." A year of peace and 
prosperity. Buffalo were plentiful all the fall and 
winter. Large quantities of pemmican (wasna) 
were made with dried meat and marrow. In front 
of the lodge is seen the backbone of a buffalo, the 
marrow of which is used in wasna; below this is 
the buffalo stomach, in which wasna is packed for 
preservation. 



Fig. 274, 1717-'18.— "Brought-home -fifteen- As- 
siniboin-horses winter." The sign for Assiniboin 
is above the horse. 



Fig. 274. 



MALLKRT.J 



BATTISTE GOOD'S WINTER COUNT. 



Fig. 275, 1718-'19.— " Brought - home - Pawnee- 
horses winter." The sign for Ree, i. e., an ear of 
corn, is in front of the horse. 



Fig. 276, 1719-'20. — " Wore-snowshoes winter." 
The snow was very deep, and the people hunted 
buffalo on snowshoes with excellent success. 



Fig. 277, 1720-'21.— " Three -lodges -starved -to- 
death winter." The bare ribs of the man denote 
starvation. [The gesture-sign for poor or lean in- 
dicates that the ribs are visible. In the Ojibwa 
and Ottawa pietographs lines across the chest de- 
note starvation.] 



Fig. 278, 1721-'22.— " Wore-snowshoes-and-dried- 
much-buffalo-meat winter." It was even a better 
year for buffalo than 1719-'20. 




Fig. 279, 1722-'23.— » Deep - snow - and - tops - of- 
lodges-only-visible winter." The spots are intended 
for snow. 



298 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



SI 



Fig. 281. 



Fig. 280, 1723-'24.— "Many-drying-sticks-set-up 
winter." They set up more than the usual num- 
ber of sticks for scaffolds, etc., as they dried the 
buffalo heads, hides, and entrails, as well as the 
meat. This figure is repeated with differentiation 
for the year 1745-'46 in this chart. 

Fig. 281, 1724-'25.— "Blackens-kimself-died win- 
ter." This man was in the habit of blacking his 
whole body with charcoal. He died of some kind of 
intestinal bend [sic] as is indicated by the stomach 
and intestines in front of him, which represent the 
bowels in violent commotion, or going round and 
round. 



Fig. 282, 1725-'26.— "Brought home- ten- Omaha- 
horses winter." The sign for Omaha is the head, 
as before. 



Fig. 283, 1726-'27.— " Killed-two-Pawnees-among- 
the-lodges winter." The Pawnees (Bees) made an 
assault on the Dakota Village, and these two ran 
among the lodges without any arrows. -The sign 
for Bee is, as usual, an ear of corn. 



Fig. 284, 1727-'28.— " Killed-six-Assiniboins win- 
ter." Two signs are given here for Assiniboin. 
There is some uncertainty as to whether they were 
Assiniboins or Arikaras, so the signs for both are 
given. 



Fig. 284. 




Fig. 285, 1728-'29.— "Brought-home-Gros- Ventre- 
horses winter." A Gros Ventre head is shown in 
front of the horse. 



Fig. 285. 




MALLKRT.] 



BATTISTE GOOD S WINTER COUNT. 



Fig. 286, 1729-'30.— "Killed-the-Pawnees-cauiped- 
alone-with-their- wives winter." Two Pawnees and 
their wives, who were hunting buffalo by themselves, 
and living in one lodge, were surprised and killed 
by a war party of Dakotas. 



Fig. 287, 1730-'31. — " Canie-from-opposite-ways- 
and-camped- together winter." By a singular coin- 
cidence, two bands of Dakotas selected the same 
place for an encampment, and arrived there the 
same day. They had been separated a long time, 
and were wholly ignorant of each others move- 
ments. The caps of the tipis face one another. 



Fig. 288, 1731-'32.— " Came- from -killing -one- 
Omaha-and-danced winter." This is the customary 
feast at the return of a successful war party. The 
erect arrow may stand for "one," and the Omaha 
is drawn at full length with his stiff short hair and 
painted cheeks. 



Fig. 289, 1732-'33.— "Brought-home-Assiniboin- 
horses winter." The sign for Assiniboin is as before, 
over the horse. 



Fig. 290, 1733- '34.— " Kuled-three- Assiniboins 
winter." There is again uncertainty as to whether 
they were Assiniboins or Arikaras, and both signs 
are used. 



300 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




Fig. 291, 1734-'35.— « Used-them-up-with-belly- 
ache winter." About fifty of the people died of an 
eruptive disease which was accompanied by pains 
in the bowels. The eruption is shown on the man 
in the figure. This was probably the first experi- 
ence by the Dakotas of the smallpox, which has 
been so great a factor in the destruction of the 
Indians. 



Fig.292,1735-'.3G.-"Followed-them-up-and-killed- 
five winter." A war party of Dakotas were chased 
by some enemies, who killed five of them. The 
arrows flying from behind at the man indicate pur- 
suit, and the number of the arrows, each with a 
bloody mark as if hitting, is five. 



Fig. 293, 1736-'37.— " Brought - home - Pawnee- 
horses winter." This date must be considered in 
connection with the figure in this record for 1802-'03. 
There is a distinction between the wild and the shod 
horses, but the difference in tribe is great. The ear 
of corn showing the husk is as common in this record 
for Pawnee as for Arikara. 



Fig. 294, 1737-'38. — "Killed-seven-Assiniboins- 
bringing - them - to - a - stand-under-a-bank winter." 
The daub, blue in the original, under the crouching 
figure, represents the bank. 



Fig. 295, 1738-'39.— " The-four-who-weut-on-the- 
war-path-starvedto-death winter." Starvation is 
indicated as before. 



BATTISTE GOOD S WINTER COUNT. 



301 



Fig. 296, 1739-'4().— "Found-many-horses win- 
ter." The horses had thongs around their necks, 
and had evidently been lost by some other tribe. 
Hoof prints are represented above and below the 
horse, that is all around. 



Fig. 297, 1740-41. — "The-two-eame-home-haviug- 
killed-an-enemy winter." They took his entire 
scalp, and carried it home at the end of a pole. 
Only a part of the scalp is ordinarily taken, and 
that from the crown of the head. 




Fig. 298, 1741-'42.— "Attacked-them- while-gather- 
ing-turnips winter." Some women, who were dig- 
ging turnips (pomme blanche) near the camp, were 
assaulted by a party of enemies, who, after knock- 
ing them down, ran off without doing them any 
further harm. A turnip, and the stick for digging 
it, are seen in front of the horseman. 



Fig. 299, 1742-'43.— " Killed - them- on - the-way-home-froin-the-hunt 
winter." The men were out hunting, and about ^f^^^- 
100 of their enemies came on horseback to attack 
the camp, and had already surrounded it, when a 
woman poked her head out of a lodge and said. 
" They have all gone on the hunt. When I heard c ( j 
you, I thought they had come back." She pointed 1 ' e -, ■ 
toward the hunting-ground, and the enemies going fig. 299. 

in that direction, met the Dakotas, who killed many of them with their 
spears, and put the rest to flight. Hoof-prints surround the circle of 
lodges, and are on the trail to the hunting-ground. 



Fig. 300, 1743-'44.— " The - Omahas - came - and - killed 
them-in-the-night winter." They wounded many, but yJ 
killed only one. The Dakotas were all encamped to- 7,j 
gether. — ■ 



Fig. 300. 



302 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




Fig. 301 , 1744-'45. — u Brought-home-Oniaha-horses 



\ryJ Fig. 302, 1745-^— "Many-drying-scaffolds winter." It 
1^*1 was even a better year for buffalo than 1723-'24. 




Fig. 303, 174(5-'47. — " Came-home-having-killed-one-Gros- 
Ventre winter. 



Fig. 304, 1747-MS.— "Froze-to-death-at-the-hunt winter." 
The arrow pointing toward the buffalo head indicates they 
were hunting, and the crouching figure of the man, together 
with the snow above and below him, that he suffered severely 
from cold or froze to death. 



Fig. 305, 1748-'49.— " Eat-frozen-fish winter." They 
discovered large numbers of fish frozen in the ice, and 
subsisted on them all winter. 



Fig. 30G, 1749-'50.— "Many-hole-camp-winter." The 
jn same explanation as for Fig. 2G0, for the year 1703-'04. 
(jp The two figures are different in execution though the 
I same in concept. There would, however, be little con- 
fusion in distinguishing two seasons of exceptional suc- 
fig. 306. cesg iu tlie hunt tliat were se p ara ted by forty-six years. 

Fig. 307, 1750-'51. — "Killed-two- white-buffalo-cows win- 
/ ■ ter." (Note by Dr. Oorbusier: Two white buffalo are so 
i rarely killed one season that the event is considered worthy 
-j of record. Most Indians regard the albinos among ani- 
— itJ mals with the greatest reverance. The Ojibwas, who look 
upon a black loon as the most worthless of birds regard a 

1 IG. 307. 1 ^ 

white one as sacrea.) 



BATTISTE GOOD S WINTER COUNT. 



303 



Fig. 308, 1751-'52. — " Omahas-came-and-killed-two-in-the- 
lodge winter." An Omaha war party surprised tliem in the 
night, shot into the lodge, wounding two, and then fled. . 
The two shot died of their wounds. 



It 



Fig. 309, 1752-'53. — " Destroyed-threc-lodges-of-Omahas 
winter." The Dakotas went to retaliate on the Omahas, 
and finding three lodges of them killed them. It will be 
noticed that in this figure the sign for Omaha is connected 
with the lodge, and in the preceding figure with the arrow. 



Fig.310,1753-'54.- 
winter." 



' Killed-two- A ssiniboines-on-the-hunt 



Fig. 311, 1754-'55. — " Pawnees-shouted-over-the-peo- 
ple winter." The Pawnees (Kees) came at night, and 
standing on a bluff overlooking the Dakota village shot ' - 
into it with arrows, killing one man, and alarmed the 
entire village by their shouts. 



Fig. 312, 1755-'56.— " Killed-two-Pawnees-at-the-hunt 
wiuter." A war party of Dakotas surprised some Pawnee 
(Ree) hunters and killed two of them. 




Fig. 3 13, 1756-'57. — " The - whole - people - were - pursued - 
and-two-killed winter." A tribe, name unknown, attacked 
and routed the whole band. The man in the figure is 
retreating, as is shown by his attitude; the arrow on his f 
bow points backward at the enemy, from whom he is ^ * 
retreating. The two blood-stained arrows in his body mark \ — ^ 

Fig. 313. 



the number killed. 



304 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




7>) 



Fig. 314, 1757-'58. — " Went-on-the- warpath -on- horse- 
back-to-cainp-of-eneiny-but- killed - nothing winter." The 
lack of success may have been due to inexperience in 
mounted warfare as the Dakotas had probably for the 
first time secured a sufficient number of horses to mount 
a war party. 



Fig. 315, 1758-'59. — " Killed-two-Omahas-who-came-to- 
the-camp-on-war path winter 1 ." 



Fig. 3 Hi, 1759-60. — " War-parties-met-and-killed-a- 
few-on-both-sides winter." The attitude of the opposed 
figures of the Dakota and Gros Ventre and the foot- 
prints indicate that the parties met ; the arrows in oppo- 
sition, that they fought; and the blood-stained arrow in 
each man that some were killed on both sides. 




Fig. 317, 1760-'61. — Assiuiboins-came-anri-attacked-the 
camp-again winter;" or " Assiniboins-shot-arrows-through- 
the-camp winter." 



Fig. 318, 1761-62. — " Killed-six-Pawnees (Eees) winter." 
Besides the arrow sticking in the body another is flying near 
the head of the man figure, who has the tribal marks for 
Pawnee or Ree, as used in this record. 



Fig. 318. 

Fig.. 319. 1762-'63.—" The- people -were -burnt winter." They were 
living somewhere east of their present country when a prairie fire de- 




BATTISTE GOOD'S WINTEK COUNT. 



305 



stroyed their entire village. Many of their children and a man 
wife, who were on foot some distance away from the village, 
were burned to death, as also were many of their horses. 
All the people that could get to a long lake, which was 
near by, saved themselves by jumping into it. Many of 
these were badly burned about the thighs and legs, and 
this circumstance gave rise to the name Sican-zhu, burnt 
thigh (or simply burnt as translated Brule by the Freuch), fi 
by which they have since been known, and also to the gesture 
follows: "Rub the upper and outer part of the right thigh in 
circle with the open right hand, ringers pointing downward." 



sign, as 
a small 



Fig. 320, 1763-'64.— "Mauy-sticks-for-drying-beef win- 
ter. They dried so much meat that the village was crowded 
with drying poles and scaffolds. 



Fig. 321, 1764-'65.— "Stole-tkeir-horses- while- they - 
were -on -the -hunt winter." A Dakota war party 
chanced to find a hunting party of Assiniboins asleep 
and stole twenty of their horses. It was storming at 
the time and horses had their packs on and were 
tied. The marks which might appear to represent a 
European saddle on the horse's back denote a pack 
or load. Hunting is symbolized as before, by the 
buffalo head struck by an arrow. 




Fig. 322, 1765-'66.— "Killed-a -war- party-of- four- 
Pawnees winter." The four Pawnees (Rees) made an 
attack on the Dakota camp. 



Fig. 323, 1766-'67.— " Brought -home -sixty- Assini- 
boin-horses (one spotted) winter." They were all 
the horses the Assiniboins had and were on an island 
in the Missouri river, from which the Dakotas 
cleverly stole them during a snowstorm. 
10 eth 20 



<9 , 



.9 



306 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fig-. 324, 1767-'68.— " Went-out-to-ease-theinselves- 
witli-tbeir-bows-on winter." Tbe Dakotas were in 
constant fear of an attack by enemies. Wben a man 
$V left bis lodge after dark, even to answer tbe calls of 
nature, be carried bis bows and arrows along witb 
" him and took good care not to go far away from tbe 
lodge. Tbe squatting figure, etc., close to tbe lodge 
tells tbe story. " 



Fig. 325, 1768-'69.— "Two-horses-killed-something 
winter." A man wbo had gone over a bill just out 
of tbe village was run down by two mounted enemies 
wbo drove their spears into him and left him for dead, 
one of tbem leaving his spear sticking in the man's 
sboulder, as shown in tbe figure. He recovered, bow- 
ever. (Note by Dr. (Jorbusier : They frequently speak 
of persons who have been very ill and have recovered 
as dying and returning to life again, and have a 
gesture sign to express the idea.) 



Fig. 326, 1769-'70. — < < Attacked - the-camp - from - 
both- sides winter." A mounted war party — tribe un- 
known — attacked tbe village on two sides, and on 
each side killed a woman. Tbe footprints of the 
enemies' horses and arrows on each side of tbe lodge, 
which represents tbe village, show tbe mode of attack. 

Fig. 327, 1770-'71.— "Oame-and-killed- the -lodges 
winter." The enemy came on horseback and assailed 
tbe Dakota lodges, which were pitched near together, 
spoiling some of them by cutting the bide coverings 
witb their spears, but killing no one. They used 
spears ouly, but arrows are also depicted, as tbey 
symbolize attack. No blood is shown on the arrows, 
as only the lodges were "killed." 

Fig. 328, 1771-'72.— " Swam-after-the-buffalo win- 
ter." In tbe spring the Dakotas secured a large 
supply of meat by swimming out and towing ashore 
buffalo that were floatiug past the village and which 
had fallen into the river on attempting to cross on 
the weak ice. 



BATTISTE GOOD'S WINTER COUNT. 



Fig. 329, 1772-'73. — "Killed-an-Assiniboin-and-his- 
wife winter." 



Fig. 330, 1773-'74.—" Killed -two -Pawnee -boys- 
while-playing winter." A war party of Dakotas sur- 
prised two Pawnee (Eee) boys who were wrestling 
and killed them while they were on the ground. 



Fig. 331, 1774-'75. — u Assiniboins-inade-an-attack 
winter." They were cowardly, however, and soon 
retreated. Perhaps the two arrows of the Assini- 
boins compared with the one arrow of the attacked 
Dakotas suggests the cowardice. 



Fig. 332, 1775-'7G. — " Assiniboins-went-home-and- 
came-back-mad-to-make-a-fresh-attack winter." They 
were brave this time, being thoroughly aroused. 
They fought with bows and arrows only. 



Fig. 333, 1776-'77.— " Killed -with -war- club-in-his- 
hand winter." A Dakota war club is in the man's 
hand and an enemy's arrow is entering his body. 



Fig. 334, 1777-'78.— "Spent-the -winter -in- no- par- 
ticular-place winter." They made no permanent 
camp, but wandered about from place to place. 



308 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fig. 335, 1778-'79. — '<Skiuned-peuis-used-in-tke-game-of-haka win- 




ter." A Dakota named as mentioned was killed in 
a fight with the Pawnees and his companions left 
his body where they supposed it would not be found, 
but the Pawnees found it and as it was frozen stiff 
they dragged it into their camp and played haka with 
it. The kaka-stick which, in playing the game, they 
cast after a ring, is represented on the right of the 
man. This event marks 1777-78 in the Winter Count 



fig. 335. of American-Horse and 1779-'80 in that of Cloud- 
Shield. The insult and disgrace made it remarkable. 




Fig. 336, 1779-'80. — " Smallpox-used-thein-up win- 
ter." The eruption and pains in the stomach and 
bowels are shown as before. 



Fig. 336. 



Fig.337, 1780-81. — " Smallpox-used-them-up-again 
winter." There is in this figure no sign for pain but 
the spots alone are shown. An attempt to discrim- 
inate and distinguish the year-devices is perceived. 



Fig. 337. 



Fig. 338, 1781-'82. — "Caine-and-attacked-on-korse- 
back-for-the-last-time winter." The nam e of the tribe 
is not known, but it is the last time they ever attacked 
the Dakotas. 



MALLERY.] 



BATTISTE GOOD'S WINTER COUNT. 



309 



Fig.339,1782-'S3 — " Killed-the-man-with-the- scar- 
let-blanket-on winter." It is not known what tribe 
killed him. 




Fig. 340, 1783-'84.— " Soldier-froze- to-deatk winter." 
The falling snow and the man's position with his legs, 
drawn up to his abdomen, one hand in an armpit 
and the other in his mouth, are indicative of intense 
cold. 



Fig. 341, 1784-'85.— "The-Oglala-took-tke-cedar winter.' 
great feast an Oglala declared he was wakan and could 
draw a cedar tree out of the ground. He had previously 
fastened the middle of a stick to the lower end of a ^ 
cedar with a piece of the elastic ligament from the neck 
of the buffalo and then planted the tree with the stick 
crosswise beneath it. He went to this tree, dug away a 
little earth from around it and pulled it partly out of 
the ground and let ifc spring back again, saying " the 
cedar I drew from the earth has gone home again." fig. 341. 
After he had gone some young men dug up the tree and exposed the 
shallow trick. 

Fig. 342, 1785-'86.— "The-Oheyennes-killed-Skadow's-father winter." 
The umbrella signifies, shadow; the arrow which touches 
it, attacked ; the three marks under the arrow (not shown 
in the copy), Cheyenne; the blood-stained arrow in the 
man's body, killed. Shadow's name and the umbrella in 
the figure intimate that he was the first Dakota to carry 
an umbrella. The advantages of the umbrella were soon 
recognized by them, and the first they obtained from the 
whites were highly prized. It is now considered an in- 
dispensable article in a Sioux outfit. They formerly wore 
a wreath of green leaves or carried green boughs, to 
shade them from the sun. The marks used for Chey- 342 
enne stand for the scars on their arms or stripes on their sleeves, which 
also gave rise to the gesture-sign for this tribe, see Fig. 495, infra. 




310 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



.JcL^i Fig. 343, 1786-'87. — "Iron-Head-Band-killed-on-war- 
JKntf-W path winter." They formerly carried burdens on their 
I li 'l ° ;k 'k s > hung from a band passed across the forehead. This 
0*~^SB man had a band of iron which is shown on his head. So 
|BL said the interpreter, but probably the band was not of the 
metal iron. The word so translated has a double mean- 
m m m & aut * ^ s connec ted with religious ideas of water, spirit, 
wgdfit an d the color blue. 

Fig. 343 

Fig. 344, 1787-'88. — u Left-the-hey oka-man-behind winter." A certain 
man was heyoka — that is, his mind was disordered and 
In went about the village bedecked with feathers singing 
to himself, and, while so, joined a war party. On sighting 
the enemy the party fled, and called to him to turn back 
also; as he was heyoka, he construed everything that was 
said to him as meaning the very opposite, and therefore, 
instead of turning back, he went forward and was killed. 
If they had only had sense enough to tell him to go on, 
he would then have run away, but the thoughtless people 
talked to him just as if he had been in an ordinary condition and of 
course were responsible for his death. The mental condition of this 
man and another device for the event are explained by other records 
(see Fig. 651). 

Fig. 345, 1788-'89.— " Many-crows-died winter." Other 
records for the same year give as the explanation of the 
figure and the reason for its selection that the crows froze 
to death because of the intense cold. 

Fig. 345. 

Fig. 346, 1789-'90.— " Killed-two -Gros- Ventres-on-the- 
ice winter." 






Fig. 347, 1790-'91.— " Carried-a-flag-about-with-them 
t\ \ winter." They went to all the surrounding tribes with 
! ■ 7 the Hay, but for what purpose is unknown. So said the 

interpreter, but The-Flame's chart explains the figure 
J by the statement: "The first United States flags in the 
J country brought by United States troops." 



BATTISTE GOOD'S WINTER COUNT. 



311 



Fig. 348, 1791-92. — " Saw-a- white-woman winter." 
The dress of the woman indicates that she was not an 
Indian. This is obviously noted as being the first occa- 
sion when the Dakotas, or at least the bauds which this 
record concerns, saw a white woman. 




Fig. 348. 



Fig. 319, 1792-93.—-' Caruped-near-the-Gros Ventres 
winter." They were engaged in a constant warfare dur- 
ing this time. A Gros Ventre dirt lodge, with the en- 
trance in front, is depicted in the figure and on its roof 
is a Gros Ventre head. 



Fig. 350, 1793-'9i. — " Killed- a -long- haired -nian-at-Bawhide-butte 
winter." TheDakotas attacked a village of 58 lodges 
and killed every soul in it. After the fight they found 
the body of a man whose hair was done up with 
deer-hide in large rolls, and, on cutting them open, 
found it was all real hair, very thick, and as long as 
a lodge-pole, [Mem. Catlin tells of a Crow called 
Long-Hair whose hair, by actual measurement, was 
10 feet and 7 inches long.] The fight was at Eaw- 
hide butte (now so called by the whites), which the 
Dakotas named Buffalo-Hide butte, because they 
found so many buft'alo hides in the lodges. Accord- 
ing to Cloud-Shield, Long-Hair was killed in 1786-'87, and according 
to American-Horse. Long- Hah, a Cheyenne, was killed in 1796-97. 




Fig. 351, 1794 -'95. — "Killed- the -little -faced- 
Pawnee winter." The Pawnee's face was long, flat, 
and narrow, like a man's hand, but he had the body 
of a large man. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it: " Little-Face-killed 
winter." 



312 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fig. 352, 1795-'96. — " The-Bees-stood-the-frozen- 
inan-up- with-the-buffalo-stomach - in - his - hand win- 
ter." The body of a Dakota who had been killed 
in an encounter with the Bees (Pawnees), and had 
been left behind, frozen. The Flees dragged it into 
their village, propped it up with a stick, and hung 
a buffalo stomach filled with ice in one hand to 
make sport of it. The buffalo stomach was in com- 
mon use at that time as a water -jug. 



|^ Fig. 353, 1796-'97.— " Wears-the-War-Bonnet-died 
y winter." He did not die this winter, but received 
a wound in the abdomen from which the arrowhead 
could not be extracted, and he died of the "belly- 
ache" years after. 



Fig. 353. 

Fig. 354, 1897-'98.— "Took-the-God- Woman-captive winter." A Da- 
kota war party captured a woman — tribe unknown — who, in order to 
gain their respect, cried out, "I am a Wakan- 
Tanka," meaning that she belonged to God, where- 
upon they let her go unharmed. This is the origin 
of their name for God (Wakan Tanka, the Great 
Holy, or Supernatural One). They had never heard 
of a Supernatural Being before, but had offered their 
prayers to the sun, the earth, and many other objects, 
believing they were endowed with spirits. [Those 
are the remarks of Battiste Good, who is only half 
correct, being doubtless influenced by missionary teaching. The term 





is much older and signifies mystic or unknown.] 



Fig. 355, 1798-'99.— "Many-women-died-iu-ckild- 
birth winter." They died of bellyache. The con- 
voluted sign for pain in the abdominal region has 
appeared before. Cloud-Shield's winter count for 
the same year records the same mortality among 
the women which was perhaps an epidemic of puer- 
peral fever. 



Fig. 355. 



MA LLERY. ] 



BATTISTE GOOD S WINTER COUNT. 



313 



Fig. 356, 1799-1800.— "Don't-Eat-Buffalo Heart-made-a-commera ora- 



tion- of- the-dead winter." A buffalo heart is repre- 
sented above the man. Don't Eat is expressed by 
the gesture sign for negation, a part of which is 
indicated, and the line connecting the heart with 
his mouth. The red flag which is used in the cere- 
mony is employed as its symbol. The name Don't 
Eat-Buffalo-Heart refers to the man for whom that 
viand is taboo, either by gentile rules or from per- 
sonal visions. The religious ceremony of commem- 
oration of the dead is mentioned elsewhere in this 




work, see Chapter xiv, section 6. fig.356. 
Fig. 357, 1800-'0L— "The-G-ood- White-Man- came winter." Seven 



white men came in the spring of the year to their 
village in a starving condition; after feeding them 
and treating them well, they allowed them to go on 
their way unmolested. The Dakotas [of the re- 
corder's band] had heard of the whites, but had 
never seen any before. In the fall some more came, 
and with them, The-Good- White-Man, who is repre- 
sented in the figure, and who was the first one to 
trade with them. They became very fond of him 
because of his fair dealings with them. The gesture 




made by his hands is similar to benediction, and fig.357. 
suggests a part of the Indian gesture sign for "good." 



Fig. 358, 1801-'02. — " Smallpox -used -them- up- 
again winter." The man figure is making a part of 
a common gesture sign for death, which consists 
substantially in changing the index from a perpen- 
dicular to a horizontal position and then pointing to 
the ground. 



Fig. 



Fig. 359, 1802-'03. — "Brought-home-Pawneer 
horses-with-iron-shoes-on winter." The Dakotas 
had not seen horseshoes before. This agrees with 
and explains Lone-Dog's Winter Count for the 
same year. 




Fig. 399. 



314 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




Fig. 360, 1803-'04.— "Brought-home-Pawnee- 
horses- with-their - hair - rough - and - curly win- 
ter." The curly hair is indicated by the curved 
marks. Lone-Dog's Winter Count for the same 
year records the same incident, but states that 
the curly horses were stolen from the Crows. 



Fig. 361, 1804-'05.— " Sung-over-each-other-while- 
on-the-war-path winter." A war party while out 
made a large pipe and sang each other's praises. 
The use of an ornamented pipe in connection with 
the ceremonies of organizing a war party is men- 
tioned in Chapter xv. 



Fig. 362, 1805-'06.— "They-came-amd-killed-eight 
winter." The enemy killed eight Dakotas, as shown 
by the arrow and the eight marks beneath it. 



hig. 363, 1806-'07 — "Killed-them-while-huuting- 
eagles winter." Some Dakota eagle- hunters were 
killed by enemies. See Lone-Dog's Winter Count 
for the same year. 



MALLEBY.] 



BATTISTE GOOD'S WINTER COUNT. 



Fig. 364, 1807-'0S. — £ ' Came-and-killed-inan-witk- 
red-shirt-on winter." Other records say that Bed- 
Shirt killed in this year was an Uncpapa Dakota, 
and that he was killed by Arikaras. 



Fig. 365, 1808-'09.— "Pawnees-(Rees)-killed-Blue- 
Blanket's-father winter." A blanket, which in the 
original record is blue, is represented above the ar- 
row and across the man's body. 



Fig. 366, 1809-'10. — " Little-BeaverVhouse-burned 
winter." Little-Beaver was an English trader, and 
his trading house was a log one. 



Fig. 367, 1810-11. — ''Brought-home-horse- 
with-his-tail-braided-with-eagle-feathers win- 
ter." They stole a band of horses beyond the 
South Platte. One of them was very fleet, 
and had his tail ornamented as described. 



Fig. 368, 1811-'12.— " First-hunted-horses 
winter." The Dakotas caught wild horses in 
the Sand Hills with braided lariats. 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fig. 369, 1812-'13.— "Rees-killed-Big-in-the- Mid- 
dle's father winter." Other records call this warrior 
Big- Waist and Big-Belly. 



Fig. 370, 1813-'14.— « Killed-six-Pawnees (Bees) 
winter." Six strokes are under the arrow, but are 
not shown in the copy. 



Fig. 371, 1814-'15. — "Smashed-a-Kiowa's-head-in 
winter." The tomahawk with which it was done is 
sticking in the Kiowa's head. 



Fig. 372, 1815-'16.— "The-Sans-Arcs-made-large- 
houses winter." 



. 372. 



Fig. 373, 1816-'17. — " Lived-again-in-their-larg 
5 winter." 



Fig. 374, 1817-'18.— " Choze-built-a-house-of-dead- 
logs winter." The house was for trading purposes. 
The Frenchman's name is evidently a corruption. 



BATTITSE GOOD S WINTER COUNT. 



317 



Fig. 375, 1818-'19. — " Smallpox - used- thern -up - 
again- winter." They at this time lived on the Little 
White river, about 20 miles above the Bosebud 
agency. The two fingers held up may mean the 
second time the fatal epidemic appeared in the par- 
- ticular body of Indians concerned in the record. 



Fig. 376, 1819-'20.— '< Choze-built-a-house-of-rot- 
ton-wood winter." Another trading house was built. 



Fig. 377, 1820-'21.— "They-made-bands-of-strips- 
of- blanket -in-the- winter." These bands were of 
mixed colors and reached from the shoulders to the 
heels. They also made rattles of deer's hoofs by 
tying them to sticks with bead-covered strings. 
The man has a sash over his shoulders and a rattle 
in his hand. 



Fig. 377. 

Fig. 378, 1821-'22. — " Star-passed-by-with-loud-noise winter," "Much- 
whisky winter," and "Used-up-the-Oinahas winter." 
In the figure the meteor, its pathway, and the cloud ^SH^pPta 
from which it came are shown. Whisky was fur- & 
nished to them for the first time and without stint. / 
It brought death to them in a new form, many since / 
then having died from the excessive use of it, Eed- f 
Cloud's father among the number. Battiste Good, » 
alias Wa-po 'stan-gi, more accurately Wa-po-cta n -xi 
(Brown-Hat), historian and chief, was born. He 9 
says that Omaha bullets were whizzing through the FlG - 378 - 

village and striking and piercing his mother's lodge as she brought 
him forth. Bed-Cloud was also born. In the count of American- Horse 
for this year he makes no mention of the meteor, but strongly marks 
the whisky as the important figure for the winter. 

Fig. 379, 1822-'23.— " Peeler-froze-his-leg winter." 
Peeler was a white trader, and his leg was frozen 
while he was on his way to or from the Missouri 
river. The name is explained by White Cow Killer's 
record as follows: " White-mau-peels-the-stick-in- 
his-hand-broke-kis-leg winter." He was probably 
a Yankee addicted to whittling. 



Fig. 37£ 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fig. 380, l823-'24.— " General first-appeared- 

and-the-Dakotas-aided-in-au-attack-on-the-Rees win- 
ter." Also "Much-corn winter." The gun and the 
arrow in contact with the ear of corn show that both 
whites and Indians fought the Rees. This refers to 
Gen. Leavenworth's expedition against the Ankara 
in 1823, when several hundred Dakotas were his al- 
lies. This expedition is mentioned several times in 
this work. 



Fig. 381, 1824-'25. — u Killed-two-pickiug-plums win- 
ter." A Dakota war party surprised and killed two 
Pawnees who were gathering plnms. 



Fig. 382, L825-'26. — " Many- Yankton ais- drowned winter." The 
river bottom on a bend of the Missouri river, where 
jj&mJfySl * they were encamped, was suddenly submerged, when 
I ho. iff broke and many women and children were 
f a ^ drowned. All the Winter Counts refer to this flood. 

Fig. 383, 1826-'27.— "Ate-a-whistle-and-died winter." 
Six Dakotas on the war path (shown by bow and 
arrow) had nearly perished with hunger, when they 
found and ate the rotting carcass of an old buffalo, on 
which the wolves had been feeding. They were seized 
soon after with pains in the stomach, the abdomen 
swelled, and gas poured from mouth and anus, and 
they died of a whistle or from eating a whistle. The 
sound of gas escaping from the mouth is illustrated 
in the figure. 



} 



Fig. 384, 1827-'28.— " Wore-snowshoes winter." The 
snow was very deep. 



BATTISTE GOOD S WINTER COUNT. 



319 



Fig. 385, 1828-'29.— "KiHed-two-hundred-Gros Ven- 
tres (Hidatsas) winter." 




Fig. 380, 1829-'30.— "Old-Speckled-Face-clung-to-his-son-in-law win- 
ter." The daughter of Speckled-Face, who was coming- 
out second best in an altercation with her husband, 
called to her father for help. The latter ran and 
grabbed his son-in-law around the waist, and, crying 
"That is my daughter," stabbed him. The son-in-law 
fell and the old man fell on top of him, and, clinging 
to him, begged the lookers on to put an end to him 
also, as he wished to bear his beloved son-in-law com- FlG 386 
pany to the spirit land. Uo one, however, was in the humor to speed 
him on the journey, and he remained with the living. 




Fig. 387, 1830-'31.- 
winter." 



; ' Shot-many- white-buffalo-cows 




Fig. 388, 1831-'32. — "Kdled-him-while-looking-about-on-the-hill win- 
ter." A Dakota, while watching for buffalo at Buf- 
falo Gap, in the Black Hills, was shot by the Crows. 
The man is represented on a hill, which is dotted with 
pine trees and patches of grass. Battiste makes the 
grass blue. Blue and green are frequently confounded 
by other Indians than Battiste, and some tribes have 
but one name for the two colors. 




Fig. 389, 1832-'33.—" Stiff-Leg- with- War-Bon 
net-on-died winter." He was killed in an en 
gagement with the Pawnees on the Platte river, Z 
in which the Brules killed one hundred Pawnees. _« 




320 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fig. 390, 1833-'34.— « Storm -of- stars winter." All 
the Winter Counts refer to this great meteoric dis- 
play, which occurred on the night of November 12, 
1833, and was seen over most of the United States. 




Fig. 391, 1834-'35.— " Killed -the -Cheyenne -who- 
came-to-the-camp winter." A Cheyenne who stole 
into the village by night was detected and killed. 
The village was near what is now the Pine Eidge 
agency. 



Fig. 392, 1835-'36.— » Killed - the - two -war-party 
leaders winter." A Dakota war party met one of 
Pawnees and killed two of their leaders, whereupon 
the rest ran. 



Fig. 392. 



Fig. 393, 1836-'37.— "Fight -on -the -ice winter." 
They fought with the Pawnees on the ice, on the 
Platte river, and killed seven of them. The two ver- 
tical marks, which are for the banks of the river, and 
the two opposed arrows, signify that the tribes were 
on opposite sides of the river. 

4* <f 




Fig. 394, 1837-'3S.— " Spread-out-killed winter. 
San tee man, whose name is indicated by his 
hands, was killed by soldiers. 



SIAIXERT.] 



BATTISTE GOOD'S WINTER COUNT. 



Fig. 395, 1338-39.— " Came-and-killed-five-Oglalas 
winter." They were killed by Pawnees. The man in 
the figure has on a capote, the hood of which is drawn 
over his head. This garment is used here as a sign 
for war, as the Dakotas commonly wear it on their 
war expeditions. 



Fig. 396, 1839-40.— -'Came -home- from-the-starve- 
to-death-war-path winter." All of the Dakota tribes 
united in an expedition against the Pawnees. They 
killed one hundred Pawnees, but nearly perished 
with hunger. 



Fig. 397, 1840-'41.— " Came-and-killed-five-of-Little- 
Thunder's-brothers winter," and "Battiste-alone-re- 
turns winter." The five* were killed in an encounter 
with the Pawnees. Battiste Good was the only one 
of the party to escape. The capote is sbown again. 



Fig. 398, 1841-'42. — Pointer - made - a - commemora - 
tion-of-the-dead winter." Also "Deep -snow winter." 
The extended index denotes the man's name, the ring 
and spots deep snow. 



Fig. 399, 1842-M3.— "Killed-four-lodges-of-Shoshoni- 
and-brought-home-many-horses winter." 



10 eth 21 



322 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fig. 400, 1843-'44. — "Brought-home-the-magic-arrow 
winter." This arrow originally belonged to the Chey- 
ennes from whom the Pawnees stole it. The Dakotas 
captured it this winter from the Pawnees and the 
Cheyennes then redeemed it for one hundred horses. 



Fig. 401, 1844-'45. — " The-Crows- came -and -killed - 
thirty-eight- Oglalas winter." The Oglalas were on the 
warpath, as indicated by the capote. 




Fig. 402, 1845-'46. — "Broke-out- on -faces -had- sore- 
throats-and-camped-under- the -bluff winter." "Also- 
had-bellyache." The position of the camp is shown, 
also the suggestive attitude of the man. 



Fig. 403, 1846-'47. — "Winter -camp -broke -his -neck 
winter." He was thrown from his horse while on a 
hunt. The red on his neck is the break. 



1 



M 



Fig. 404, 1847-'48.— "The-Teal-broke-his-leg winter." 
His arm is lengthened to direct attention to his leg. 
The Chinese radical and phonetic character for the 
same concept, Fig. 1193, infra, may be compared, as also 
Fig. 231, supra. 



MALLERY.] 



BATTISTE GOOD'S WINTER COUNT. 



323 



i r 

5 km* 



Fig. 405, 1848-49. — "Killed -the -hermaphrodite winter" and "Big- 
liorse- stealing winter." They captured a Crow who f\ n 
pretended to be a woman, but who proved to be a man, 
and they killed him. It is i>robable that this was one of ^ 
, the men, not uncommon among the Indian tribes, who 
adopt the dress and occupation of women. This is 
sometimes compidsory from failure to pass an ordeal 
or from exhibition of cowardice. Eight hundred horses 
were stolen from the Dakotas, but seven hundred of FlG . m , 
them were recovered. The Crows killed one Dakota, as is indicated 
by the arrow in contact with the red spot in the hoof print. 

Fig. 406, 1849-'50.— "Brought-the-Crows-to-a 
stand winter." This was done at Crow Butte, 
near Camp Bobinson, Nebraska. It is said 
that a party of Crows, who were flying from 
the Dakotas, took refuge on the Butte about 
dark and that the Dakotas surrounded them, 
confident of capturing tbem the next morning, 
but the Crows escaped during the night, very 
much to the chagrin of the Dakotas. The Crow's 
head is just visible on the summit of the hill, as 
if the body had gone down. 



Fig. 407, 1850-'51. — "The-big-smallpox winter. 




Fig. 408, 1851-'52. — " First - issue - of - goods winter.' 
patches outside the circle are at the four cardinal 
points, the colored patches inside the circle are meant 
for blankets and the other articles issued, and the circle 
of strokes the people sitting. The Dakotas were told 
that fifty-five years after that issue they would have to 
cultivate the ground, and they understood that they 
would not be required to do it before. 



The colored 




Fig. 409, 1852-'53. — "Deep-snow-used-up-the-horses 
winter." The spots around the horses represent snow. 



324 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




Fig. 410, 1853-'54. — " Cross-Bear-died-on-the-hunt winter." The trav- 
ail means they moved; the buffalo, to hunt buffalo; the 
bear with mouth open and paw advanced, Cross-Bear ; the 
IPT^l stomach and intestines, took the bellyache and died, 
flrapg The gesture sign for bear is made as follows: Slightly 
HBP** crook the thumbs and little fingers, and nearly close the 
^ other fingers; then, with their backs upward, hold the 

fig. 4io. hands a little in advance of the body or throw them sev- 
eral times quickly forward a few inches. Tbe sign is sometimes made 
with one hand only. 

For explanation of the word "travail," applied to the Indian sledge 
made of the joined tent poles, see Fig. 764 and accompanying remarks. 
Fig. 411, lS54-'55. — "Killed-five-Assiniboins winter." The Dakotas 
are ashamed of the part they took in the following 
deplorable occurrence and it is not therefore noted in 
the record, although it really marks the year. In con- 
sequence of a misunderstanding in regard to an old 
foot- sore cow, which had been abandoned on the road by 
some emigrants and which the Dakotas had innocently 
appropriated, Lieut. Grattan, Sixth IT. S. Infantry, 
killed Conquering Bear (Mato way'uhi, Startling Bear 
properly) about ten miles east of Fort Laramie, August 19, 1854. The 
Dakotas then, in retaliation, massacred Lieut. Grattan and the thirty 
men of Company G, Sixth U. S. Infantry, he had with him. 

The figure without the above statement tells the simple story about 
the killing of five Assiniboins who are denoted by the usual tribal sign, 
the number being designated by the five strokes below the arrow. 

Fig. 412, 1855-'56.— "Little-Thunder-and-Battiste- 
Good - and - others - taken - prisoners -at- Ash-Hollow-on- 
the Blue-creek winter," and one hundred and thirty 
Dakotas were killed by the white soldiers. Also called 
" Many-sacrificial-flags winter." The last-mentioned 
name for the winter is explained by other records and 
by Executive Document No. 94, Thirty-fourth Con- 
gress, first session, Senate, to refer to a council held on March 18, 1856, 
by Brevet Brig. Gen. W. S. Harney, U. S. Army, with nine of the bands 
of the Dakotas. 



Fig. 413, 1856-'57. — " Bad -Four -Bear -trades -with - 
Battiste-Good-for-furs-all winter." Bad-Four-Bear, a 
white trader, is represented sitting smoking a pipe in 
front of Battiste's tipi under a bluff' at Fort Robinson, 
Nebraska. 

Fig. 414, 1857-'58. — " Hunted - bulls - only winter." 
They found but few cows, the buffalo being composed 
principally of bulls. The travail is shown. 





MALLERY-l 



BATTISTE GOOD'S WINTER COUNT. 



Fig. 415, 1858-'59. — "Many-Navajo-blankets winter.'* 
A Xavajo blanket is shown in the figure. Several of 
the records agree in the explanation about the bring- 
ing of these blankets at that time. 



Fig. 416, 1S59- 60. — " Came-and-killed-Big-Crow win- 
ter." The two marks under the arrow indicate that 
two were killed. 



Fig. 417, 1860-'61.— " Broke-out- with-rash-and-died- 
with-pains-in-the-stomach winter." 



Fig. 418, 1861-62.— Killed- Spotted- Horse winter." 
Spotted Horse and another Crow came and stole many 
horses from the Dakotas, who followed them, killed 
them, and recovered their horses. 



Fig. 419, 1862-63.— -'Cut-up -the-boy-in-the-camp 
winter." The Crows came to the lodges and cut up the 
boy while the people were away. The knife above his 
head shows that he was cut to pieces. 



Fig. 420, 1863-'64. — " Crows - came - and - killed - eight 
winter." Some of the eight were Cheyennes. The 
marks below the arrow represent the killed. 



Fig. 421, 1864-'65. — -Boaster -made -a- commemora- 
tion-of-the-dead winter."' A piece of roasted meat is 
shown on the stick in the man's hand. The Dakotas 
roast meat on a stick held in front of the fire. 



326 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



/IT" 



Fig. 422, 1805-'G0. — " Deep-snow-used-up-the-horses 
winter." The horse is obviously in a deplorable con- 
dition. 



Fig. 423, 1866-'67.— "Beaver's-Ears-killed winter." 



FIG. 423. 



Fig. 425. 



Fig. 424, 1867-'68. — "Battiste-Good-inade-peace-witk- 
General-Harney-for-the-people winter." This refers to 
the great Dakota treaty of 1868 in which other general 
officers besides Gen. Harney were active and other 
Indian chiefs much more important than Battiste took 
part. The assumption of his intercession is an exhibi- 
tion oft 



Fig. 425, 1868-'69.— "Killed- Long-Fish winter" and 
" Killed-fi fteen winter." The Crows killed fifteen Saus 
Arcs and Long-Fish also, a Lower Brule. The long 
fish is shown attached by a line to the mouth of the 
man figure in the manner that personal names are fre- 
quently portrayed in this paper. 



Fig. 420, 1869-'70.— "Trees-killed-them winter.' 
tree falling on a lodge killed a woman. 



Fig. 427, 1870-71.—" Came and-killed-High-Back- 
Bone winter." He was a chief. The Crows and Sho- 
shoni shot him at long range, and the pistol with which 
he was armed was of no service to him. 



Fig. 428, 1871-72.—' 
died of the bellyache. 



Gray-Bcai -died winter." He 



Fig. 428. 



BATTISTE GOOD'S WINTER COUNT. 



327 



Fig. 429,1872-'73. — "Issue-year winter." A blanket | 
is shown near the tipi. A blanket is often used as the 
symbol for issue of goods by the United States Gov- 
ernment. 



Fig. 430, 1873-74. — "Measles-aud-sickness-used-up- 
the-people winter." 



Fig. 431, 1874-'75. — " Utes -stole -horses winter." 
They stole five hundred horses. The Utes are called 
"black m'en,"hence the man in the figure is represented 
as black. He is throwing his lariat in the direction of 
the hoof prints. 



Fig. 432, 1875-'76. — "Bull- Head- niade-a-coinineinora- 
tion-of-the-dead winter." 



Fig. 433, 1876-77.— "Female-Elk- Walks-Orying-died 
winter." For some explanation of this figure see Lone 
Dog's Winter Count for 1860-'61. 



Fig. 434, 1877-'78. — " Crazy-Horse-carae-to-make- 
peace-and-was-killed-with-his-hands-stretched-out win- 
ter." This refers to the well-known killing of the chief 
Crazy-Horse while a prisoner. 




Fig. 434. 



328 



PICTUKE-WEITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fig. 435, 1878-'79. — " Brought-the-Cheyennes-back-and-killed-tkern- 
in-the-house winter." The Cheyennes are shown in prison surrounded 
by blood stains, and with guns pointing toward them. 
The Oheyennes referred to are those who left the 
Indian Territory in 1878 and made such a determined 
effort to reach their people in the north, and who, after 
committing many atrocities, were captured and taken 
to Fort Eobinson, Nebraska. They broke from the house in which they 
were confined and attempted to escape January 9, 1879. Many of them 
were killed; it was reported at the time among the Dakotas that they 
were massacred in their prison by the troops. 



Fig. 436, 1879-'80.— " Sent -the -boys -and -girls -to- 
school winter." A boy with a pen in his hand is rep- 
resented in the picture. 



CHAPTER XI. 



NOTICES. 

This is an important division of the purposes for which pictographs 
are used. The pictographs and the objective devices antecedent to 
them under this head may be grouped as follows : 1st. Notice of visit, 
departure, and direction. 2d. Direction by drawing topographic 
features. 3d. Notice of condition. 4th. Warning and guidance. 



SECTION l. 
NOTICE OF VISIT, DEPARTURE, AND DIRECTION. 




~FlQ. 437.— Petroglyplis at Oakley spring, Arizona. 



Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of the U. S. Geological Survey, discovered draw- 
ings at Oakley spring, Yavapai County, Arizona, in 1878. He remarks 
that an Oraibi chief explained them to him and said that the " Mokis 
make excursions to a locality in the canyon of the Colorado Chiquito 
to get salt. On their return they stop at Oakley spring and each Indian 
makes a picture on the rock. Each Indian draws his crest or totem,, 
the symbol of his gens ('? ). He draws it once, and once only, at each 
visit." Mr. Gilbert adds, further, that — 

There are probably some exceptions to this, but the drawings show its general 
truth. There are a great many repetitions of the same sign and from two to ten will 

329 



330 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



often appear in a row. In several instances I saw the end drawings of a row quite 
fresh while the others were not so. Much of the work seems to have heen performed 
by pounding with a hard point, but a few pictures are scratched on. Many drawings 
are weather-worn beyond recognition, and others are so fresh that the dust left by 
the tool has not heen washed away by rain. Oakley spring is at the base of the 
Vermilion cliff, and the etchings are on fallen blocks of sandstone, a homogeneous, 
massive, soft sandstone. Tubi, the Oraibi chief above referred to, says his totem is 
the rain cloud, but it will be made no more, as he is the lasl survivor of the gens. 

A group from Oakley spring, of which Pig. 437 is a copy, furnished 
by Mr. Gilbert, measures 6 feet in length and 4 feet in height. Inter- 
pretations of several of the separated characters are given in Chapter 
xxi, infra. 

Ghamplain (b) reports: 

Quelque marque ou signal par oil ayont passe" leurs ennemis, ou leurs amis, ce 
qu'ils cognoissent par de certaines marques que les chefs se donnent d'uue nation a 
l'autre, qui ne sont pas toujours semblables, s'advertisans de temps en temps quand 
ils en changent; et par ce moyen ils recognoissent si ce sont amis ou ennemis qui 
out pass6. 

A notice of departure, direction, and purpose made in 1810 by Algon- 
quins, of the St. Lawrence Eiver, is described by John Merrick in the 
Collections of the Maine Historical Society (a), of which the following 
is an abstract : 

It was drawn with charcoal on a chip cut from a spruce tree and wedged firmly 
into the top of a stake. It represented two male Indians paddling a canoe in an 
attitude of great exertion, and in the canoe were bundles of baggage and a squaw 
with a papoose; over all was a bird on the wing ascertained to be a loon. The 
whole was interpreted by an Indian pilot on the St. Lawrence, to be a Wiekheegan 
or Awickheegan, and that it was left by a party of Indians for the information of 
their friends. The attitude of exertion showed tha t the party, consisting of two men, 
a woman, and a child, were going upstream. They intended to remain during the 
whole period allotted by Indians to the kind of hunting which was then in season, 
because they had all their furniture and family in the canoe. The loon expressed 
the intention to go without stopping anywhere before they arrived at the hunting 
ground, as the loon, from the shortness of its legs, walking with great difficulty, 
never alighted on its way. 

The following account is from Doc. Hist. N. Y. (a). 

When they go to war and wish to inform those of the party who may pass their 
path, they make a representation of the animal of their tribe, with a hatchet in his 
dexter paw ; sometimes a saber or a club ; and if there be a number of tribes together 
of the same party, each draws the animal of his tribe, and their number, all on a 
tree from which they remove the bark. The animal of the tribe which heads the 
expedition is always the foremost. 

The three following figures show the actual use of the wikhegan by 
the Abnaki in the last generation. Wikhegan is a Passamaquoddy 
word which corresponds in meaning nearly to our missive, or letter, 
being intelligence conveyed to persons at a distance by marks on a 
piece of birch bark, which may be either sent to the person or party 
with whom it is desired to hold communication, or maybe left in a con- 
spicuous place for such persons to notice on their expected arrival. In 
the cases now figured the wikhegan was left as notice of departure 
and direction. They were made at different times by the brother, now 



NOTICE OF DEPARTURE. 



331 



dead, of Big- Baven, baptized as Noel Joseph, who lived all alone on 
Long Lake, a few miles from Princeton, Maine. He would not have 
anything to do with civilization, and subsisted by hunting and fishing 
in the old fashion, nor would he learn a word of French or English. 
When he would go on any long expedition bis custom was to tie to a 
stick conspicuously attached to his wigwam a small roll of birch bark, 
with the wikhegan on it for the information of his friends. 

The upper device of Fig. 438 means, I am going across the lake to 
hunt deer. 

The middle device means, I am going towards the lake and will turn 
off at the point where there is a pointer, before reaching the lake. 

The lower device means, I am going hunting — will be gone all winter, 
the last information indicated by snowshoes and packed sledge. 




Fig. 438.— Hunting notice 



The following description of a pictograph on the Pacific coast is ex- 
tracted from Dr. Gibbs' (a) account, " Tribes of Western Washington," 
etc., Oontrib. to K A. Ethn. I, p. 222, of the Sound tribes. 

A party of Snakes are going to hunt strayed horses. A figure of a man, with a long 
queue or scalp lock, reaching to his heels, denoted Shoshone; that tribe being in 
the habit of braiding horse or other hair into their own in that manner. A number 
of marks follow, signifying the strength of the party. A footprint, pointing in the 
direction they take, shows their course, and a hoof mark turned backward, that 
they expect to return with animals. If well armed, and expecting a possible attack, 
a little powder mixed with sand tells that they are ready, or a square dotted about 
the figures indicates that they have fortified. These pictographs are often an object 
of study to decipher the true meaning. The shrewder or more experienced old men 
consult over them. It is not everyone that is sufficiently versed in the subject to 
decide correctly. 

Dr. W. J. Hoffman obtained the original of the accompanying draw- 



332 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



ing, Fig. 439, from Nauuioff, an Alaskan, in San Francisco in 1882 ; also 
the interpretation. 

The drawing was in imitation of similar ones made by the natives to 
inform their visitors or friends of their departure for a purpose desig- 
nated. They are depicted upon strips of wood, which are placed in 
conspicuous places near the doors of the habitations. 

a b c d e f g h i j Jc I 

Fig. 439.— Alaskan notice of hunt. 

The following is the explanation of the characters: a, the speaker, 
with the right hand indicating himself and with the left pointing in the 
direction to be taken; b, holding a boat-paddle, going by boat; c, the 
right hand to the side of the head, to denote sleep, and the left elevated 
with one finger erect to signify one night; d, a circle with two marks in 
the middle, signifying an island with huts upon it; e, same as a; /* a 
circle to denote another island; g, same as c, with an additional finger 
elevated, signifying two nights ; h, the speaker, with his harpoon, mak- 
ing the sign of a sea-lion with the left hand. The flat hand is held 
edgewise with the thumb elevated, then pushed outward from the body 
in a slightly downward curve. At i is represented a sea-lion ; j, shooting 
with bow and arrow; I; the boat with two persons in it, the paddles 
projecting downward; I, the winter or permanent habitation of the 
speaker. 

The following, Fig. 440, is of a similar nature to the preceding, and 
was obtained under similar circumstances. 

* <r * *r * k * if 

a bed e f g h 

Fig. 440.— Alaskan notice of departure. 

The explanation of the above characters is as follows : 

The letters a, c, e, g, represent the person spoken to. 

b. Indicates the speaker with his right hand to the side or breast, in- 
dicating self, the left hand pointing in the direction in which he is going. 

d. Both hands elevated, with fingers and thumbs signifies many, ac- 
cording to the informant. When the hands are thus held up, in sign- 
language, it signifies ten, but when they are brought toward and back- 
ward from one another, many. 

f. The right hand is placed to the head to denote sleep — many sleeps, 
or, in other words, many nights and days; the left hand points down- 
ward, at tha t place. 

h. The right hand is directed toward the starting point, while the left 
is brought upward toward the head — to go home, or whence he came. 

The drawing presented in Fig. 441 was made by a native Alaskan, 
and represents information to the effect that the artist contemplates 



NOTICE OF DIRECTION. 



333 



making a journey to hunt deer. The drawing is made upon a narrow 
strip of wood, and placed on or near the door of the house, where visi- 
tors will readily perceive it. 




Ji % 

;e of hunt . 

In this figure the curves a a represent the contour lines of the country 
and mountain peaks; b, native going away from home; c, stick placed 
on hilltop, with bunch of grass attached, pointing in the direction he 
has taken; d, native of another settlement, with whom the traveler 
remained over night; e, lodge; /, line representing the end of the first 
day, i. e., the time between two days; rest; g, traveler again on the 
way; h, making signal that on second day (right hand raised with two 
extended fingers) he saw game (deer, i,) on a hilltop, which he secured, 
so terminating his journey; i, deer. 

Figs. 442, 443, and 444 were drawn by iSTauinoff and signify " Have 
gone home." 



AAA. 



Fig. 442.— Alaskan notice of direction. 

His explanation of this figure is as follows : 

When one of a hunting party is about to return home and wishes to 
inform his companions that he has started, he ascends the hilltop 
nearest to which they became separated, where he ties a bunch of grass 
or other light-colored material to the top of a long stick or pole. The 
lower end of the stick is placed firmly in the ground, leaning in the 
direction taken. When another hill is ascended, another stick with 
similar attachment is erected, again leaning in the direction to be taken. 
These sticks are placed at proper intervals until the village is sighted. 
This device is employed by Southern Alaskan Indians. 
He explained Fig. 443 as follows : 

Seal hunters thus inform their comrades 
' that they have returned to the settle- 
ment. The first to return to the regular 
landing place sometimes sticks a piece 
of wood into the ground, leaning toward 
the village, upon which is drawn or 
scratched the outline of a baidarka, or 
skin canoe, heading toward one or more 
outlines of lodges, signifying that the 
occupants of the boat have gone toward 
their homes. 

Fig. 443.— Alaskan 




334 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



This device is used by coast natives of Southern Alaska and Kadiak. 
He explained Fig. 444 as follows : 




When hunters become separated, the one first re- 
turning to the forks of the trail puts a piece of wood 
in the ground, on the top of which he makes an inci- 
sion, into which a short piece of wood is secured hori- 
zontally, so as to point in the direction taken. 



Fig. 444.— Alaskan no- 
tice of direction. 



Maj. Long — Keating's Long (a) — says; 

When we stopped to dine, White Thunder (the Winnebago chief that accompanied 
nie), suspecting that the rest of his party were in the neighborhood, requested a piece 
of paper, pen, and ink, to communicate to them the intelligence of bis having come 
up with me. He then seated himself and drew three rude figures, which, at my re- 
quest, he explained to me. The first represented my boat with a mast and flag, with 
three benches of oars and a belmsman. To show that we were Americans, our heads 
were represented by a rude cross, indicating that we wore hats. The representation 
of himself was a rude figure of a bear over a kind of cipher, representing a hunting- 
ground. The second figure was designed to show that his wife was with him ; the 
device was a boat with a squaw seated in it ; over her head lines were drawn in a 
zigzag direction, indicating that she was the wife of White Thunder. The third 
was a boat with a bear sitting at ihe helm, showing that an Indian of that name [or 
of the bear gens] had been seen on his way up the river and had given intelligence 
where the party were. This paper ho set up at the mouth of Kickapoo creek, up 
which the party had gone on a hunting trip. 

An ingenious mode of giving intelligence is practiced at this day by 
the Abnaki, as reported by H. L. Masta, chief of that tribe, lately liv- 
ing at Pierreville, Quebec. When they are in the woods, to say "I am 
going to the east," a stick is stuck in the ground pointing in that direc- 
tion, Fig. 445, a. "I am not gone far," another stick is stuck across 
the former, close to the ground, same figure, b. "Gone far" is the 
reverse, same figure, c. The number of days' journey of proposed ab- 
sence is shown by the same number of sticks across the first; thus, 
same figure, d, signifies five days' journey. 

Fig. 446, scratched on birch bark, was given to the present writer at 
Frederictou, New Brunswick, in August, 1888, by Gabriel Acquin, an 
Amalecite, then 66 years old, who spoke English quite well. The cir- 
cumstances under which it was made and used are in the Amalecite's 
words, as follows : 

"When I was about 18 years old I lived at a village 11 miles above 
Frederictou and went with canoe and gun. I canoed down to Washa- 
demoak lake, about 40 miles below Frederictou; then took river until 
it became too narrow for canoe; then ' carried' to Buctoos river; fol- 
lowed down to bay of Chaleur ; went up the northwest Mirimachi, and 



AMALECITE NOTICE. 



335 



•carried' into the Xepisigiut. Tliere spent the summer. On that river 
met a friend of my time; we camped there. 

"One time while I was away my friend had gone down the river by 
himself and had not left any wikhe'gan for me. I had planned to go off 
and left for him this wikhe'gan, to tell where I would be and how long- 
gone. The wigwam at the lower left-hand corner showed the one used 
by us, with the river near it. The six notches over the door of the 
wigwam meant that I would be gone six days. The canoe and man 




c 

Fig. 445.— Abnaki notice of direction. 



nearest to the wigwam referred to my friend, who had gone in the oppo- 
site direction to that I intended to travel. Next to it I was represented 
in my own canoe, with rain falling, to show the day I started, which 
was very rainy. Then the canoe carried by me by a trail through woods 
shows the 'carry' to jSTictaux lake, beside which is a very big mountain. 
I stayed at that lake for six days, counting the outgoing and returning. 
As I had put the wikhe'gan in the wigwam before I started, my friend 
on bis return understood all about me, and, counting six from and in- 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS 



^ > 




. 446.— Amrdccito notion of trip. 



eluding the rainy day, knew just 
when I was coming back, and was 
waiting for me." 

The chief point of interest in this 
notice is the ingenious mode of fixing 
the date of departure. The marks 
for rain are nearly obliterated, but it 
flows from the man's hair. The topo- 
grapyh is also delineated. 

The following is extracted fromi 
James Long's Expedition (6) : 

On the bank of the Platte river was a 
semicircular row of sixteen bison skulls, 
with their noses pointing down the river. 
Near the center of the circle which this row 
would describe, if continued, was another 
skull marked with a number of red lines. 

Our interpreter informed us that this 
arrangement of skulls and other marks here 
discovered were designed to communicate 
the following information, namely, that the 
camp had been occupied by a war party of 
the Skeeree or Pawnee Loup Indians, who 
had lately come from an excursion against 
the Cumancias, Ietans, or some of the 
western tribes. The number of red lines 
traced on the painted skull indicated the 
number of the party to have been thirty- 
six; the position in which the skulls were 
placed, that they were on their return to 
their own country. Two small rods stuck 
in the ground, with a few hairs tied in two 
parcels to the end of each, signified that 
four scalps had been taken. 

When a hunting party of the 
Hidatsa arrived at any temporary 
camping ground from which some of 
them had left on a short reconnoit 
ering expedition, the remainder, hav- 
■v^iiig occasion to move, erect a pole 
^ and cause it to lean in the direction 
taken. At the foot of this pole a 
buffalo shoulder blade or other flat 
bone is placed, upon which is depic- 
ted the reason of departure; e. g. 
should buffalo or antelope be seen, 
the animal is drawn with a piece of 
charred wood or red lead. 

When a Hidatsa party has gone 
on the warpatb, and a certain num- 



MALLERY.] 



NOTICE OF DIRECTION. 



337 



ber is detailed to take another direction, the point of separation is 
taken as the rendezvous. After the return of the first party to the 
rendezvous, should the second not come up in a reasonable length of 
time, they will set sticks in the ground leaning in the direction to be 
taken, and notches are cut into the upper ends of the sticks to repre- 
sent the number of nights spent there by the waiting party. 

A party of Hidatsa who may be away from home for any purpose 
whatever often appoint a rendezvous, from which point they return to 
their respective lodges. Should one of the party return to the rendez- 
vous before any others and wish to make a special trip, he will, for the 
information of the others, place a stick of about 3 or 4 feet in length in 
the ground, upon the upper end of which a notch is cut, or perhaps a 
split made for the reception of a thinner piece of twig or branch having 
a length of about a foot. This horizontal top piece is inserted at one 
end, so that the whole may point in the direction to be taken. Should 
he wish to say that the trail would turn at a right angle, to either 
side, at about half the distance of the whole journey in prospect, the 
horizontal branch is either bent in that direction or a naturally curved 
branch is selected having the turn at the middle of its entire length, 




Fig. 447.— Ojibwa notice of direction. 



thus corresponding to the turn in the trail. Any direction can be indi- 
cated by curves in the top branch. 

No prescribed system of characters is used at the present time by the 
Ojibwa, in the indication of direction or travel. When anyone leaves 
canip or home for any particular hunting or berry ground, a concerted 
arrangement is made by which only those interested can, with any cer- 
tainty, recognize "blaze" or trail marks. 

Three characters cut upon the bark of large pine trees observed in 
the forest near Eed Lake, Minnesota, are shown in Fig. 447. The 
Ojibwa using such a mark will continue on a trail leading from his 
home, until he leaves the trail, when a conspicuous tree, or in its ab- 
sence a piece of wood or bark, is selected upon which a human figure is 
cut, with one arm elevated and pointing in the direction to be taken. 
These figures measure about 18 inches in height. Those represented 
on the two sides of the copy were cut into the bark of a "jack pine" 
without coloration, and the one in the middle had been rubbed with 
red chalk upon the wood of the trunk after the bark had been removed 
and the incision made. The middle figure indicates the direction by 
its bearings, although the pointers are differently arranged. 
10 eth 22 



338 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Plain sticks are sometimes used by the Ojibwa to indicate direction. 
These vary in length according to the fancy of the person and the 
requirements of the case. They are stuck into the ground, and lean in 
the direction to which notice is invited. 

When a preconcerted arrangement is made, scrolls of birch bark are 
used, upon which important geographic features are delineated, so that 
the reader can, with little difficulty, learn the course taken by the 
traveler. For instance, a hunter upon leaving his home, deposits there 
a scroll bearing marks such as appear in Fig. 448: 



If 




Fig. 448.— Ojibwa notice of direction. 

a is a stream to be followed to a lake b, where the hunter will erect 
his lodge c, during his stay. The do-dem (totem) is added, used be- 
tween persons or parties communicating, to show who was the one that 
drew it. It is in the nature of a signature. 

Fig. 449 shows a still existing use of the wikhegan between a Penob- 
scot Indian and his nephew. It is copied from the original, incised on 
birch bark, by Nicholas Francis, a Penobscot, of Oldtown, Maine, which 
was obtained and kindly presented by Miss A. L. Alger of Boston. 




Fig. 449. — Penobscot notice of direction. 



Pitalo (Eoaring Lion), English name, Noel Lyon, and his old uncle, 
aged over 70 years, went trapping for beaver in 1885 and camped at d, 
near Moosehead Lake h, having their supply tent at e. They visited 
the ponds a and b and knew there were beaver there, and set traps 
for them,//. The beaver dams are also shown extending across the 
outlets of the streams. Noel came back from pond b one day to the 



PASSAMAQUODDY DIRECTION. 



339 



camping tent and found tbis birch-bark wikhegan made by the old 
uncle, who still used the pictograpbic method, as be does not know how 
to write, and by this Noel knew his uncle had gone to pond c to see if 
there were any beaver there and would be gone one night, the latter 
.expressed by one line g drawn between the two arrows pointing in op- 
posite directions, showing the going and returning on the same trail. 

The notable part of the above description is that the wikhegan con- 
sisted of the chart of the geographic features before traversed by the 
two trappers, with the addition of new features of the country undoubt- 
edly known to both of the Indians, but not before visited in the present 
expedition. This addition exhibited the departure, its intent, direction, 
and duration. 




Fig. 450. — Pa^samaq uo.lih in. tire of direction. 



Sapiel Selmo, a chief of the Passamaquoddy tribe, who gave to the 
writer the wikhegan copied as Fig. 450, in 1887, was then a very aged 
man and has since died. He lived at Pleasant point, 7 miles north of 
Eastport, Maine. He was the son of a noted chief, Selmo Soctomah 
(a corruption of St. Thomas), who, as shown by a certificate exhibited, 
commanded 600 Passamaquoddy Indians in the Revolutionary war. 
When a young man Sapiel, with his father, had a temporary camp, a, 
at Machias Lake. He left his father and went to their permanent 
home at Pleasant Point, b, to get meat, and then returned to tbe first 
camp (route shown by double track) and found that his father had 
gone, but that he had left in the temporary wigwam the wikhegan on 
birch bark, showing that he had killed one moose, the meat of which 
Sapiel found in the snow, and that the father was going to hunt moose 



340 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



on the other lake (East Machias lake) and would camp there three 
days, shown by the same number of strokes at c; so he waited for him 
until he came back. 

Josiah Gregg (a) says of the Plains tribes: 

When traveling they -will also pile heaps of stones upon mounds or conspicuous 
points so arranged as to be understood l>y their passing comrades; and sometimes 
they set up the bleached buffalo heads, which are everywhere scattered over those 
plains, to indicate the direction of their march, and many other facts which may 
be communicated by those simple signs. 

Putnam (a) gives one example of this character: 

A family of five persons were killed — a tall man, a short, fat woman, and three 
children — at some place to the north. Five sticks were cut of various lengths. The 
longest being forked or split indicated the man, the thick short one the woman, 
and three of smaller sizes and lengths the children. They were all scalped, as is 
shown by the peeling of the bark. There were thirteen Indians, as we are informed 
by the stick with stripes and thirteen notches; and they have fled south with two 
prisoners, as we judge from the pointer and little strips of bark seemingly tied 
together. Sometimes all the intimations would be on one stick or piece of bark. A 
spy finding, at places well known, some of these mysterious articles, would bring 
them to the station, where a consultation would be held and conclusion drawn as to 
the meaning. A spy or hunter would intimate to his friend his want of powder or 
lead or other want and the place at which he would look for supplies. 

Hind (a) speaks of a special form of notice by the natives of the Lab- 
rador peninsula: 

To indicate their speed and direct ion on a march, the Nasquapees of the Labrador 
peninsula thrust a stick in the ground, with a tuft of grass at the top, pointing 
toward their line of route, and they show the rate at which thev are traveling by 
the greater or less inclination of the stick. This mode of communicating intelligence 
to those who may follow is universal among Indians ; but the excellent and simple 
contrivance for describing the speed at which they travel is not generally employed 
as far as I am aware, by other nations. 

Mr. Charles G. Leland, in a letter, tells that the English gypsies, at 
a crossroad, drew the ordinary Latin cross with the long arm pointing 
in the direction taken. Others pulled up three bunches of grass by the 
roots and laid the green points in the direction. Others again, at the 
present time, take a small stick and set it up inclining at an angle of 
45 degrees in the line of travel. 

Dr. George M. Dawson (a) re] torts of the Shuswap people of British 
Columbia — 

A rag of clothing, particularly a small piece or pieces of colored or other easily 
recognizable material from a woman's dress, left in a forked twig, indicates that a 
person or party of persons has passed. If the stick stands upright, it means that 
the hour was noon, if inclined it may either point to the direction of the sun at the 
time or show the direction in which the person or party went. If it is desired to 
show both, a larger stick points to the position of the sun, a smaller to that of the 
route followed. If those for whose information the signs are left are likely to arrive 
after an interval of several days, a handful of fresh grass or a leafy branch may be 
left, from the condition of which an estimate of the time which has elapsed can be 
formed. Such signs are usually placed near the site of the camp fire. 

The device to indicate the time of depositing the notice may be com- 
pared with that shown in Fig. 440. 



NOTICE BY MAPS. 



34] 



SECTION 2. 

DIRECTION BY DRAWING TOPOGRAPHIC FEATURES. 

Fig. 451 is a notice by Micmac scouts, which tribe was then at war 
with the Passamaquoddy, erected on a tree, to warn the rest of the 
tribe that ten Passamaquoddy Indians have been observed in canoes 
on the lake going toward the outlet of the lake and probably down 
the river. The Passamaquoddy tribal pictograph is shown and the 
whole topography is correctly drawn. 

Notes in literature relating to the skill of the North American Indi- 
ans in delineating geographic features are very frequent. The follow- 
ing are selected for reference : 

Champlain (c), in 1605, described how the natives on the coast drew 
with charcoal its bays, capes, and the mouths of rivers with such 
accuracy that Massachusetts bay and Merrimack river have been iden- 
tifled. 




-Fig. 451.— Micmac notice of direction. 



Lahtau (d) says of the northeastern tribes of Indians — 
lis tracent grossiereinent sur des e"eorees, on sur le sable, des Cartes exactes, et 
ausquelles il ne manque que la distinction des degre"s. lis conservent meme de ees 
sortes de Cartes Geographiques dans leur Tresor public, pour les consulter dans le 
besoin. 

Sir Alexander Mackenzie, (a) in 1793, spoke of the skilled manner of 
chart-making by an Athabascan tribe, in which the Columbia river was 
drawn. 

An interesting facsimile of a map with which the treaty of Hopewell, 
in 1S75, made by the Cherokees, is connected, appears in American 
State Papers, Indian Affairs, i. -40. 

Hind (b) writes: 

On lake Tash-ner-nus-kow, Labrador, -was found a "letter" stuck in a cleft pole 
overbanging the bank. It was written ou birchbark, and consisted of a small map 
of tbe country, with, arrows showing the direction the writer had taken, some crosses 
indicating where he had camped, and a large cross to show where he intended to 
make his first winter quarters It was probably written by some Nasquapees as a 
guide to others who might be passing up the river or hunting in the country. 

The Tegua Pueblos, of New Mexico, '-traced upon the ground a 
sketch of then country, with the names and locations of the pueblos 
occupied in New Mexico," a copy of which, 4< somewhat improved," is 
given by Lieut. Whipple (c). 



342 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



A Yuma map of the Colorado river, with the names and locations of 
tribes within its valley, is also figured in the last mentioned volume, 
page 19. The map was originally traced upon the ground. 

A Piute map of the Colorado river, which was obtained by Lieut. 
Whipple, is also figured in the same connection. 

Lean- Wolf, of the Hidatsa, who drew the picture of which Fig. 452 
is a copy, made a trip on foot from Fort Berthold to Fort Buford, 
Dakota, to steal a horse from the Dakotas encamped there. The return- 
ing horse tracks show that he was successful and that he rode home. 
The following is his explanation of the characters : 

Lean-Wolf is represented at a by the head only of a man to which is attached 
the outline of a wolf; I, Hidatsa earth lodges, circular in form, the spots represent- 
ing the pillars supporting the roof— Indian village at Fort Berthold, Dakota; c, 
human footprints, the course taken by the recorder; d, the Government buildings 
at Fort Buford (square) ; e, several Hidatsa lodges (round), the occupants of which 




Fig. 452.— Lean- Wolf s map. Hidatsa. 



had intermarried with the Dakotas; /, Dakota lodges; g, a small square — a white 
man's house — with a cross marked upon it to represent a Dakota lodge, which 
denotes that the owner, a white man, had married a Dakota woman, who dwelt 
there; h, horse tracks returning to Fort Berthold; %, the Missouri river; j, Tule 
creek; k, Little Knife river; I, White Earth river; m, Muddy creek; n, Yellowstone 
river; o, Little Missouri river; p, Dancing Beard creek. 

The following illustration, Fig. 453, is the chart of the field of a bat- 
tle between Ojibwas and Sioux with its description. The illustration, 
made by Ojibwa, the old Indian elsewhere mentioned, was drawn on 
birch bark, while the details of the description were oral. The locality 
referred to is above the mouth of Crow river, near Sauk rapids, Min- 
nesota. 

The chart refers to an episode of war in 1854, when 3 Ojibwa were 
pursued by 50 Dakota. Many of the lakes appear to be duplicated in 
name, simply because no special name for them was known. 



[ALLERY.] 



TOPOGRAPHIC FEATURES. 



343 



Dr. Hoffman tells how at G-rapevine springs, Nevada, in 1871, the 
Paiute living at that locality informed the party of the relative position 
of Las Vegas, the objective point. The Indian sat upon the sand and 
with his hands formed an oblong ridge to represent Spring mountain, 
and southeast of this ridge another gradual slope, terminating on the 
eastern side more abruptly; over the latter he passed his fingers to 
represent the side valleys running eastward. He then took a stick and 




Fig. 453.— Chart of battle- fielrt. 



In the description a is the Mississippi river; 6, Crow river; c, branch of Crow 
river ; d, e, f, Crow lakes ; g, Rice lake ; h, Clear Water lake ; i, Clear Water river ; 

Sauk river; k, Big Sauk lake; I, Big prairie lake; m, Osakis lake; n, Sauk rapids; 
o and p, canoe and deer-hunting and fishing grounds; q, 1 man and 2 women killed 
(Ojibwas); r, Sauk Center; s, copses of timber — known as timber islands — on the 
prairie. 

showed the direction of the old Spanish trail running east and west 
over the lower portion of the last-named ridge. When this was com- 
pleted, with a mixture of English, Spanish, Paiute, and gesture signs, 
he told that from where they were now they would have to go south- 
ward east of Spring mountain to the camp of Paiute Charlie, where they 
would have to sleep ; then indicated a line southeastward to another 
spring (Stump's) to complete the second day; then he followed the line 
representing the Spanish trail to the east of the divide of the second 
ridge above named, where he left it, and passing northward to the first 
valley he thrust the short stick into the ground and said, ' Las Vegas." 
Mr. W. von Streeruwitz, of the Geological Survey of Texas, contrib- 



344 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



utes the copy of a map, evidently the work of Indians, which is received 
too late for reproduction. The map is roughly scratched into the flat 
surface of a large granite block, and is an approximately correct sketch 
of a pass and the nearest surrounding. The rock is situated in the pass 
above the so-called rattlesnake or mica tank, in a spur on the west side 
of the Van Horn mountains, El Paso county, Texas. An Indian trail 
passes near the very rough and weathered rear part of the rock, which 
on this side shows weak traces of some scratched-in drawings, which 
are nearly weathered off, made no doubt with the purpose to lead the 
attention of passing parties to the other side of the rock upon which 
the map is drawn. An old trail leads from the Eio Grande across the 
Eagle mountains to this pass and in the shortest line from the Green 
river valley to the northern main range of the Van Horn and from 
there east to the Davis mountains, formerly Apache mountains, and 
thence through the southern extension of the Guadeloupe mountains 
to this range and into New Mexico; also through the Sierra Oarrizo to 
the Sierra Diablo ; so that this trail must be regarded as one of the 
best warpaths for raids across the Eio Grande. An arrowhead at the 
upper end of the trail points out water (small or doubtful supply), as 
far as could be ascertained from drawings made by Apaches. 



Following are modes of exhibiting pictographically topograpic fea- 
tures, Eig. 454 : 

a, from Copway's Ojibway Nation, p. 136, represents " mountains." 

b is the Chinese character for " mountain," from Edkins, p. 14. " A 
picture of the object. More anciently, two upright cones or triangles 
connected at their bases." 

v is the representation by the Dakotas of a gap in the mountains, 
taken from Red-Cloud's census. 

d, from Copway, p. 135, represents "islands." 

e, from the same, p. 134, is a representation of the character for "sea"' 
or "water," probably a large body of water, e. g., lake, such as the 
Ojibwa were familiar with. 

/ is from the same authority, p. 134. It shows the character for 
"river" or "stream." 

g gives two Chinese characters for "river," "stream," from Edkins, 
p. 14. Three parallel lines drawn downward express "flowing" in all 
cases. 





454.— Topographic features. 



GREENLAND MAP. 



345 



h is the Chinese character for "flowing water," from Edkins, p. 23. 
"In the Chwen wen three strokes descending* indicate the appearance 
of flowing water as seen in a river. The two outside strokes are broken 
in the middle." 

The same authority, p. 155, gives another character, i, with the same 




meaning as the last. The author says : " It is supposed to be turned 
on end. It is better to regard the old form with its three descending 
lines as a picture of water flowing downward." 

fc, from Copway (a), represents the character for "land." It is a tur- 



346 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



tie, and refers to a common cosniologic myth concerning the recovery 
of land after the deluge. 

G. Holm (a) gives the following account, translated and condensed, 
descriptive of Fig. 455, a wooden map made by the natives of the east 
coast of Greenland : 

In reference to map making I will only remark that many are inclined to enlarge 
the scale as they approach the better known places, which in fact is quite natural, 
as they would not otherwise find room for all details. As a natural result, map draw- 
ing in the form of ground plat is something quite new to them. Their mode of 
representing their land is by carving it on wood. This has the advantage that not 
only the contour of the land, but also its appearance and rock forms, can in a certain 
degree be represented. 

The block of wood brought back represents the tract between Kaugerdluarsikajik, 
cast of Scrmiligak. and Sieralik. north of Kaugerdlugsnatsiak. The mainland con- 
tinues from one side of the wooden block to the other, while the islands are located 
on the accompanying block without regard to the distance between them in refer- 
ence to the mainland. All places where there are old ruins of houses, and therefore 
good storage places, are marked on the wood map, which also shows the points 
where a kayak can be carried over the ground between two fiords when the sea ice 
blocks the headland outside. This kind of models serves to represent the route the 
person in question has followed, inasmuch as during his recital he moves the stick, 
so that the islands are shown in their relative positions. The other wooden map, 
which was prepared by request, represents the peninsula between Sermiligak and 
Kaugerdluarsikajik. 

A and B represent the tract between Kaugerdluarsikajik (immediately east of 
Sermiligak) and Sieralik (slightly north of Kangerdlugsuatsiak). B represents the 
coast of the mainland, and is continuous from one side of the block to the other, 
while the outlying islands are represented by the wooden block of A, on which the 
connecting pieces between the various islands must be imagined as being left out. 
"While the narrator explains the map he moves the stick to and fro, so as to get the 
islands into the right position in reference to the mainland. 

Kunit explained the map to me. The names of the islands on A are: a, Sardler- 
rniut, on the west side of which is the site of an old settlement ; 6, Nepinerkit (from 
napavok), having the shape of a pyramid; c, Ananak, having the site of an old set- 
tlement on the southwest point. (Note. — Others give the name Ananak to the cape 
on the mainland directly opposite, calling the island Kajartalik.) d, Aputitek; e, 
Itivdlersuak ; /, Kujutilik; g, Sikivitik. 

For B I obtained the following names, beginning at the north, as in the case of 
the islands : h, Itivdlek, where there are remains of a house ; i, Sierak, a small fiord, 
in which salmon are found; h, Sarkarmiut, where there are remains of a house; I, 
Kangerdlugsuatsiak, a fiord of such length that a kayak can not even in a whole 
day row from the mouth to the head of the fiord and back again; to, Erserisek, a 
little fiord; rt, Nutugat, a little fiord with a creek at the bottom; o, Merkeriak, 
kayak portage from Nutngkat to Erserisek along the bank of the creek, when the 
heavy ice blocks the headland between the two fiords; p, Ikerasakitek, a bay in 
which the land ice goes straight out to the sea; q, Kangerajikajik, a cape; r, Kavd- 
lunak, a bay into which runs a creek; s, Apusinek, a long stretch where the land 
ice passes out into the sea; t, Tatorisik; u, Iliartalik, a fiord with a smaller creek; 
r, Nuerniakat; x, Kugpat; y, Igdluarsik; z, Saugmilek, a little fiord with a creek; 
«o, Nutugkat; bb, Amagat; cc, Kangerdluarsikajik, a smaller fiord; dd, Kernertu- 
arsik. _ 

C represents the peninsula between the fiords Sermiligak and Kangerdluarsikajik. 



MALLERY.] 



NOTICE OF CONDITION. 



347 



SECTION 3. 
NOTICE OF CONDITION. 

In the curious manuscript of G-ideoii Lincecum, written with Soman 
characters in the Choctaw language about 1818, and referring to the 
ancient customs of that tribe, appears the following passage (p. 276) : 

They had a significant and very ingenious method of marking the stakes so that 
each iksa could know its place as soon as they saw the stake that had been set 
up for them. Every clan had a name, which was known to all the rest. It was a 
species of heraldry, each iksa having its coat of arms. The iksas all took the name 
of some animal — buffalo, panther, dog, terrapin, any race of animals — and a little 
picture of whatever it might be, sketched on a blazed tree or stake, indicated the 
clan to which it belonged. They could mark a tree when they were about to leave 
a camp, in their traveling or hunting excursions, with a set of hieroglyphs, that any 
other set of hunters or travelers who might pass that way could read, telling what 
iksa they belonged to, how long they had remained at that camp, how many there 
were in the company, if any were sick or dead, and if they had been successful or 
otherwise in the hunt. Thus, drawn very neatly on a peeled tree near the camp, a 
terrapin; five men marching in a row, with bows ready strung in their hands, large 
packs on their backs, and one man behind, no pack, bow unstrung; one circle, 
half circle, and sis short marks in front of the half circle; below, a bear's head, a 
buffalo head, and the head of an antelope. The reading is, "Terrapin iksa, 6 men 
in company, one sick; successful hunt in killing bear, buffalo, and antelope; that 
they remained at the camp a moon and a half and sis days, and that they have gone 
home." 

Among the Abnaki of the Province of Quebec, as reported by Masta, 
their chief, cutting the bark off from a tree on one, two, three, or four 
sides near the butt means "Have had poor, poorer, poorest luck." 
Cutting it off all around the tree means " I am starving." Smoking a 
piece of birch bark and hanging it on a tree means " I am sick." 

Tanner's Narrative (c) mentions regarding the Ojibwa that, in cases 
where the information to be communicated is that the party mentioned 
is starving, the figure of a man is sometimes drawn, and his mouth is 
painted white, or white paint may be smeared about the mouth of the 
animal, if it happens to be one, which is his totem. 

Fig. 456 is a copy of a drawing incised on birch bark by the old 
Passamaquoddy chief, Sapiel Selmo, who made comments upon it as 
follows: Two hunters followed the river a until it branches off 6, c. 
Indian d takes one river and its lakes and small branches, and the 
other hunter (not figured in the chart) follows the other branch and 
also claims its small streams and lakes. Sometimes during the winter 
they visit one another. If it happen that the other hunter was away 
from his wigwam e and if the visiting hunter wishes to leave word with 
his friend and wishes to inform him of his luck, he makes a picture on a 
piece of birch bark and describes such animals he has killed with the 
number of animals as seen in / and g (figure of moose's head) which, 
with two crosses to each, means 20 moose. He killed in each hunt 
altogether 40. h is a whole moose, also with two crosses, and means 
20, and also the figure of a caribou % with one cross means 10 caribou, 



348 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



and also a figure of a bear with four crosses j means 40 bears, and Jc 
shows a figure of bear with one cross which means 10 bears, and also a 
sable I with five crosses means 50 sables. If he wish to inform him 
he is in poor luck and hungry, he marked a figure of an Indian with a 
pot on one hand, the pot upside down; this means hunger. A figure 
of an Indian in lying position means sickness. 

Fig. 457 was also incised on birch bark by Sapiel Selmo and de- 
scribed by him. 

Two Indian hunters follow the river to hunt. They go together as 
far as the river's forks and then separate. One went to the river c. 
The other follows river e and kills a moose. They both build their 
winter wigwams. 




Fid. 45C».— Paasamarmoddy Tvikhegaii. 



Indian b went to hunt and found a bear's den under the foot of a big 
tree. He attempted to stab the bear, but missed the vital part. The 
bear got hold of him, bit him severely, and mortally wounded him. He 
went to his wigwam h and thinks he is going to die, so he makes his 
mark or wikhegan on a birch-bark. He makes notches _y on the bark 
to mean his tracks and also marks a tree as in / and also a bear as in g. 
His friend d came to visit him and found him lying dead in his wigwam, 
and also found the marks on the piece of birch-bark, which he read and 
knew at once his partner was killed by the bear, and be followed his 
bear tracks, and he also found the bear dead. 

a. Main river, b. One of the Indians who goes up c, branch of river. 



PASSAMAQUODDY WIKHEGAN. 



349 



d. The other Indian who goes on c, another branch of river. /. Tree 
above the bear's den. g. Bear. 7*. Wigwam of Indian b. i. Moose 
which Indian d killed, j. Tracks of Indian b. Je. Bear's den under the 
tree. /. Indian (Z's wigwam. 

Fig. 158 originally scraped on birch bark tells its own story, but was 
described by Sapiel Selmo, who drew it, thus : 

Two Indian hunters, b and c, went to hunt and follow river, a. They 
continued together as far as d, where the river branches off. Indian 
c follows the east branch e. He went as far as lake /, where he built 




FlG/457.— Passaroaquoddy wikhegan. 



his wigwam g. Indian c is very unlucky ; he doesn't kill any bears or 
moose, so he became very hungry. Indian b, who had followed the 
north branch and built his wigwam, I, near lake fc, went to visit Indian 
c, who was away at the time, but b found mark on the birch bark, a 
pot upside dowu, h\ this means hunger. He also makes his own mark, 

a moose's head, showing success. He appoints lake j, wbere he killed 
moose, and wants him, c, to come to his, &'s, wigwam I. 

o, lower lake, not connected with the story, but doubtless drawn 



350 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



to complete the topography. The two trails, m and n, are designated 
by notches showing foot-path or snow-shoe tracks. The Abnaki have 
footpaths or snow-shoe tracks where the line of kelhign sisel, or sable 
dead falls, extends from one hunting camp to another, between two 
lakes or rivers. 



The Ottawa and the Pottawatomi Indians indicate hunger and starva- 
tion by drawing a black line across the breast or stomach of the figure 
of a man. (See Fig. 1046.) This drawing is either incised upon a piece 




Fig. 458. — Paasamaquoddj- wikhegau. 



of wood, or drawn on it with a mixture of powdered charcoal and glue 
water, or red ocher. The piece of wood is then attached to a tree or 
fastened to a pole, and erected near the lodge on a trail, where it will 
be observed by passers by, who are thus besought to come to the rescue 
of the sufferer who erected the notice. 

Fig. 459 illustrates information with regard to distress in another 
village, which occasioned the departure of the party giving the notifi- 
cation. The drawing was made in 1882 by the Alaskan, Naumoff, in 
imitation of drawings used at his home. The designs are traced upon 



MALLERY.] 



ALASKAN NOTICES. 



351 



a strip of wood, which is then stuck upon the roof of the house belong- 
ing to the draftsman. 

a, the summer habitation, showing a stick leaning in the direction to 
be taken ; &, the baidarka, containing the residents of the house ; the 
first person is observed pointing forward, indicating that they "go by- 
boat to the other settlement"; c, a grave stick, indicating a death in 
the settlement; d, e, summer and winter habitations, denoting a village. 

a b c d e 

Fig. 459.— Alaskan notice of distress. 

The drawing, Fig. 460, also made in 1882, by a native Alaskan, in 
imitation of originals familiar to him in Alaska, is intended to be 
placed in a conspicious portion of a settlement which has been attacked 
by a hostile force and finally deserted. The last one to leave prepares 
the drawing upon a strip of wood to inform friends of the resort of the 
survivors. 

a represents three hills or ranges, signifying that the course taken 



a b c d e J 

Fig. 460. Alaskan notice of departure, and refuge. 

would carry them beyond that number of hills or mountains; b, the 
draftsman, indicating the direction, with the left hand pointing to the 
ground, one hill, and the right hand indicating the number two, the 
number still to be crossed; c, a circular piece of wood or leather, with 
the representation of a face, placed upon a pole and facing the direction 
to be taken from the settlement; in this instance the drawing of the 
character denotes a hostile attack upon the town, for which misfortune 
such devices are sometimes erected ; d, e, winter and summer habita- 



abed e f g li 

Fig. 461. — Notice of departure to relieve distress. Alaska. 

tions , /, storehouse, erected upon upright poles. The latter device is 
used by Alaskan coast natives generally. 

The design shown in Fig. 461 is in imitation of drawings made by 
natives of Southern Alaska to convey to the observer the information 
that the draftsman had gone away to another settlement, the inhab- 
itants of which were in distress. The drawings were made on a strip 
of wood which was placed at the door of the house, where it might be 
seen by visitors or inquirers. 



352 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Naumoff gave the following explanation: a, a native making the 
gesture of indicating seZ/with the right hand and with the left indi- 
cating direction of going; b, the native's habitation; c, scaffold used 
for drying fish; upon the top of a pole is placed a piece of wood tied 
so that the longest end points in the direction to be taken by the re- 
lief party; d, the baidarka conveying it; e, a native of the settlement 
to be visited; f, summer habitation; g, "shaman stick," or grave stick, 
erected to the memory of a recently deceased person, the cause which 
has necessitated the journey ; h, winter habitation. This, together with 
/, indicates a settlement. 

Fig. 402, also drawn by Naumoff, means "ammunition wanted." 

A When a hunter is tracking game and exhausts his 

A»i £Jr^^£s ammun *ti° n ? ue returns to the nearest and most con- 
^^S^psi^f spicuous part of the trail and sticks his ihii n uk in the 
Hfc -r-^jL — ground, the top leaning in the direction taken. The 
- rf==: ~--^-- — — ihu n uk is the pair of sticks arranged like the letter 
1 10 wauted. A Alaska. 1011 A, used as a gun-rest. This method of transmitting 
the request to the first passer is resorted to by the coast people of 
Southern Alaska. 

Fig. 403, also drawn by Naumoff, means "discovery of bear; assist- 
ance wanted." 

When a hunter discovers a bear and requires assist- 
ance, he ties together a bunch of grass, or other fibrous 
matter, in the form of the animal and places it upon a 
long stick or pole which is erected at a conspicuous 
point. The head of the effigy is directed toward the 
locality where the animal was last seen, 
wanted in huait. Xiaska. This device is used by most of the Alaskan Indians. 

Fig. 404 was also drawn by Naumoff, and signifies "starving hunt- 
ers." 

Hunters who have been unfortunate, and are suffering from hunger, 
scratch or draw on a piece of wood characters similar to those figured, 
and place the lower end of the stick in the ground on the trail where 
there is the greatest chauce of its discovery. The stick is inclined 





toward their shelter. The following are the details of the information 
contained in the drawing: 

a, A horizontal line denoting a canoe, showing the persons to be 
fishermen; b, a man with both arms extended signifying nothing, corre- 
sponding with the gesture for negation; c, a person with the right hand 
to the mouth, signifying to eat, the left hand pointing to the house 
occupied by the hunters; d, the shelter. 



ALASKAN NOTICES. 



353 



The whole signifies that there is nothing to eat in the house. This is 
used by natives of Southern Alaska. 




Fig. 465, with the same signification and from the same hand, is 
similar to the preceding in general design. This is placed in the ground 
near the landing place of the canoemen, so that the top points toward 
the lodge. The following is the explanation of the characters: 

a, Baidarka, showing double projections at bow, as well as the two 
men, owners, in the boat; &, a man making the gesture for nothing 
(see in this connection Fig. 983); c, gesture drawn, denoting to eat, 
with the right hand, while the left points to the lodge; d, a winter habi- 
tation. 

This is used by the Alaskan coast natives. 



SECTION 4 . 



WARNING AND GUIDANCE. 

The following description of an Ojibwa notice of a murderer's being 
at large is extracted from Tanner's Narrative: (d). 

As I was one morning passing one of our usual encamping places I saw on shore a 
little stick standing in the bank and attached to the top of it a piece of birchbark. 
On examination I found the mark of a rattlesnake with a knife, the handle touching 
the snake and the point sticking into a bear, the head of the latter being down. 
Near the rattlesnake was the mark of a beaver, one of its dugs, it being a female, 
touching the snake. This was left for my information, and I learned from it that 
■\Va-me-gon-a-biew, whose totem was She-she-gwah, the rattlesnake, had killed a 
man whose totem was Muk-kwah, the bear. The murderer could be no other than 
Wa-me-gon-a-biew, as it was specified that he was the son of a woman whose totem 
was the heaver, and this I knew could be no other than Net-no-kwa. 

An amusing instance of the notice or warning, "No thoroughfare," 
is presented in Fig. 466. It was taken in 1880 from a rock drawing in 
Canyon de Chelly, New Mexico, by Mr. J. K. Hitlers, photographer of 
the TJ. S. Geological Survey. 

The design on the left is undoubtedly a notice in the nature of warn- 
ing, that, although a goat can climb up the rocky trail, a horse would 
tumble down. 

During his connection with the geographic surveys west of the one 
hundredth meridian, Dr. Hoffman observed a practice among the 
Tivatikai Shoshoni, of Nevada, of erecting heaps of stones along or near 
trails to indicate the direction to be taken and followed to reach springs 
10 eth 23 



354 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



of water. Upon slight elevations of ground, or at points where a trail 
bianehed into two or more directions, or at the intersection of two 
trails, a heap of stones would be placed varying in height according to 
the elevation requisite to attract attention. Upon the top of this would 
be fixed an elongated piece of rock so placed that the most conspicuous 
point projected and pointed in the course to be followed. This was 



continued sometimes at intervals of several miles unless indistinct 
portions of a trail or intersections demanded a repetition at shorter 
distances. A knowledge of this custom proved very beneficial to the 
early prospectors and pioneers. 

Fig. 467 is a copy, one-sixteenth actual size, of colored petroglyphs 
found by Dr. Hoffman in 1884 on the North fork of the San Gabriel 
river, also known as the Azuza canyon, Los Angeles county, California. 




Fig. 4C7.-Rock painting, Azuza canyon, California. 



The bowlder upon which the paintings occur measures 8 feet long, 
about 4 feet high, and the same in width. The figures are on the 
eastern side of the rock, so that the left arm of the human figure on the 
right points toward the north. 



CALIFORNIA TRAIL MARK. 



355 



Fig. 468 is a map drawn on a scale of 1.000 yards to the inch, show- 
ing the topography of the immediate vicinity and the relative positions 
of the rocks bearing the paintings. 




Fig. 468.— Site of paintings in Azuza canyon, California. 

The stream is hemmed in by precipitous mountains, with the excep- 
tion of two points marked cc, over which the old Indian trail passed 
in going from the Mojave desert on the north to the San Gabriel valley 
below, this course being the nearest for reaching the mission settle- 
ments at San Gabriel and Los Angeles. In attempting to follow the 
water course the distance would be greatly increased and a rougher 




Fig. 469.— Sketches from Azuza canyon, California. 



trail encountered. Fig. 467, painted on the rock marked b on the map, 
shows characters in pale yellow upon a bowlder of almost white granite 
partly obliterated by weathering and annual floods, though still enough 
remains to indicate that the right-hand figure is directing the observer 
to the northeast, although upon taking that course it would be neces- 
sary to round the point a short distance to the west. It may have been 



356 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



placed as a notification of direction to those Indians who might have 
come up the canyon instead of on the regular trail. Farther west, at 
the spot marked a on the map, is a granite bowlder bearing a large 
number of paintings, part of which have become almost obliterated. 
These were drawn with red ocher (ferric oxide). A selection of these 
is shown in Fig. !<>!>. 

This is on the almost vertical western face of the rock. These char- 
acters also appear to refer to the course of the trail, which might 
readily be lost on account of the numerous mountain ridges and spurs. 
The left-hand human figure appears to place its hand upon a series of 
ridges, as if showing pantomimic ally the rough and ridged country 
over the mountains. 

The middle figure is making a gesture which in its present connec- 
tion may indicate direction of the trail, i. e., toward the left, or north- 
ward in an uphill course, as indicated by the arm and leg, and south- 
ward, or downward, as suggested by the lower inclination of the leg 
and lower forearm and hand on the right of the painting. 

These illustrations, as well as other pictographs on the same rock, 
not now represented, exhibit remarkable resemblance to the general 
type of Shoshonean drawing, and from such evidence as is now attain- 
able it is probable that they are of Ohemehuevi origin, as that tribe at 
one time ranged far to the west, though north of the mountains, and also 
visited the valley and settlements at Los Angeles to trade. It is also 
known that theMojaves came at stated periods to Los Angeles as late 
as 1845, and the trail indicated at point a of the map would appear to 
have been their most practicable and convenient route. There is strong 
evidence that the Moki sometimes visited the Pacific coast and might 
readily have taken this same course, marking the important portions 
of the route by drawings in the nature of guideboards. 

The following curious account is taken from The Eedman, Carlisle, 
October, 1888: 

A ranchman visiting a- deserted camp of Piegans found the follow ing 
notice: 

AVe called at this ranch at dinner time. They treated us badly, giving us no din- 
ner and sending us away. There is a head man who has two dogs, one of which lias 
no tail. There are two larger men who are laborers. They have two pairs of large 
horses and twS%arge colts, also another smaller pair of horses and two ponies which 
have two colts. 

The notice was composed thus: A circle of round stones represented the horses 
and ponies, the latter being smaller stones; the stones outside of the circle meant 
there were so many colts. Near the center was a long narrow stone, upon the end 
of which was a small one This denoted the head man or owner, whose two dogs 
were shown by two pieces of bark, one with a square end while the other had a twig 
stuck in for a tail. Two other long narrow stones, larger than the first, stood for 
the laborers; these had no small stones on them. Some sticks of wood, upon which 
was a small pile of buffalo chips, meant that diuner was ready; and empty shells 
turned upside down told they got nothing to eat. but were sent away. 

Mr. Charles W. Cunningham, formerly of Phoenix, Arizona, reports 



WARNINGS 



357 



the finding of petroglyplis in Rowe canyon, one-half mile from the base 
of Bradshaw mountain, Arizona. The characters are pecked upon its 
vertical wall of hard porphyry, covering a space between 12 or 15 feet 
in length and about 30 feet above the surface of the earth. They con- 
sist of human figures with outstretched arms, apparently driving ani- 
mals resembling sheep or goats, while at the head of the procession 
appears the figure of a bear. The explanation given seems to be a 
notification to Indian herders that in going through the canyon they 
should be careful to guard against bears or possibly other dangerous 
animals, as the trail or canyon leads down to some water tanks where 
the herders may habitually have driven the stock. 

D'Albertis (b) mentions of the Papuans that a warning not to enter a 
dwelling is made by erecting outside of it a stick, on the top of which 
is a piece of bark or a cocoanut, and in Yule island these warnings or 
taboo sticks are furnished with stone heads. 

. When a Tartar shaman wished to be undisturbed he placed a dried 
goafs-head, with its prominent horns, over a wooden peg outside of his 
tent and then dropped the curtain. No one would dare to venture in. 
The following is quoted from Franz Keller (&): 

In the immense primeval forests, extending between the Ivahy and the Paraua- 
panania, the Parana" and the Tihagy, the rich hunting grounds of numerous Coroado 
hordes, one frequently encounters, chiefly near forsaken palm sheds, a strange col- 
lection of ohjects hung up hetweeu the trees on thin cords or cipos, such as little 
pieces of -wood, feathers, hones, and the claws and jaws of different animals. 

In the opinion of those well versed in Indian lore these hieroglyphs are designed 
as epistles to other memhers of the tribe regarding the produce of the chase, the 
numher and stay of the huntsmen, domestic intelligence, and the like; hut this 
strange kind of composition, reminding one of the quippus (knotted cords), of the 
old Peruvians, has not yet heen quite unraveled, though it is desirable that it should 
he, for the naive son of the woods also uses it sometimes in his intercourse with the 
white man. 

Settlers in this country, on going in the morning to look after their very primitive 
mills near their cottages, have frequently discovered them going bravely, hut bruis- 
ing pebbles instead of the maize grains, while on the Boor of the open shed names 
and purposes of the unwelcome nocturnal visitors have been legibly written in the 
sand. Among the well-drawn zigzag lines were inserted the magnificent long tail 
feathers of the red and blue macaw, which are generally used by the Coroados for 
their arrows; and, as these are the symbols of war and night attacks, the whole was 
probably meant for a warning and admonition ad homiuem: "Take up your bundle 
and go or beware of our arrows." 



CHAPTER XII. 



COMMUNICATIONS. 

Under this heading notes and illustrations are grouped of transmitted 
drawings, which were employed as letters and missives now are by peo- 
ple who possess the art of writing. To the drawings are added some 
descriptions of objects sent for the same purposes. These are sometimes 
obviously ideographic, but often appear to be conventional or arbitrary. 
It is probable that the transmittal or exchange of such objects anteceded 
the pictorial attempt at correspondence, so that the former should be 
considered in connection with the latter. The topic is conveniently 
divided by the purposes of the communications, viz, (1) declaration ot 
war, (2) profession of peace and friendship, (3) challenge, (4) social and 
religious missives, (5) claim or demand. 

SECTION 1." 

DECLARATION OF WAR. 

Le Page du Pratz («), in 1718, reported the following: 

The Natchez make a declaration of war hy leaving a hieroglyphic picture against 
a tree in the enemy's country, and in front of the picture they place, saltierwise, two 
red arrows. At the upper part of the picture at the right is the hieroglyphic sign 
which designates the nation that declares war; next, a naked man, easy to recog- 
nize, who has a casse-tete in his hand. Following is an arrow, drawn so as in its 
flight to pierce a woman, who flees with her hair spread out and flowing in the air. 
Immediately in front of this woman is a sign belonging to the nation against which 
war is declared; all this is on the same line. That which is below is not so clear or 
so much relied upon in the interpretation. This line begins with the sign of a moon 
(i. e., month) which will follow in a short time. The days that come afterward are 
indicated by straight strokes and the moon by a face without rays. There is also a 
man who has in front of him many arrows which seem directed to hit a woman who 
is in flight. All that announces that when the moon will be so many days old they 
will come in great numbers to attack the designated nation. 

Lahontan (a) writes: 

The way of declaring war by the Canadian Algonquian Indians is this : They send 
back to the nation that they have a mind to quarrel with a slave of the same country, 
with orders to carry to the village of his own nation an axe, the handle of which is 
painted red and black. 

The Hnron-Iroquois of Canada sent a belt of black wampum as a 
declaration of war. 

Material objects were often employed in declaration of war, some of 
which may assist in the interpretation of pictographs. A few instances 
are mentioned: 
358 



DECLARATION OF WAR. 



359 



Capt. Laudonniere (a) says: "Arrows, to which long' hairs are at- 
tached, were stuck up along the trail or road by the Florida Indians, 
in 1505, to signify a declaration of war." 

Dr. Georg. Schweinfurth (a) gives the following: 
, I may here allude to the remarkable symbolism by which war was declared against 
us on the frontiers of Wando's territory. * * * Close on the path, and in full 
view of every passenger, three objects were supended from the branch of a tree, viz, 
an ear of maize, the feather of a fowl, and an arrow. * * * Our guides readily 
comprehended and as readily explained the meaning of the emblems, which were 
designed to signify that whoever touched an ear of maize or laid his grasp upon a 
single fowl would assuredly be the victim of the arrow. 

In the Notes on Eastern Equatorial Africa, by MM. V. Jacques (a) 
and E. Storms, it is stated that when a chief wishes to delare war he 
sends to the chief against whom he has a complaint an ambassador 
bearing a leaden bullet and a boe. If the latter chooses the bullet, war 
ensues; if the hoe, it means that he consents to enter into negotiations 
to maintain peace. 

Terrien de Lacouperie, op. cit., pp. 420, 421, reports: 
The following instance in Tibeto-China is of a mixed character. The use of mate- 
rial objects is combined witji that of notched sticks. When the Li-su are minded 
to rebel they send to the Moso chief (who rules them on behalf of the Chinese Gov- 
ernment) what the Chinese call a muhki and the Tibetans a shing-tchram. It is a 
stick with knife-cut notches. Some symbols are fastened to it, such, for instance, 
as a feather, calcined wood, a little fish, etc. The bearer must explain the meaning 
of the notches and symbols. The notches may indicate the number of hundreds or 
thousands of soldiers who are coming; the feather shows that they arrive with the 
swiftness of a bird; the burnt wood, that they will set fire to everything on their 
way; the fish, that they will throw everybody into the water, etc. This custom is 
largely used among all the savage tribes of the region. It is also the usual manner 
in which chiefs transmit their orders. 

SECTION 2. 
PROFESSION OF PEACE AND FRIENDSHIP. 

The following account of pictorial correspondence leading to peace 
was written by Governor Lewis Cass, while on one of his numerous 
missions to the Western tribes, before 1820 : 

Some years before, mutually weary of hostilities, the chiefs of the Ojibwas and 
the Dakotas met and agreed upon a truce. But the Sioux, disregarding the solemn 
contract which they had formed, and actuated by some sudden impulse, attacked the 
Ojibwas and murdered a number of them. 

On our arrival at Sandy lake I proposed to the Ojibwa chiefs that a deputation 
should accompany us to the mouth of the St. Peters, with a view to establish a per- 
manent peace between them and the Sioux. The Ojibwas readily acceded to this, and 
ten of their principal men descended the Mississippi with us. The computed distance 
from Sandy lake to the St. Peters is 600 miles. As we neared this part of the country 
we found our Ojibway friends cautious and observing. 

The Ojibwa landed occasionally to examine whether any of the Sioux had recently 
visited that quarter. In one of these excursions an Ojibwa found in a conspicuous 
place a piece of birch bark, made flat by fastening between two sticks at each end, 
and about 18 inches long by 2 broad. 



360 PICTURE-WRITING OP THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



This bark contained the answer of the Sioux nation. So sanguinary had been the 
contest between these two tribes that no personal communication could take place. 
Neither the sanctity of office nor the importance of the message could protect the 
ambassador of either party from the vengeance of the other. 

Some time preceding, the Ojibwas, anxious for peace, had sent a number of their 
young men into these plains with a similar piece of bark, upon which they repre- 
sented their desire. This bark had been left hanging to a tree, in an exposed situ- 
ation, and had been found and taken away by a party of Sioux. 

The proposition had been examined and discussed in the Sioux villages, and the 
bark contained their answer. The Ojibwa explained to us with great facility the 
intention of the Sioux. 

The j auction of the St. Peters with the Mississippi, where the principal part of the 
Sioux reside, was represented, and also the American fort, with a sentinel on duty, 
and a flag flying. 

The principal Sioux chief was named The-Six, alluding, I believe, to the band of 
villages under his influence. To show that he was not present at the deliberation 
upon the subject of peace, he "was . represented on a smaller piece of bark, which 
was attached to the other. To identify him, he was drawn with six heads and a 
large medal. Another Sioux chief stood in the foreground, holding a pipe in his 
right hand and his weapons in his left. Even we could not misunderstand that; 
like our own eagle with the olive branch and arrows, he was desirous for peace, but 
prej>ared for war. 

The Sioux party contained lil'ty-nine warriors, indicated by lifty-nine j;uus, drawn 
upon one corner of the bark. 

The encampment of our troops had been removed from the low grounds upon the 
St. Peters to a high hill upon the Mississippi. Two forts were therefore drawn upon 
the bark, and the solution was not discovered until our arrival at St. Peters. 

The effect of the discovery of the bark upon the minds of the Ojibwas was visible 
and immediate. 

The Ojibwa bark was drawn in the same general manner, and Sandy lake, the 
principal place of their residence, was represented with much accuracy. To remove 
any doubts respecting it, a view was given of the old northwestern establishment, 
situated upon the shore, and now in the possession of the American Fur Company. 

No proportion waspreserved in their attempt :it delineation. One mile of the Mis- 
sissippi, including the. mouth of the St. Peters, occupied as much space as the whole 
distance to Sandy Lake, nor was there anything to show that one p?Ert was nearer 
to the spectator than another. 

The above pictorially professed attitude of being ready for either 
peace or war may be compared with the account in Ohamplain — Voyages 
(d) — of the chief whose name was Mariston, but he assumed that of Ma- 
higan Atticq, translated as Wolf Deer. He thereby proclaimed that 
when at peace he was mild as a deer, but when • at war was savage as 
a wolf. 

In Davis' Conquest of New Mexico (a) it is stated that Vargas' Ex- 
pedition in 1694 was met by the Utes, who hoisted a deerskin in token 
of peace. 

The following "speech of an Ojibwa chief in negotiating a peace with 
the Sioux, 1806," from Maj. Pike's (a) Expeditions, etc., shows the pic- 
tographic use of the pipe as a profession of peace : 

My father, tell the Sioux on the upper part of the river St. Peters that they mark 
trees with the figure of a calumet ; that we of Red lake who may go that way should 
we see them, that we may make peace with them, being assured of their pacific dis- 
position when we shall see the calumet marked on the trees. 



PEACE' MESSAGES. 



361 



D"Iberville, in 1G99, as printed in Margry, IV, 153, said that the 
Indians met by him near the mouth of the Mississippi river indicated 
their peaceful and friendly purposes by holding up in the air a small 
stick of -whitened wood. The same authority, iii the same volume, p. 
175, tells that the Oumas bore a white cross as a similar declaration; 
and another journal, in the same volume, p. 239, describes a stick also 
so borne as being "fashioned like a pipe. The actual use of the pipe in 
profession of peace and friendship is mentioned in several parts of the 
present paper. See. also, the passport mentioned on p. 214 and wam- 
pum, p. 225. 

Lieut. Col. Woodthorpe, in Jour. Anthr. Inst. Gr. Br. and L, xj, p. 
211, says of the wild tribes of the^Saga Hills, on the northeastern fron- 
tier of India : 

On the road to Xiao we saw on the ground a curious mud figure of a man in slight 
relief presenting a gong in the direction of Senua. This was supposed to show that 
the Xiao men were willing to come to terms with Senua, then at war with Mao. 
Another mode of evincing a desire to turn away the wrath of an approaching enemy 
and induce him to open negotiations is to tie up in his path a couple of goats, some- 
times also a gong, with the universal symhol of peace, a palm leaf planted in the 
ground hard hy. 




G. VT. Bloxani (a) gives the following description of Fig. 470: 

It represents a message of peace and good news from the King of Jehu to the King 
of Lagos, after his restoration to the throne on the 28th of December, 1851. It ap- 
pears complicated, hut the interpretation is simple enough. First we find eight 
cowries arranged in pairs, and signifying the people in the four corners of the world, 
and it will he observed that, while three of the pairs are arranged with their faces 
upwards, the fourth and uppermost, i. e., the pair in the most important position, 
are facing one another, thus signifying that the correspondents, or the people of 
Jehu aud Lagos, are animated by friendly feeling towards each other; so, too, there 
are two each of all the other objects, meaning, -'you and I,"' ''we two." The two 
large seeds or warres, a, a, express a wish that " you and I" should play together as 
intimate friends do, at the game of " warre," in whicb these seeds are used and which 
is the common game of the country, holding very much the same position as chess or 
draughts with us; the two flat seeds, b, b, are seeds of a sweet fruit called " osan," 
the name of which is derived from the verb, " san," to please [Mem. Xotiee the 
rebus] they, therefore, indicate a desire on the part of a sender of the message to 
please and to be pleased: lastly, the two pieces of spice, c, e, signify mutual trust. 
The following is the full meaning of the hieroglyphic : 

Of all the people hy which the four corners of the world are inhabited, the Lagos 
and Jehu people are the nearest. 



362 PICTURE-WAITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



As "warre" is the common play of the country, so the Jehn 
always play and bo friendly with each other. 

with you. 1 

Deceive me not, because the spice would yield nothing el 
genuine odor unto god. I shall never deal doubly with you. 

S E C T I O N 3. 
CHALLENGE. 

H. H. Bancroft (a), in Native Baces, says that the Shumeias chal- 
lenged the Pomos (in central California) by placing three little sticks 
notched in the middle and at both ends, on a mound which marked the 
boundary between the two tribes. If the Pomos accept they tie a string- 
round the middle notch. Heralds then meet and arrange time and 
place and the battle comes off as appointed. 

The sending of material objects was the earliest and most natural 
mode for low cultured tribes to communicate when out of sight and 
hearing. Such was the system in use among the Scythians at the time 
of the invasion of their land by Darius. The version of the story in 
Herodotus is that commonly cited, but there is another by Pherecydes 
of Heros, who relates that Idanthuras, the Scythian king, when Darius 
had crossed the Ister, threatened him with war, sending him not a 
letter, but a composite symbol, which consisted of a mouse, a frog, a 
bird, an arrow, and a plow. When there was much discussion con- 
cerning the meaning of this message, Orontopagas, the chiliarch, main- 
tained that it was a surrender; for he conjectured the mouse to mean 
their dwelling, the frog their waters, the bird their air, the arrow their 
arms, and the plow their country. But Xiphodres offered a contrary 
interpretation, thus : " Unless like birds we fly aloft, or like mice burrow 
under the ground, or like frogs take ourselves to the water, we shall 
never escape their weapons, for we are not masters of their country." 

S E C T I G N 4. 

SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS MISSIVES. 

Fig. 471 is a letter, one-half actual size, written by an Ojibwa girl, 
the daughter of a Mide', to a favored lover, requesting him to call at 
her lodge. This girl had taken no Mide' degrees, but had simply 
acquired her pictogiaphic skill from observation in her home. 

The explanation of the figure is as follows: 

a. The writer of the letter, a girl of the Bear totem, as indicated by 
that animal, b. 

e and /. The companions of a, the crosses signifying that the three 
girls are Christians. 

c and (j. The lodges occupied by the girls. The lodges are near a 
large lake,,/, a trail leading from g to h, which is a well-traveled road. 



and Lagos should 
may it be pleasant 
e but a sweet ami 



SOCIAL MISSIVES. 



363 



The letter was written to a man of the Mud Puppy totem, as indicated 

in a. 

i. The road leading to the lodge occupied by the recipient of the 
letter. 

. A- and 7. Lakes near which the lodges are built. 
In examining c, the writer's hand is seen protruding from an opening 
to denote beckoning and to indicate which lodge to visit. The clear 
indications of the locality serve as well as if in a city a young woman 
had sent an invitation to her young man to call at a certain street and 
number. 

Fig. 472 is a letter sent by mail from a Southern Cheyenne, named 
Turtle-following-his-VTife, at the Cheyenne and Arapaho Agency, In- 
dian Territory, to his son Little-Man, at the Pine Bid ge Agency, Dakota. 
It was drawn on a half-sheet of ordinary writing paper, without a word 




Fig. 471.— Ojibwa love letter. ' 



written, and was inclosed in an envelope, which was addressed to 
" Little-Man, Cheyenne, Pine Eidge Agency,'' in the ordinary manner, 
written by some on e at the first named agency. The letter was evidently 
understood by Little-Man, as he immediately called upon Dr. Y. T. 
McGillycuddy, Indian agent at Pine Eidge Agency, and was aware 
that the sum of $53 had been placed to his credit for the purpose of 
enabling him to pay his expenses in going the long journey to his 
father's home in Indian Territory. Dr. McGillycuddy had, by the same 
mail, received a letter from Agent Dyer, inclosing $53, and explaining 
the reason for its being sent, which enabled him also to understand the 
pictographic letter. With the above explanation it very clearly shows, 
over the head of the figure to the left, the turtle following the turtle's 
wife united with the head of the figure by a line, and over the head of 
the other figure, also united by a line to it, is a little man. Also over 
the right arm of the last-mentioned figure is another little man in the act 
of springing or advancing toward Turtle-following-his- Wife, from whose 



364 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



mouth proceed two lines, curved or hooked at the end, as if drawing 
the little figure toward him. It is suggested that the last mentioned 
part of the pictograph is the substance of the communication;, i. e., "come 
to me," the larger figures with their name totems being the persons ad- 
dressed and addressing. Between and above the two large figures 
are fifty -three round objects intended for dollars. Both the Indian fig- 
ures have on breech cloths, corresponding with the information given 
concerning them, which is that they are Oheyennes who are not all civ- 
ilized or educated. 

Sagard (a) tells of the Algonkins of the Ottawa river, that when a 
feast was to be given, the host sent to each person whose presence was 




Fig. 472.— Cheyenne letter. 

desired a little stick of wood, peculiar to them (i. e., probably marked 
or colored) of the length and thickness of the little finger, which he 
was obliged to show on entering the lodge, as might be done with a 
card of invitation and admission. The precaution was seemingly 
necessary both for the host's larder and the satisfaction of the guests, 
as on an occasion mentioned by the good brother, each of the guests 
was provided with a big piece of sturgeon and plenty of " sagamite 
huylee." There was probably some principle of selection connected 
with totems or religious societies on such occasions, not told by the 
narrator, as the ordinary custom among Indians is to keep open house 



MALLEBY.] 



INVITATIONS. 



365 



to all coiners, -who generally were the aboriginal " tramps," with the 
result of waste and subsequent famine. 

The Rev. Peter Jones (ft), an educated Ojibwa missionary, in speak- 
ing of the eastern bands of the Ojibwa says: 

. Their method of imploring the favor or appeasing the anger of their deities is by 
offering sacrifices to them in the following order: When an Indian meets with ill- 
luck in hunting, or when afflictions come across his path, he fancies that by the 
neglect of some duty he has incurred the displeasure of his munedoo, for which he 
is angry with him ; and in order to appease his wrath, he devotes the first game he 
takes to making a religious feast, to which he invites a number of the principal men 
and women from the other wigwams. A young man is generally sent as a messenger 
to invite the guests, who carries with him a bunch of colored quills or sticks, about 
4 inches long. On entering the wigwam he shouts out Keweekomegoo ; " that is, 
"You are bidden to a feast. - ' He then distributes the quills to such as are invited; 
these answer to the white people's invitation cards. When the guests arrive at the 
feast-maker's wigwam the quills are returned to him ; they are of three colors, red, 
green, and white; the red for the a^ed, or those versed in the wahbuhnoo order; the 
green for the media order, and the white for the common people. 

Mr. David Boyle (b) refers to the above custom, and quotes Rev. Peter 
Jones, also giving as illustrations copies of the quills and sticks pre- 




Fig. 473.— Qjib-wa invitations. 



sented by Dr. P. E. Jones which had been brought by his father, the 
author above mentioned, from the Northwest fifty years ago. These 
are reproduced in Fig. 473. 

When the ceremony of the Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa is 
to be performed, the chief mide' priest sends out a courier to deliver to 
each member an invitation to attend. These invitations consist of 
sticks of cedar, or other wood when that can not be found, measuring 
from 4 to 6 inches in length and of the thickness of an ordinary lead 
pencil. They may be plain, though the former custom of having one 
end painted red or green is sometimes continued. The colored band 
is about the width of one-fifth of the length of the stick. It is stated 
that in old times these invitation sticks were ornamented with colored 
porcupine quills, or strands of beads, instead of with paint. 

The courier detailed to deliver invitations is also obliged to state the 
day, and locality of the. place of meeting. It is necessary for the invited 
member to present himself and to deposit the invitation stick upon the 
floor of the inclosure in which the meeting is held ; should he be deprived 



366 PICTURE-WRITING OP THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

of the privilege of attending, he must return the stick with an explana- 
tion accounting for his absence. 




Fig. I U exhibits the sticks without coloration. 



CEREMONIAL INVITATIONS. 



367 



Another mode of giving invitations for the same ceremony is by 
sending around a piece of birch bark bearing characters similar to 
those in Fig. 475, taken from Copway, p. 136. 



The characters, beginning at the left hand, signify as follows: Medi- 
cine house; great lodge; wigwam, woods; lake; river; canoe; come: 
Great Spirit. 

Copway remarks as follows : 

" In the above, the wigwam and the medicine pale, or worship, repre- 
sent the depositories of medicine, record, and work. The lodge is 
represented with men in it ; the dots above indicate the number of days. 
" The whole story would thus read: 

' Hark to the words of the Sa-ge-mah'. The Great Medicine Lodge will be ready in 
eight days. Ye who live in the woods and near the lakes and by streams of water 
come with your canoes or by land to the worship of the Great Spirit.' " 

The above interpretation is too much adapted to the ideas and 
language of Christianity. The more simple and accurate expression 
would change the rendition from ''worship" and "Great 
Spirit" to the simple notice about holding a session of the 
Grand Medicine Society. 

Fig. 476, drawn by a Passamaquoddy, shows how the In- 
dians of the tribe would now address the President of the 
United States, or the governor of Maine for help, and for- 
merly would have made wikhegan for transmittal to a great 
chief having power over them. They say by this: "You 
are at the top of the pole, so no one can be higher than 
you. From this pole you can see the farthest of your 
country and can see all your children, and when any of 
your children come to see you they must work hard to get 
where you are, on top of the high pole. They must climb 
up this pole to reach you. You must pity them because they 
come long ways to see you, the man of power on the high 
pole." This kind of wikhegan the old men called Jcinjemeswi 
walhjoh, homage or salutation to the great chief. It was 
always in the old time accompanied by a belt of wampum. 

A highly interesting illustration and account of a diplomatic packet 
from the pueblo of Tesuque appears in Schoolcraft (</), and in the same 
series (/*) is a pictograph from the Caroline islands still more in point. 

A. W. Howitt (c) reports: 

Messengers in central Australia were sent to gather people together for dances 
from distances even up to 100 Miles. Such messengers were painted with red ocher 
and wore a headdress of feathers. 




t 

t: 



368 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



In calling people together for the ceremonies of Wilyaru or Miudari the messengers 
were painted with diagonal stripes of yellow ocher, and had their beards tied tightly 
into a point . They earned a token shaped like a Prince of Wales feather, and made 
of emu feathers tied tightly with string. 

The sending of a handful of red ocher tied up in a small bundle signifies the great 
Miudari or peace festival. In giving notice of the intention to "make some young 
men" the messenger takes a handful of charcoal and places a piece in the mouth of 
each person present without saying a word. This is fully understood to mean the 
"making of young men" at the Wilyaru ceremony. 

The following is a description of a Turkish love letter, which was 
obtained by Lady Mary Wortley Montagu (a) in 1717: 

1 have got for you a Turkish love letter. * The translation of it is literally 

as follows. The first piece you should pull out of the purse is a little pearl, which 
must be understood in this manner: 



Pearl Fairest of the young. 

Clove You are as slender as the clove. 

You are an unblown rose. 

I have long loved you and you ha ve not known it. 

Jonquil Have pity on my passion. 

Paper I faint every hour. 

Pear Give me some hope. 

Soap I am sick with love. 

Coal May I die and all my years be yours. 

A rose May you be pleased and your sorrows mine. 

A straw Suffer me to be your slave. 

Cloth Your price is not to be found. 

Cinnamon But my fortune is yours. 

A match I burn, I burn ! My flame consumes me. 

Gold thread Don't turn away your face from me. 

Hair Crown of my head. 

Grape My two eyes. 

Gold wire I die ; come quickly. 

And, by way of postscript : 

Pepper Send me an answer. 

You see this letter is all in verse, and I can assure you there is as much fancy 



shown in the choice of them as in the most studied expressions of our letters, there 
being, I believe, a million of verses designed for this use. There is no color, no 
flower, no weed, no fruit, herb, pebble, or feather that has not a verse belonging to 

it; and you may quarrel, reproach, or send letters of passion, friendship, or civility, 

or even of news without ever inking your fingers. 

The use by Turks and Persians of flower letters or communications, 
the significance of which is formed by the selection and arrangement 
of flowers, is well known. A missive thus composed of flowers is called 
selam, but the details are too contradictory and confused to furnish 
materials for an accurate dictionary of the flower language, though 
dictionaries and treatises on it have been published. (See Magnat.) 
Individual fancy and local convention, it seems, fix the meanings. 

A Japanese girl who decides to discourage the further attentions of 
a lover sends to him, instead of the proverbial "mitten" of New England, 
a sprig of maple, because the leaf changes its color more markedly than 
any other. In this connection it is told that the Japanese word for love 
also mea 1 1 s color, which would accentuate the lesson of the changing leaf. 



MESSAGE STICKS. 



369 



:\IESSA&E STICKS. 

The following extracts are made from Currs (a) Australian E ace : 

I believe every tribe in Australia has its messenger, whose life, whilst he is in the 
performance of his duties, is held sacred in peace and war by the neighboring tribes. 
His duties are to convey the messages which the tribe desires to send to its neigh- 
bors, and to make arrangements about places of meeting on occasions of tights or 
corroborees. In many tribes it is the custom to supply the messenger when he sets 
out with a little carved stick, which he delivers with his message to the most influ- 
ential man of the tribe to which he is sent. This carved stick he often carries whilst 
traveling stuck in the netted band which the blacks wear round the head. I have 
seen many of them, and been present when they were received and sent, and have 
some from Queensland in my possession at present. They are often flat, from 4 to 6 
inches long, an inch wide, and a third of an inch thick; others are round, of the 
same length, and as thick as one's middle finger. "When flat their edges are often 
notched, and their surface always more or less carved with indentations, transverse 
lines, and squares: in fact, with the same sort cf figures with which the blacks 
ornament their weapons throughout the continent; when round, fantastic lines are 
cut around them or lengthwise. I have one before me at this moment which is a 
miniature boomerang, carved on both sides, notched at the edges, and colored with 
red ocher. Any black could fashion sticks of this sort in an hour or two. Some of 
my correspondents have spoken of them as a sort of writing, but when pressed on 
the subject have admitted that their surmise, all the circumstances weighed, was 
not tenable. The flat sticks especially have that sort of regularity and repetition 
of pattern which wall papers exhibit. That they do not serve the purpose of writing 
or hieroglyphics I have no hesitation in asserting; and I may remark that in all 
cases which have come under my notice the messenger delivered his message before 
he presented the carved stick. That done the recipient would attempt to explain to 
those about him how the stick portrayed the message. Still this eminently childish 
proceeding leads one to consider whether the most savage mind does not contain the 
germ of writing. Bernal Diaz del Castillo, in his Discovery and Conquest of New 
Spain, relates that, when his country sent verbal messages by Mexican bearers to 
distant tribes, the messengers who had seen the Spaniards write always asked to be 
supplied with a letter, which, of course, neither they nor the people to whom they 
were sent could read. 

Fig. 477 reproduces the illustration of the message sticks published 
in the work above mentioned. 

Vol. i, p. 306. — In the Majanna tribe messengers are sent with a notched or carved 
stick, and the bearer has to explain its meaning. If it be a challenge to fight, and 
the challenge is accepted, another stick is returned. 

Vol. II, p. 183. — The bearer of an important communication from one party to another 
often carries a message stick with him, the notches and lines on which he refers to 
whilst delivering his message. This custom, which prevails from the north coast to 
the south, is a very curious one. Xo black fellow ever pretends to be able to under- 
stand a message from a notched stick, but always looks upon it as confirmatory of 
the message it accompanies. 

Vol. ii, p. 427. — Message sticks are in use, the marks carved on them being a guar- 
anty of the messenger, the same as a ring with us in former times. 

Vol. in. p. 263. — Message sticks are used by the Maranoa river tribe. An inform- 
ant has in his possession a reed necklace attached to a piece of flat wood about 5 
inches long ; on the wood are carved straight and curved lines, and this piece of 
wood was sent by one portion of the tribe to another by a messenger, the two par- 
ties being about 60 miles apart. The interpretation of the carving was: "My wife 
has been stolen; we shall have to fight: bring your spears and boomerangs." The 
10 ETH 24 



370 PICTUEE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



straight lines, it was explained, meant spears and the curved ones boomerangs; but 
the stealing of the wife seems to have been left to the messenger to tell. 

A. W. Howitt (a) gives a further account on this topic: 
The messenger carries with him as the emblems of his missions a complete set of 
male attire, together with the sacred humming instrument, which is wrapped in a 
skin and carefully concealed from women and children. It is, therefore, in such 
cases, the totem which assembles the whole community. 

In the Adjadura tribe of South Australia the ceremonies are ordered to be held by 
the headman of the whole tribe by his messenger, who carries a message stick 
marked in such a manner that it serves to illustrate his message; together with this 
there is also sent a sacred humming instrument. 

Drs. Houze and Jacques (a) give a different view of the significance 
of the marks on message sticks : 




FIG. 477. — Australian message sticks. 



It proves very difficult to discover the signification of the notched message sticks. 
The Europeans have not succeeded in deciphering them. Some marks may repre- 
sent a whole history. The following anecdote on this subject is reported by M. 
Cauvin (according to J. M. Davis, Aborigines of Victoria, v. i, p. 356, note) : A Eu- 
ropean, having formed the project of establishing a new station, started from Edward 
river with a herd of cattle and some Indians. When, all being arranged, the colo- 
nist was on the point of returning home, one of the young blacks requested him to 
take a letter to his father, and, on the consent of his patron, he gave him a stick 
about a foot long covered with notches and signs. On arriving home the colonist 
went to the camp of the blacks and delivered the letter to the father of his young 
follower, who, calling around him the whole encampment, to the great surprise of 
the European, read from this stick a daily account of the doings of the company 
from the departure from Edward river until the arrival at the new station, describ- 



MALLERY.] 



MESSAGE STICKS. 



371 



ing the country which they had traversed and the places where they had camped 
each night. 

The Queenslanders did not give Drs. Houz6 and Jacques such a long 
translation of their message sticks, but they informed them that one of 
the sticks related to the crossing from Australia into America, -which is 
recounted by Tambo, the author of the message. An illustration of it 
is presented on p. 93 of the above cited work of Houze and Jacques, but 
is not sufficiently distinct for reproduction. 

WEST AFRICAN AROKO. 

G. W. Bloxam (b) says of the aroko, or symbolic letters, used by the 
tribe of Jebu, in West Africa, describing Fig. 478: 

This is a message from a native general of the Jebu force to a native prince 
abroad. It consists of six cowries. Six in the Jebu language is E-fa, which is de- 
rived from the verb fa, to draw. They are ar- 
ranged tw o and two, face to face, on a long string ; 
the pairs of cowries set face to face indicate friendly 
feeling and good fellowship ; the number expresses 
a desire to draw close to the person to whom the 
message is sent [note the rebus] ; while the long 
string indicates considerable distance or a long- 
road. This is the message: ''Although the road 
between us be very long, yet I draw you to myself Fig. 478.— West African aroko. 
and set my face towards you. So I desire you to set your face towards me and 
draw to me." 

On p. 298 he adds : 

Among the Jebu in West Africa odd numbers in their message are of evil import, 
while even numbers express good will. Thus a single cowrie may be sent as an un- 
favorable answer to a request or message. 

The same author writes, on p. 297, describing Fig. 479: 

It is a message from His Majesty Awnjale, the King of Jebu, to his nephew abroad ; 
and here we hnd other substances besides cowries included in the aroko. Taking 




Fig. 479.— West African aroko. 



the various articles in order, commencing from the knot, we observe four cowries 
facing in the same direction, with their backs to the knot; this signifies agreement. 
Next a piece of spice, a, which produces when burnt a sweet odor and is never un- 
pleasant; then come three cowries facing in the same direction; then a piece of mat, 




372 



PICTURE-WKITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



J>; then a piece of feather, c; and, lastly, a single cowrie turned in the same direc- 
tion as all the others. The interpretation is : 

"Your ways agree with mine very much. Your ways are pleasing to me and I 
like them. 

"Deceive me not, because the spice would yield nothing else but a sweet and gen- 
uine odor unto God. 

"I shall never deal doubly with you all my life long. 
"The weight of your words to me is beyond all description. 

"As it is on the same family mat we have heen sitting and lying down together, I 
send to you. 

"I am, therefore, anxiously awaiting and hoping to hear from you." 

The following account of "African Symbolic Messages/' condensed 
from the paper of the Eev. C. A. Gollmer, which appeared in Jour. 
Anthrop. Inst, of Gr. Bn. and L, xiv, p. 169, et. seq., is highly interest- 
ing as showing the ideography attached to the material objects trans- 
mitted. The step in evolution by which the graphic delineation of 
those objects was substituted for their actual presence was probably 
delayed only by the absence of convenient material, such as birch bark, 
parchment, or other portable rudimentary form of paper on which to 
draw or paint, or at least by the want of a simple invention for the 
application of such material : 

The natives in the Yoruba country. West Africa, in the absence of writing, aud as 
a substitute for it, scud to one another messages by means of a variety of tangible 
objects, such as shells, feathers, pepper, corn, stone, coal, sticks, powder, shot, razors, 
etc., through which they convey their ideas, feelings, and wishes, good and had, aud 
that in an unmistakable manner. The object transmitted is seen, the import of it 
known and the message verbally delivered by the messenger sent, and repeated by 
one or more other persons accompanying the messenger for the purpose as the im- 
portance of the message is considered to require. 

Cowry shells in the symbolic language are used to convey, by their number and 
the way in which they are strung, a variety of ideas. One cowry may indicate 
"defiance and failure; " thus: A cowry (having a small hole made at the back part, 
so as to be able to pass a string through it and the front opening) strung on a short 
bit of grass fiber or cord, and sent to a person known as a rival, or one aiming at 
injuring the other, the message is: "As one finger can not take up a cowry (more 
than one are required), so you one I defy ; you will not be able to hurt me, your evil 
intentions will come to nothing." 

Two cowries may indicate " relationship and meeting; " thus: Two cowries strung 
together, face to face, and sent to an absent brother or sister, the message is: "We 
are children of one mother, were nursed by the same breasts." 

Two cowTies may indicate "separation and enmity;" thus: Two cowries strung 
back to back and sent to a person gone away, the message is: "You and I are now 
separated." 

Two cowries and a feather may indicate "speedy meeting;" thus: Two cowries 
strung face to face, with a small feather (of a chicken or other bird) tied between 
the two cowries, and sent to a friend at a distance, the message is: "I want to see 
you, as the bird (represented by the feather) flies straight aud quickly, so come as 
quickly as you can." 

The following fivefold paiuful symbolic message was sent by D., whilst in cap- 
tivity at Dahomey, to his wife, who happened to be staying with Mr. Gollmer, at 
Badagry, at the time. The symbols were a stone, a coal, a pepper, corn, and a rag. 
During the attack of the King of Dahomey, with his great army of Amazons and 



AFRICAN MESSAGES. 



373 



other soldiers, upon Abeokuta in March, 1852, D., one of the native Christians and 
defenders of his town, home, and family, was taken captive and carried to Dahomey, 
where he suffered much for a long time. Whilst waiting for weeks to know the 
result his wife received the symbolic letter which conveyed the following message : 

The stone indicated "health " (the stone was a small, common one from the street) ; 
thus the message was : "As the stone is hard, so my body is hardy, strong— i. e., well." 

The coal indicated "gloom" (the coal was a small piece of charcoal); thus the 
message was: "As the coal is black, so are my prospects dark and gloomy." 

The pepper indicated "heat" (the pepper was of the hot cayenne sort) ; thus the 
message was: "As the pepper is hot so is my mind heated, burning on account of 
the gloomy prospect — i. e., not knowing what day I may be sold or killed." 

The corn indicated "leanness" (the corn was a few parched grains of maize or 
Indian corn) ; thus the message was: "As the corn is dried up by parching, so my 
body is dried up or become lean through the heat of my affliction and suffering." 

The rag indicated "worn out;" thus (the rag was a small piece of worn and torn 
native cloth, in which the articles were wrapped) the message was : "As the rag is, 
so is my cloth cover — i. e., native dress, worn and torn to a rag." 

A tooth brush may indicate "remembrance;" thus: It is a well-known fact that 
the Africans in general can boast of a finer and whiter set of teeth than most other 
nations. And those Europeans who lived long among them know from constant 
observation how much attention they pay to their teeth, not only every morning, 
but often during the day. The tooth brush made use of is simply a piece of wood 
about 6 to 9 inches long, and of the thickness of a finger. One end of the stick, 
wetted with the saliva, is rubbed to and fro against the teeth, which end after 
awhile becomes soft. This sort of tooth brush is frequently given-to friends as an 
acceptable present, and now and then it is made use of as a symbolic letter, and in such 
a case the message is : "As I remember my teeth the first thing in the morning, and 
often during the day, so I remember and think of you as soon as I get up, and often 
afterwards." 

Sugar may indicate '"'peace and love; " in the midst of a war t his good disposition 
was made known from one party to another by the following symbol : A loaf of 
white sugar was sent by messengers from the native church at A. to the native 
church at I., and the message was : "As the sugar is white, so there is no blackness 
(i. e., enmity) in our hearts towards you; our hearts are white (i. e., pure and free 
from it). And as the sugar is sweet, so there is no bitterness among us against you ; 
we are sweet (i. e., at peace with you) and love you." 

A fagot may indicate "fire and destruction;" when a fagot (i. e., a small bundle 
of bamboo poles, burnt on one end) is found fastened to the bamboo fence inclosing 
a compound, or premises, it conveys the message: "Your house will be burnt 
down" — i. e., destroyed. 

Powder and shot are often made use of and sent as a symbolic letter ; the message 
is to either an individual or a people, viz: "As we can not settle the quarrel, we 
must fight it out" (i. e., " we shall shoot you, or make Avar upon you"). 

A razor may indicate " murder." A person suspected and accused of having by 
some means or other been the cause of death of a member of a family, the representa- 
tive of that family will demand satisfaction by sending the symbolic objects, viz, a 
razor or knife, which is laid outside the door of the house of the accused offender 
and guilty party, and the message is well understood to be: "You have killed or 
caused the death of N., you must kill yourself to avenge his death." 

The following examples indicate a still further step in evolution by 
which the names of tbe objects or of the numbers are of the same sound 
as words in the language the significance of which constitutes the real 
message. This objective rebus corresponds with the pictorial rebus so 
common in Mexican pictographs, and which is well known to have 



374 



PICTURE-WKITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



borne a chief part iu the development of Egyptain and other ancient 
forms of writing-. 

Three cowries with some pepper may indicate "deceit;" thus: Three cowries 
strung with their faces all looking one way (as mentioned before) with an alligator 
pepper tied to the cowries. Eru is the name of the pepper in the native language, 
which in English means "deceit." The message may he either a "caution not to 
betray one another," or, more frequently, an accusation of having deceived and de- 
frauded the company. 

Six cowries may indicate "attachment and affection;" thus: Efa in the native 
language means "six" (cowries implied); it also means "drawn," from the verb fa, 
to draw. Mora is always implied as connected with Efa ; this means " stick to you," 
from the verb mo, to stick to, and the noun ara, body — i. e. you. Six cowries 
strung (as before mentioned) and sent to a person or persons, the message is : "l am 
drawn (i. e. attached) to you, I love you," which may be the message a young man 
sends to a young woman with a desire to form an engagement. 

Rev. Eichard Taylor (b) says: 

The Maori used a kind of hieroglyphical or symbolical way of communication; a 
chief, inviting another to join in a war party, sent a tattooed potato and a fig of 
tobacco bound up together, which was interpreted to mean that the enemy was a 
Maori and not European by the tattoo, and by the tobacco that it represented 
smoke ; he therefore roasted the one and eat it, and smoked the other, to show he ac- 
cepted the invitation, and would join him with his guns and powder. Another sent a 
waterproof coat with the sleeves made of patchwork, red, blue, yellow, and green, 
intimating that they must wait until all the tribes were united before their force 
would be waterproof, i. e., able to encounter the European. Another chief sent a 
large pipe, which would hold a pound of tobacco, which was lighted in a large 
assembly, the emissary taking the first whiff, and then passing it around; whoever 
smoked it showed that he j oined in the war. 

SECTION 5. 
CLAIM OR DEMAND. 

Stephen Powers (b) states that the Mshinam of California have the 
following mode of collecting debts: 

When an Indian owes another, it is held to be in bad taste, if not positively insult- 
ing, for the creditor to dun the debtor, as the brutal Saxon does, so he devises a 
more subtle method. He prepares a certain number of little sticks, according to 
the amount of the debt, and paints a ring around the end of each. These he carries 
and tosses into the delinquent's wigwam without a word and goes his way ; where- 
upon the other generally takes the hint, pays the debt, and destroys the sticks. 

The San Francisco (California) Western Lancet, xi, 1882, p. 443, 
thus reports : 

When a patient has neglected to remunerate the shaman [of the Wikchumni tribe 
of the Maripbsan linguistic stock] for his services, the latter prepares short sticks 
of woo l, with bands of colored porcupine quills wrapped around them at one end 
only, and every time he passes the delinquent's lodge a certain number of them are 
thrown in as a reminder of the indebtedness. 

Gr. W. Bloxain (c) decribes Fig. 480 thus : 

Among the Jebu of West Africa two cowries facing one another signify two blood 
relations; two cowries, however, back to back may be sent as a message of reproof 



MAi.i.ERT.i DEMANDS. 375 

for nonpayment of debt, meaning: "You have given me the I >a<-k altogether; after 
we have come to an arrangement about the debt you have owed me, I will also turn 
my bark against you." 




Fig. 480.— Jelm complaint. 



The same authority, p. 299, describes Fig. 481 : 

It consists of two cowries face to face, followed by one above facing upwards, and 
is a message from a creditor to a bad debtor, meaning: '''After you have owed me a 
debt you kicked against me; I also will throw you off, because I did not know that 
you could have treated me thus." 




Fig. 481. — Jebu complaint. 



Prof. Anton Schrifner (a) describing Fig. 482, says: 

On this plank the cuts marked b signify the number of reindeer required. Oppo- 
site these cuts are placed the hand marks, a, of various Samoyeds of whom the reindeer 




are demanded. At the bottom is found the official mark, c, of the Samoyed chief who 
forwarded this board to the various Samoyed settlements in place of a written 
communication. 



CHAPTER XIII. 



TOTEMS, TITLES, AND NAMES. 

The employment of pictographs to designate tribes, groups within 
tribes, and individual persons has been the most frequent of all the 
uses to which they have been applied. Indeed, the constant need 
that devices to represent the terms styled by grammarians proper- 
names should be readily understood for identification has, more than 
any other cause, maintained and advanced pictography as an art, and 
in some parts of the world has evolved from it syllabaries and after- 
wards alphabets. From the same origin came heraldry, which in time 
designated with absolute accuracy persons and families for the benefit 
of letterless people. Trade-marks have the same history. 

From the earliest times men have used emblems to indicate their 
tribes or clans. Homer makes no clear allusion to their manifestation 
at the poetic siege of Troy; but even if his Greeks did not bear them, 
other nations of the period did. The earlier Egyptians carried images 
of bulls and crocodiles into battle, probably at first with religious senti- 
ments. Each of the twelve tribes of Israel had a special ensign of its 
own, which is now generally considered to have been totemic. The 
subjects of Semiramis adopted doves and pigeons as their token in 
deference to their queen, whose name meant "dove." 

At later dates Athens chose an owl for her sign, as a compliment to 
Minerva; Corinth, a winged horse, in memory of Pegasus and his 
fountain; Carthage, a horse's head, in homage to Neptune; Persia, the 
.sun, because its people worshiped fire; Borne, an eagle, in deference 
to Jupiter. These objects appear to have been carved in wood or metal. 
There is no evidence of anything resembling modern flags, except, per- 
haps, in parts of Asia, until the Romans began to use something like 
them about the time of Caesar. But these small signs had no national 
or public character so as to be comparable with the eagles on the Bo- 
man standard; nor was any floating banner associated with ruling- 
power until Constantine gave a religious meaning to the labarum. 

Emblems also were often adopted by political and religious parties, 
e. g., the cornstalks and slings of the Mazarinists and auti-Mazarinists 
during the Fronde, the caps and hats in the Swedish diet in 17S8, the 
scarf of the Armagnacs, and the cross of the Burgundians. The topic 
of emblems is further discussed in Chapter xvm. 

As with increased culture clans and tribes have become nations, 
so there has been an evolution by which the ensigns of bands and 
376 



TRIBAL DESIGNATIONS. 



377 



orders have been discontinued and replaced by the emblems of 
nationalities. Frederic Marshall (a) well says: "Images of animals, 
badges, "war cries, cockades, liveries, coats of arms, tokens, tattooing, 
are all replaced practically by national ensigns." This change is 
toward the higher and nobler significance and employment, all mem- 
bers of the community being protected and designated by the simple 
exhibition of a single emblem. 

This chapter is naturally divided into (1) Pictorial tribal designa- 
tions, (2) Gentile and clan designations, (3) Significance of tattoo, (4) 
Designations of individuals. 

SECTION 1. . ^ 

PICTORIAL TRIBAL DESIGNATIONS. 

Capt. de Lamothe Cadillac (a) writing in the year 1696 of the Al- 
gonquians of the Great Lake region near Mackinac, etc., describes the 
emblems on their canoes as follows: "On y voit la natte de guerre le 
corbeau, Tours ou quelque autre animal * * * estant l'esprit qui 
doit conduire cette enterprise." 

This, however, was a mistake as applicable to the time when it was 
written. The animals used as emblems may originally have been re- 
garded as supernatural totemic beings, but had probably become tribal 
designations. 

IROQTJOIAN TRIBAL DESIGNATIONS. 

Bacqueville de la Potherie (c) says that a treaty with the French in 
Canada, about 1700, was "sealed" with the "proper arms," pictorially 
drawn, of the Indian tribes which were parties to it. The following is 
a copy of the original statement in its archaic form : 

Monsieur de Callieres, de Champigni, & de Vaudreiiil, en signerent le Traits, que 
chaque Nation scella de ses propres armes. Les Tsonnontouans & les Onnontaguez 
designerent ime araignce, le Goyogouin un calumet, les Onneyouts un inorceau de 
bois en fourche, une pierre au milieu, un Onnontague mit un Ours pour les Aniez, 
quoi qu'ils ne vinrent pas. Le Rat mit un Castor, les Abenaguis un Cbevreiiil, les 
Outaouaks uu Lievre, ainsi des autres. 

From this it appears that — 

The Seneca and Onondaga tribes were represented by a "spider." 
[ This was doubtless a branching tree, so badly drawn as to be mistaken 
for a spider.] 

The Cayuga tribe, by a calumet. 

The Oneida tribe, by a forked stick with a stone in the fork. [The 
forked stick was really designed for the fork of a tree.] 
The Mohawk tribe, by a bear. 

Le Eat, who was a representative Huron of Mackinaw, by a beaver. 
The Abnaki, by a deer. 
The Ottowa, by a hare. 

Several other accounts of the tribal signs of the Iroquois are pub- 



378 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



lished, often with illustrations, e. g., in Documents relating to the Colo- 
nial History of New York (a), with the following remarks: 

When they go to war, and wish to inform those of the party who may pass their 
path, they make a representation of the animal of their tribe, with a hatchet in his 
dexter paw; sometimes a saber or a club ; and if there be a number of tribes to- 
gether of the same party, each dra ws the animal of his tribe, and their number, all 
on a tree, from which they remove the bark. The animal of the tribe which heads 
the expedition is always the foremost. 

Another account of interest, which does not appear to have been 
published, was traced and contributed by Mr. William Young, of Phil- 
adelphia. It is a deed from the representatives of the Six Nations (the 
Tuscaroras then being admitted) to the King of Great Britain, dated 
November 4, 1768, and recorded at the recorder's office, Philadelphia, 
in Deed Book I, vol. 5, p. 241. Nearly all of these accounts and illus- 
trations are confused and imperfect. An instructive blunder occurs in 
the translated signature representing the Mohawk tribe in the above 
mentioned deed. It is called "The Steel," which could hardly have 
been an ancient tribal name, but after study it was remembered that 
the Mohawks have sometimes been called by a name properly trans- 
lated the " Flint people." By some confusion about flint and steel, 
which were still used in the middle of the last century to produce sparks 
of fire, perhaps assisted by the pantomime of striking those objects 
together, the one intended to be indicated, viz, the flint, was under- 
stood to be the other, the steel, and so these words were written under 
the figure, which was so roughly drawn that it might have been taken 
for a piece of flint or of steel or, indeed, anything else. 

EASTERN A LGONQTTIAN TRIBAL DESIGNATIONS. 

The illustrations in Fig. 483 were drawn in 1888 by a Passamaquoddy 
Indian, in Maine, near the Canada .border. The Passamaquoddy, Pe- 
nobscot, and Amalecite are tribal divisions of the Abnaki, who for- 
merly were also called Tarrateens by the more southern New England 
tribes and Owenunga by the Iroquois. The Micmacs are congeners of 
the Abnaki, but not classed in their tribal divisions. All the four 
tribes belong to the Algonquian linguistic stock. 

Fig. 483 a is the tribal emblem of the Passamaquoddy. It shows two 
Indians in a canoe, both using paddles and not poles, following a fish, 
the pollock. The variation which will appear in the represented use 
of poles and paddles in the marks of the Algonquian tribes in Maine, 
Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, etc., is said to have originated in the 
differing character of the waters, shoal or deep, sluggish or rapid, of 
the regions of the four bodies of Indians whose totems are indicated as 
next follows, thus requiring the use of pole and paddle, respectively, in 
a greater or less degree. The animals figured are in all cases repeated 
consistently by each one of the several delineators, and in all cases 
there is some device to show a difference between the four canoes, either 
in their structure or in their mode of propulsion, but these devices are 



TRIBAL DESIGNATIONS. 



379 



not always consistent. It is therefore probable that the several animals 
designated constitute the true and ancient totemic emblems, and that 
the accompaniment of the canoes is a modern differentiation. 

b The Maresquite or Amalecite emblem. Two Indians in a canoe, 
both with poles, following a muskrat. 

c The Micmac emblem. Two Indians, both with paddles, in a canoe 
built with high middle parts familarly called " humpback," following a 
deer. 

(I The Penobscot emblem. Two Indians in a canoe, one with a pad- 
dle and the other with a pole, following an otter. 

In Margry {a) is an account, written about 1722, of the " Principal 
divisions of the Sioux and their distinctive marks," thus translated : 

There are from twenty to twenty-six villages of Scioux and they comprise the 
nations of the prairies : 

(1) The Ouatabatonha, or Scioux des Rivieres, living on the St. Croix river or 
Lake de la Folle-Avoine which is below, and 15 leagues from the Serpent river. 
Their distinctive sign is a bear wounded in the neck. 




Fig. 483. —Eastern Algonquian tribal designations. 



(2) The Meiiesonhatoba, or Scioux des Lacs, having for their mark a bear wounded 
in the neck. 

(3) The Matatoba, or Scioux des Prairies, having for their mark a fox with an 
arrow in its mouth. 

(4) The Hictoba, or Scioux de la Chasse, having for their symbol the elk. 

(5) The Titoba, or Scioux des Prairies, whose emblem is the deer. It bears a bow 
on its horns. 

We have as yet had no commerce save with five nations. The Titoba live 80 
leagues west of Sault Saint- Antoine. 

The above early, though meager, notice will serve as an introduction 
to the following series of pictorial tribal signs, all drawn by Sioux 
Indians, and many of them representing tribal divisions of the Siouan 
linguistic stock. The history and authority of the several ''Winter 
Counts" mentioned are referred to supra, chapter x, section 2. Bed- 
Cloud's census and the Oglala roster are also described below. Ex- 
planations of some figures are added which have no reference to the 
present topic, but which seemed necessary and could not be separated 
and transferred to more appropriate division without undue multiplica- 
tion of figures and text. 



380 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




Fig. 484.— Dakota and Crow, Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1819-'20. 
In an engagement between the Dakotas and the Crows both sides 
expended all of their arrows, and then threw dirt at each other. A 
Crow is represented on the right, and 
is distinguished by the manner in 
which the hair is worn. Hidatsa 
and Absaroka are represented with 
striped or spotted hair, which denotes 
the red clay they apply to it. 

The custom which prevails among 
these tribes, and is said to have origi- 
nated with the Crows, is to wear a 
wig of horse hair attached to the 
occiput, thus resembling the natural 
fig. m.— Absarota. growth, but much increased in length. 

These wigs are made in strands having the thickness of a finger, varying 
from eight to fifteen in number, and held apart and in place by means of 
thin cross strands, thus resembling coarse network. At every inter- 
section of strands of hair and crossties, lumps of pine gum are attached 
to prevent disarrangement and as in itself ornamental, and to these 
lumps dry vermilion clay is applied by the richer classes and red ocher 
or powdered clay by the poorer people. 

Pictures drawn by some of the northern tribes of the Dakota show 
the characteristic and distinctive features for a Crow Indian to be the 
distribution of the red war paint which covers the forehead. 

Fig. 485.— Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1830-'31. The Crows were 
approaching a village at a time when there was a great deal of snow 
on the ground and intended to surprise it, but, some herders 
discovering them, the Dakotas went out, laid in wait for 
the Crows, surprised them, and killed many. A Crow's 
I head is represented in the figure. 

The Crow is designated not only by the arrangement of 
back hair, before mentioned, but by a topknot of hair ex- 
FlG S arokZ Ab " tending upward from the forehead, brushed upward and 
slightly backward. See also the seated figure in the record of Running 
Antelope, in Fig. 820, infra. 




Fig. 486. — The Dakotas surrounded and killed ten 
\ Crows. Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1857-'58. 

The hair is somewhat shortened and not intentionally 
foreshortened, which was beyond the artist's skill. 



FlG. 4«U.— Absaroka. 



MALLERY.] 



TRIBAL DESIGNATIONS. 



381 



Fig. 487. — The Dakotas killed a Crow and his squaw 
who were fouud on a trail. Cloud-Shield's Winter 
Count, 1839-'40. 

- This is a front view. The union line signifies hus- 
band and wife. 



Fig. 488. — Arapaho, in the Dakota language, magpi- 
yato, blue cloud, is here shown by a circular cloud, drawn 
in blue in the original, inclosing the head of a man. Bed- 
Cloud's census. 

i 

ARIKAKA OK REE. 

Fig. 489 is the tribal sign of the Arikara, made by the 
Dakota, taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good 

for the year lS23-'24, which he calls "General first - 

appeared - and -the-Dakotas- aided-in-an-attack-on-the-Bees 
winter," also "Much corn winter." 

The gun and the arrow in contact with the ear of corn 
show that both whites and Indians fought the Bees. The 
ear of corn signifies "Bee" or Arikara Indians, who are 
designated in gesture language as "corn shellers." 




Fig. 490.— A Dakota kills one Bee. The-Flame's Winter 
Count, 1874-'75. Here the ear of corn, the conventional 
sign for Arikara, has become abbreviated. 

FlG.490._Ari- 

ASSINIBOIN. 

Fig. 491 is the tribal designation for Assiniboin or Hohe made by 
the Dakota, as taken from the Winter Count of Battiste 
Good for the year 1709-'10. 

The Hohe means the voice, or, as some say, the voice of 
the musk ox, and the device is the outline of the vocal 
organs, according to the Dakota concept, and represents siniboin. 
the upper lip and roof of the mouth, the tongue, the lower lip, and chin 
and neck. The view is lateral, and resembles the sectional aspect of 
the mouth and tongue. 




PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fig. 402. — A Brule, who had left the village the night 
before, was found dead in the morning outside the vil- 
lage, and the dogs were eating his body. Cloud- Shield's 
Winter Count, 1822-'23. 

The black spot on the upper part of the thigh shows 
he was a Brule. 

!.— Brule. 

493. a Brule was found dead under a tree, which had fallen on 

him. Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1808-'1(). 

Again the burnt thigh is suggested by the black spot. 
The significance of these two figures is explained by 
the gesture sign for Brule as follows: Bub the upper 
and outer part of the right thigh in a small circle with 
the open right hand, fingers pointing downward. These 
Indians were once caught in a prairie fire, many burned 
to death, and others badly burned about the thighs; 
hence the name Si-ca n -gu, burnt thigh, and the sign. 
According to the Brule chronology, this fire occurred in 
i.-Bruio. 176 3^ w ]xi c ]x they call " The-people-Avere-burned winter." 

CIIEYENXE. 

494. — The Cheyenne who boasted that he was bullet and arrow 

proof was killed by white soldiers, near Fort 
Bobinson, Nebraska, in the intrenchments 
behind which the Cheyennes were defending 
themselves after they had escaped from the 
fort. Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1878-79. 

The marks on the arm constitute the 
tribal ifictographic emblem. It is explained 
by the gesture sign as follows: Pass the 
ulnar side of the extended index finger 
repeatedly across extended finger and back 
of the left hand. Fig. 495 illustrates this 
gesture sign. Frequently, however, the in- 
dex is drawn across the wrist or forearm, or 
the extended index, palm upward, is drawn 
across the forefinger of the left hand (palm 
1), several times, left hand stationary, right hand is drawn to- 
^ -,, ward the body until the in- 

- r ^ t J (lex is drawn clear off; then 

y :y--~S\ ^ repeat. Some Cheyennes be- 

- - ; v >' lieve this to have reference 

v/ / t to the former custom of cut- 

f„ ; . 405._cheypnne. tiug the arms as offerings to 

, while others think it refers to a more ancient custom of cutting 




TRIBAL DESIGNATIONS. 



383 



off the enemy's fingers for necklaces, and sometimes to cutting off the 
whole hand or forearm as a trophy to be displayed as scalps more gen- 
erally are. 



Fig. 490 is from the Winter Count of Battiste Good 
for the year 1785-'86. In that record this is the only 
instance where the short vertical lines below the ar- 
row signify Cheyenne. In all others those marks are 
numerical and denote the number of persons killed. 
That these short lines here signify Cheyenne is ex- 
plained by the foregoing remarks. 





Fig. 497. — Picket-Pin went against the Cheyennes. 
A picket-pin is represented in front of him and is 
connected with his mouth by the usual line. Cloud- 
SMeld's Winter Count, 1790-91. 

The black band across his face denotes that he was 
brave and had killed enemies. The cross is the sym- 
bol for Cheyenne. This mark stands for the scars on 
their arms or stripes on their sleeves, and also to the 
gesture sign for this tribe. The cross is, therefore, 
the conventionalized form both for the emblem and 
the gesture. 

DAKOTA OR SIOUX. 

Fig. 498.— Standing-Bull, the great grandfather of the present Stand- 
ing-Bull, discovered the Black Hills. American -Horse's 
Winter Count, 1775- 70. He carried home with him 
a pine tree of a species he had never seen before. In 
this count the Dakotas are usually distinguished by 
the braided scalp lock and the feather they wear at 
the crown of the head, or by the manner in which 
they brush back and tie the hair with ornamented 
strips. Many illustrations are given in the present 
paper in which this arrangement of the hair is shown 
more distinctly. 

With regard to the designation of this tribe by fig. 498. -Dakota, 
paint it seems that pictures made by the northern Dakotas represent 
themselves as distinguished from other Indians by being painted red 
from below the eyes to the end of the chin. But this is probably rather 
a special war painting than a tribal design. 




384 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



HIDATSA, GROS VENTRE, OR MINITARI. 

Fig. 499 shows the tribal designation of the Gros Ventres by the 
Dakotas, on the authority of Battiste Good, 1789-90. 

Two Gros Ventres were killed on the ice by the 
Dakotas. The two are designated by two spots of 
i blood on the ice, and killed is expressed by a blood- 
tipped arrow against the figure of the man above. 
The long hair, with a red forehead, denotes the Gros 
fig. 499.— Hidatsa. Ventre. In other Dakota records the same style of 
painting the forehead red designates the Arikara and Absaroka Indians. 
The horizontal band, which is blue in the original, signifies ice. 




Fig. 500 shows the tribal designation of the Kaiowa by the Dakota, 
taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good, 
1814-'15. He calls the winter " Smashed-a-Kaiowa's- 
head-in winter." The tomahawk with which it was 
done is in contact with the Kaiowa's head. 

The sign for Kaiowa is sometimes made by passing 
one or both hands, naturally extended, in short hori- 
zontal circles on either side of the head, together 
with a shaking motion, the conception being "rattle- 
brained" or "crazy heads." The picture is drawn to 
represent the man in the attitude of making this gesture, and not the 
involuntary raising of the hands upon receiving the blow, such atti- 
tudes not appearing in Battiste Good's system. 





'fy$ 



Fig. 501. -Kaiowa. 

This gesture is illustrated in Fig. 501. 



mallery.] TRIBAL DESIGNATIONS. 385 

M AND AN. 

Fig. 502. — Two Mandans killed by Miuneconjous. 
The peculiar arrangement of the hair distinguishes the 
tribe. The-Flame's Winter Count, 17S9-'90. 

Fig. 502.— Mandan. 

MANDAN AND ARIKARA. 

Fig. 503. — The Mandans and Bees made a charge on a Dakota vil- 
lage. An eagle's tail, which is worn on the head, 
stands for Mandan and Bee. American-Horse's Winter 
Count, 17S3-'84. 

The mark on the tipi, which represents a village, is 
not, as it at first sight appears, a hatchet, but a con- 
ventional sign for " it hit.*' See Fig. 987 and accoin- Fll ^£ to 
panying remarks. 

OJIBWA. 

Carver (a), writing in 1776- 78, tells that an Ojibwa drew the desig- 
nation of his own tribe as a deer. The honest captain of provincial 
troops may have mistaken a clan mark to be a tribal mark, but the 
account is mentioned for what it is worth, and the context serves to 
support the statement. 

OMAHA. 

Fig. 504 is the tribal designation of the Omahas 
by the Dakotas, taken from the Winter Count of 
Battiste Good, for the yearl744-'45. Thepictograph 
is a human head with cropped hair and red cheeks. 
It is a front view. This tribe cuts the hair short and 
uses red paint upon the cheeks ^ery extensively. 
This character is of frequent occurrence in Battiste 
Good's count. 



Fig. 505. — The Dakotas killed an Omaha in the 
night. Cloud- Shield's Winter Count, 1806-07. 

This is a side view of the same. The illustration 
does not show the color of the cheeks. 

Fig. 505.— Omaha. 

Fig. 506. — The Dakotas and Omahas made peace. 
Cloud-Shield\s Winter Count, 179l-'92. 

The Omaha is on the right and the Dakota on the 
left, 



Fig. 500.— Omaha. 

10 ETH 25 








386 



PICTUEE-WKITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




Fig. 507 is the tribal designation of the Pawnee by 
the Dakotas, taken from Battiste Good's Winter 
Count for the year 1704-'()5. 

He says: The lower part of the legs are orna- 
mented with slight projections resembling the husks 
on the bottom of an ear of corn. 



Fig. 508. — Brules kill a number of Pawnees. 
The-Flame's Winter Count, 1873-'74. 

This is the abbreviated or conventionalized form 
of the one preceding. 



Fig. 509. — They killed many Pawnees on the 
Republican river. Cloud- Shield's Winter Count, 
1873-'74. 

Here the arrangement of the hair makes the dis- 
tinction. 

Fig. 509.— Pawnee. 

In this connection it is useful to quote Dunbar (a): 

The tribal mark of- the Pawnees in their pictographic or historic painting was the 
scalp lock dressed to stand nearly erect or curving slightly backwards, somewhat 
like a horn. This, in order that it should retain its position, was filled with Ver- 
million or other pigment, and somrl inn s lengthened by means of a tuft of horse hair 
skillfully appended so as to form a trail back over the shoulders. This usage was 
undoubtedly the origin of the name Pawnee. * * * It is most probably derived 
from pd-rik-i, a horn, and seems to have been once used by the Pawnees themselves to 
designate their peculiar scalp lock. From the fact that this was the most noticeable 
feature in their costume, the name came naturally to be the denominative term of 
the tribe. 



Fig. 510. — ThePonkas came and attacked a village, 
notwithstanding peace had just been made with them. 
American-Horse's Winter Count, 1778-'79. 

Some, elk hair which is used to form a ridge about 
8 inches long and 13 in breadth, worn from the fore- 
head to the back of the neck, and a feather, represent Ponka. Horse 
tracks are used for horses. Attack is indicated by marks which repre- 
sent bullet marks, and which convey the idea that the bullet struck. 
The marks are derived from the gesture-sign "it struck." See Chapter 
xviu, section 4, 




Fit;. 510.— Ponka. 



MALLERT.] 



TRIBAL DESIGNATIONS. 



387 



Fig. 511. — An Indian woman, who had been un- 
faithful to a white man to whom she was married, 
was killed by an Indian named Ponka. American- 
Horse's Winter Count, 1804-'05. 

The emblem for Ponka is the straight elk hair 
ridge. 

Fig. 512. — A Ponka, who was captured when a boy 
by the Oglalas, was killed while outside the village 
by a war party of Ponkas. American-Horse's Win- 
ter Count, 1793-'94. 

The artificial headdress, consisting of a ridge of 
elk hair, is again portrayed. 

SHOSHONI. 

Dr. George Gibbs (b) describes a pictograph made by one of the 
Indian tribes of Oregon and Washington, upon which "the figure of a 
man with a long queue or scalp lock reached to his heels denoted a Sho- 
shoni, that tribe being in the habit of braiding horse or other hair into 
their own in that manner." 

This may be correct regarding the Shoshoni Indians among the 
extreme northwestern tribes, but the mark of identification could not be 
based upon the custom of braiding with their own hair that of animals, to 
increase the length and appearance of the queue, as this custom also pre- 
vails among the Absaroka, Hidatsa, and Arikaa Indians, respectively, 
as before mentioned in this work. 

Tanner's Narrative (e) gives additional information on this topic 
regarding the absence of any tribal sign in connection with a human 
figure. 

The men of the same tribe are extensively acquainted with the totems which be- 
long to each, and if on any record of this kind the figure of a man appears without 
any designatory mark, it is immediately understood that he is a Sioux or at least a 
stranger. Indeed, in most instances the figures of men are not used at all, merely 
the totem or surname, being given. * * * It may be observed that the Algon- 
kins believe all other Indians to have totems, though from the necessity they are 
in general under of remaining ignorant of those hostile bands, the omission of the 
totem in their picture writing serves to designate an enemy. Thus, those bands of 
Ojibbeways who border on the country of the Dahcotah or Sioux, always under- 
stand the figure of a man without totem to mean one of that people'. 

| 0 0 |~~] ^ Y tnnJ 

a b c d e f g 

Fig. 513.— Tamga of Kirghisc, tribes. 

In Sketches of Northwestern Mongolia, (a) are the tamga or seals of 
Kirghise tribes, of which Fig. 513 is a copy. 




Fig. 512.— Ponka. 



388 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The explanation given is as follows: a. Kipchaktainga : letter alip. 
b. Arguin tamga: eyes. c. Nai man tamga: posts (of door), d. Kong- 
rat, Kirei, tamga: vine. e. Nak tamga: prop. /. Tarakti tainga: 
comb. g. Tyulimgut tamga: pike. 

SECTION 2. 
GENTILE AND CLAN DESIGNATIONS. 

The clan and totemic system formerly called the gentile system un- 
doubtedly prevailed anciently in Europe and Asia, but first became 
understood by observations of its existence in actual force among the 
aborigines of America and Australia, and typical representations of it 
are still found among them. In Australia it is called kobong. An animal 
or a plant, or sometimes a heavenly body was mythologically at first 
and at last sociologically connected with all persons of a certain stock, 
who believe, or once believed, that it was their tutelar god and they 
bear its name. 

Each clan or gens took as a badge or objective totem the representa- 
tion of the tutelar daimou from which it was named. As most Indian 
tribes were zootheistic, the object of their devotion was generally an 
animal — e. g., an eagle, a panther, a buffalo, a bear, a deer, a raccoon, a 
tortoise, a snake, or a fish, but sometimes was one of the winds, a celes- 
tial body, or other impressive object or phenomenon. 

American Indians once generally observed a prohibition against kill- 
ing the animal connected with their totem or eating any part of it. 
For instance, most of the southern Indians abstained from killing the 
wolf; the Navajo do not kill bears; the Osage never killed the beaver 
until the skins became valuable for sale. Afterward some of the ani- 
mals previously held sacred were killed ; but apologies were made to 
them at the time, and in almost all cases the prohibition or taboo sur- 
vived with regard to certain parts of those animals which were not to 
be eaten on the principle of synecdoche, the temptation to use the food 
being too strong to permit entire abstinence. The Cherokee forbade the 
use of the tongues of the deer and bear for food. They cut these mem- 
bers out and cast them into the fire sacramentally. A practice still 
exists among the OjibWa as follows: There is a formal restriction 
against members of the bear clan eating the animal, yet by a subdivi- 
sion within the same clan an arrangement is made so that sub-clans 
may among them eat the whole animal. When a bear is killed, the 
head and paws are eaten by those who form one branch of the bear 
totem, and the remainder is reserved for the others. Other Indian 
tribes have invented a differentiation in which some clansmen may 
eat the ham and not the shoulder of certain animals, and others the 
shoulder and not the ham. 

It follows, therefore, that sometimes the whole animal is designated 
as a clan totem, and also that sometimes only parts of it is selected. 



GENTILE DESIGNATIONS. 



389 



Many of the devices given in this paper under the heading- of personal 
names have this origin. The following figures show a selection of parts 
of animals that may farther illustrate the subject. It must, however, 
be borne in mind that some of the cases may be connected with indi- 




9 

Fig. 514.— Dakota gentile designations. 



vidual visions or with personal adventures and not directly with the 
clan system. In the absence of detailed information in each instance 
discrimination is impossible. 

Schoolcraft says that the Ojibwa always placed the totemic or clan 



390 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



pictorial mark upon the adjedatig or grave-post, thereby sinking the 
personal name which is not generally indicative of the totem. The 
same practice is found in other tribes. The Pueblos depict the gentile 
or totemic pictorial sign upon their various styles of ceramic work. 

Fig. 514, gives examples taken from Dakota drawings, which appear 
to be pictured totemic marks of gentes or clans. If not in every in- 
stance veritable examples, they illustrate the mode of their represen- 
tation as distinct from the mere personal designations mentioned below, 
and yet without positive information in each case, it is not possible to 
decide on their correct assignment to this section of the present chapter. 




JFlG. 515.— Kwakiutl carvings. 



a. Bear-Back. Bed-Cloud's Census. 

This and the six following figures exhibit respectively the portions 
of the bear, viz, the back or chine, the ears, the head, the paw, the 
brains, and the nostrils or muzzle, which are probably the subject of 
taboo and are the sign of a clan or subclan. 

b. Bear's-Ears, a Brule, was killed in an Oglala village by the Crows. 
American-Horse's Winter Count, 1785-'86. 

c. Bear's-Ears was killed in a fight with the Rees. Cloud-Shield's 
Winter Count, 1793-'94. 



IALLERY.] 



OENTILE DESIGNATIONS. 



391 



This is another and more graphic delineation of tne animal's ears. 

d. Bear-Head. Red-Cloud's Census. 

e. Bear-Paw. Bed-Cloud's Census. The paws of the bear are con- 
sidered to be a delicacy. 

-/. Bear-Brains. Bed-Cloud's Census. 

g. Bear-Nostrils. Bed-Cloud's Census. 

h. Hump. Bed-Cloud's Census. The hump of the buffalo has been 
often praised as a delicious dish. 

i. Elk-Head. Bed-Cloud's Census. 

Fig. 515 represents carved uprights in a house of the Kwakiutl Indi- 
ans, British Columbia, taken from a work of Dr. Franz Boas (6). 

The author says that these uprights are always carved according to 
the crest of the gens of the house owner, and represent men standing 
on the heads of animals. This use of the term " crest" is not herald- 
ically correct, as literally it would require the men to be standing on 
the coverings of their own heads, but the idea is plain, the word being 
used for a device similar in nature and significance to the crest in 
heraldry, and it was adopted by the ancestors of the Kwakiutl gentes in 
relation to certain exploits that they had made. Both human figures 
show painting and probably also tattooing on their faces. 

The character on the left hand also shows a design on the breast. 
That on the right hand presents a curious artifice of carving by which 
the legs and an arm are exhibited while preserving the solidity of the 
upright. 

SECTION 3. 
SIGNIFICANCE OF TATTOO. 

Tattooing proper is a permanent marking of the skin accomplished 
by the introduction of coloring matter under the cutaneous epidermis. 
In popular expression and often in literature it includes penetration 
of the skin by cuts, gashes, or sometimes burns, without the insertion 
of coloring matter, the cicatrix being generally whiter than the sound 
skin of the people, most frequently of the dark races, among whom the 
practice is found. This form of figuration is distinguished as scarifica- 
tion and some examples of it are given below. The two varieties of 
tattoo may, however, for the purpose of this paper, be considered 
together and also in relation to painting the human body, which in its 
early use differs from them only in duration. 

Mr. Herbert Spencer (a) considers all forms of tattoo to be originally 
tribal marks, and draws from that assumption additional evidence for 
his favorite theory of the deification of a dead tribal chief. Miss A. 
W. Bucklaud (a), in her essay on tattooing, follows in the same track, 
although recognizing modern deviations from the rule. A valuable 
article in the literature of the- subject entitled "Tattooing among 
civilized people," by Dr. Bobert Fletcher should be consulted. Also A 
tatuagem em Portugal, by Bocha Peixoto. 



392 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Dr. 0. 1ST. Starcke (a) lays down the law still more distinctly, thus: 

The tattoo-marks make it possible to discover the remote connection between 
clans, and tins token lias such a powerful inlluence on the mind that there is no 
feud between tribes which are tattooed in the same way. * * * Tattooing may 
also lead to the formation of a group within the tribe. 
Prof. Frederick Starr (a) makes these remarks: 

As a sign of war prowess the gash of the Kaffir warrior may be described. After 
an act of bravery the priest cuts a deep gash in the hero's thigh. This heals blue 
and is a prized honor. To realize the value of a tribal mark think for a moment of 
the sava.gr man's relation to the world' outside. He is a very Ishmarlitr. So long 
as he remains on his own tribal territory he is safe; when on the land of another 
tribe his life is the legitimate prey of the first man he meets. To men in such social 
relations the tribal mark is the only safety at home ; without it he would be slain 
unrecognized by his own tribesmen. There must have been a time when the old 
Hebrews knew all about this matter of tribe marks. By this custom only can we 
fully understand the story of Cain (Gen. iv, 14, 15), who fears to bo sent from his 
own territory lest he be slain by the first stranger he meets, but is protected by the 
tribal mark of those among whom he is to wander being put upon him. But in 
scarring, as in so many other cases, the original idea is often lost and the mark be- 
comes merely ornamental. This is particularly true among women. Among men 
it more frequently retains its tribal significance. 

After careful study of the topic, less positive and conclusive authority 
is found for this explanation of tattooing than was expected, consider- 
ing its general admission. 

The great antiquity of tattooing is shown by reference to it in the 
Old Testament, and in Herodotus, Xenophon, Tacitus, Ammianus, and 
Herodiau. The publications on the topic are so numerous that the 
notes now to be presented are by no means exhaustive. They mainly 
refer to the Indian tribes of North America with only such compara- 
tively recent reports from other lands as seem to afford elucidation. 

TATTOO TN NORTH AMERICA. 

G. Holm (b) says of the Greenland Innuit that geometric figures con- 
sisting of streaks and points, are used in tattooing on the breasts, arms, 
and legs of the females. 

H. H. Bancroft (b) says: 

The Eskimo females tattoo lines on their chins; the plebeian female of certain 
bands has one vertical line in the center and one parallel to it on either side The 
higher classes mark two vertical lines from each corner of the mouth. * * * 
Young Kadiak wives tattoo the breast and adorn the face with black lines. The 
Kuskoquim women sew into their chin two parallel blue lines. 

William H. Gilder (a) reports: 

The Esquimau wife has her face tattooed with lampblack and is regarded as a 
matron in society. * * * The forehead is decorated with the letter V in double 
lines, the angle very acute, passing down between the eyes almost to the bridge of 
the nose, and sloping gracefully to the right and left before reaching the roots 
of the hair. Each cheek is adorned with an egg-shaped pattern, commencing near 
the wing of the nose and sloping upward toward the corner of the eye; these lines 
are also double. The most ornamented part, however, is the chin, which receives 
a gridiron pattern; the lines double from the edge of the lower lip, and reaching to 



NORTH AMERICAN TATTOO. 



393 



the throat toward the corners of the mouth, sloping outward to the angle of the 
lower jaw. This is all that is required by custom, but some of the belles do not 
stop here. * * * None of the men are tattooed. 

An early notice of tattooing in the territory now occupied by the 
United States, mentioned in Hakluyt (d), is in the visit of the Florida 
chief, Satouriona, in 1564, to Rene Laudonniere. His tattooed figure 
was drawn by Le Moyne, Tabular Yin, ix. 

Capt. John Smith {a) is made to say of the Virginia Indians: 

They adorne themselues most with copper beads and paintings. Their women, 
some haue their legs, hands, breasts and face cunningly imbrodered with divers 
workes, as beasts, serpents, artificially wrought into their flesh with blacke spots. 

Thomas Hariot (a), in PI. xxni, here reproduced as Fig. 516, Dis- 
coveries of 15S5, discussing " The Marches of suudrye of the Chief 
mene of Virginia," says : 

The inhabitats of all the cuntrie for the most parte haue marks rased on their 
backs, wherby yt may be knowen what Princes subiects they bee, or of what place 




Fig. 516.— Virginian tattoo designs. 

they haue their originall. For which cause we haue set downe those marks in this 
figure, and haue annexed the names of the places, that they might more easelye be 
discerned. Which industrie hath god indued them withal although they be verye 
simple, and rude. And to confesse a truthe I cannot remember, that euer I saw a 
better or quietter people than they. 

The marks which I observed amonge them, are heere put downe in order folowinge. 

The raarke which is expressed by A. belongeth tbo Wingino, the cheefe lorde of 
Eoanoae. 

That which hath B. is the marke of Wingino his sisters husbande. 
Those which be noted with the letters of C. and D. belonge vnto diverse chefe 
lordes in Secotan. 

Those which haue the letters E. F. G. are certaine cheefe men of Pomeiooc, and 
Aquascogoc. 

Frere Gabriel Sagard (6) says (about 1636) of the Hurons that they 
tattooed by scratching with a bone of bird or fish, a black powder being 
applied to the bleeding wounds. The operation was not completed at 



394 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



once, but required several renewals. The object was to show bravery 
by supporting great pain as well as to terrify enemies. 

In the Jesuit Eelation for 1641, p. 75, it is said of the Neuter Nation 
that on their bodies from head to foot they marked a thousand diverse 
figures with charcoal pricked into the flesh on which beforehand they 
have traced lines for them. 

Lemoyne D'Iberville, in 1649, Margry (b), remarked among the Bay- 
ogoulas that some of the young women had their faces and breasts 
pricked and marked with black. 

In the Jesuit Relation for 1663, p. 28, there is an account that the head 
chief of the Iroquois, called by the French Nero, had killed sixty enemies 
with his own hand, the marks of which he bears printed on his thigh, 
which, therefore, appears covered over with black characters. 

Joutel, in Margry (c), speaks of tattooing among the Texas Indians 
in 1687. Some women make a streak from the top of the forehead to 
chin, some make a triangle at the corners of their eyes, others on the 
breast and shoulders, others prick the lips. The marks are indelible. 

Bacqueville de la Potherie (b) says of the Iroquois: 

They paint several colors on the face, as black, white, yellow, blue, and vermilliou. 
Men paint snakes from the forehead to the nose, but they prick the greater part of 
the body with a needle to draw blood. Bruised gunpowder makes the first coat to 
receive the other colors, of which they make such figures as they desire and they are 
never effaced. 

M. Bossu (a) says of tatooiug among the Osages in 1756: 

It is a kind of knighthood to which they are only entitled by great actions; they 
suffer with pleasure in order to pass for men of courage. 

If one of them should get himself marked without having previously distinguished 
himself in battle he would be degraded, and looked upon as a coward, unworthy of 
an honor. * * * 

I saw an Indian, who, though he had never signalized himself in defense of the 
nation, got a mark made on his body in order to deceive those who only judged from 
appearance. The council agreed that, to obviate such an abuse, which would con- 
found brave men with cowards, he who had wrongfully adorned himself with the 
figure of a club on his skin, without ever having struck a blow at war, should have 
the mark torn off; that is, the place should be flayed, and that the same should be 
done to all who would offend in the same case. 

The Indian women are allowed to make marks all over their body, without any 
bad consequences; they endure it firmly, like the men, in order to please them, and 
to appear handsomer to them. 

James Adair (a) says of the Chikasas in 1720: 

They readily know achievements in war by the blue marks over their breasts and 
arms, they being as legible as our alphabetical characters are to us. Their ink is 
made of the root of pitch pine, which sticks to the inside of a greased earthen pot; 
then delineating the parts, they break through the skin with gairlish teeth, and rub 
over them that dark composition, to register them among the brave, and the impres- 
sion is lasting. I have been told by the Chikasah that they formerly erased any 
false marks their warriors proudly and privately gave themselves, in order to engage 
them to give real proofs of their martial virtue, being surrounded by the French and 
their red allies; and that they degraded them in a public manner, by stretching the 
marked parts, and rubbing them with the juice of green corn, which in a great 
degree took out the impression. 



NORTH AMERICAN TATTOO. 



395 



Sir Alex. Mackenzie (6) tells that the Slave and Dog Rib Indians of 
the Atkabaskan stock practiced tatooing. The men bad two double 
lines, either black or blue, tattooed upon each cheek from the ear to the 
nose. 

In James's Long (c) it is reported that — 

The Omahas are ol'ten neatly tattooed in straight lines, and in angles on the hreast, 
neck, and arms. The daughters of chiefs and those of wealthy Indians generally are 
denoted hy a small round spot tattooed on the forehead. The process of tattooing 
is performed by persons who make it a business of profit. 

Eev. J. Owen Dorsey (a) says: 

In order that the ghost may travel the ghost-road in safety it is necessary for each 
Dakota, during his life, to be tattooed either in the middle of the forehead or on the 
wrists. In that event his spirit will go directly to the " Many Lodges." 

The female Mide' of the Ojibwa frequently tattoo the temples, fore- 
head, or cheeks of sufferers from headache or toothache, which varieties 
of pain are believed to be caused by some malevolent manido or spirit. 
By this operation such demons are expelled, the ceremony being also 
accompanied by songs and gesticulations of exorcism. Relief is some- 
times actually obtained through the counterirritant action of the tat- 
tooing, wbich is effected by using a small bunch of needles, though 
formerly several spicules of bone were tied together or used singly. 

One old Ojibwa woman who was observed in 1887 had a round spot 
over each temple, made there to cure headache. The spots were of a 
bluish-black color, and about five-eighths of an inch in diameter. An- 
other had a similar spot upon the nasal eminence, and a line of small 
dots running from the nostrils, horizontally outward over either cheek, 
two-thirds of the distance to the ears. 

The men of the Wichita wore tattoo lines from the lips downward, V, 
and it is a significant fact that their tribal sign means " tattooed peo- 
ple," the same expression being used to designate them in the language 
of several neighboring tribes. This would imply that tattooing was 
not common in that region. The Kaiowa women, however, frequently 
had small circles tattooed on their foreheads, and the Sixtown Choctaws 
still are distinguished by perpendicular lines tatooed on the chin. 

Mr. John Murdoch (b) reports of the Eskimo: 

The custom of tattooing is almost universal among the women, but the marks are 
confined almost exclusively to the chin, and form a very simple pattern. This con- 
sists of one, three, five, or perhaps as many as seven vertical lines from the under 
lip to the tip of the chin, slightly radiating when there are more than one. When 
there is a single line, which is rather rare, it is generally broad, and the middle line 
is sometimes broader than the others. The women, as a rule, are not tattooed until 
they reach a marriageable age, though there were a few little girls in the two 
villages who had a single line on the chin. I remember seeing but one married 
woman in either village who was not tattooed, and she had come from a distant 
settlement, from Point Hope, as well as we could understand. 

Tattooing on a man is a mark of distinction. Those men who are, or have been, 
captains of whaling umiaks that have taken whales have marks to indicate this tat- 
tooed somewhere on their persons, sometimes forming a definite tally. For instance, 
Anoru had a broad band across each cheek from the corners of tho mouth, made up 



396 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



of many indistinct lines; which was said to indicate "many whales." Amaiyuna 
had the "Unices'' of seven whales in a line across his chest, and Mu'fiialu had a 
couple of small marks on one forearm. Niaksiira, the wife of Anoru, also had a little 
mark tattooed in each corner of her mouth, which she said were "whale marks," 
indicating' that she was the wife of a successful whaleman. Such marks, according 
toPetitot (Monographic, etc., p. 15), are a part of the usual pattern in the Mackenzie 
district— " deux traits aux commissures de la houche." One or two men at Nuwuk 
had each a narrow line across the face over the hridge of the nose, which wereproba- 
hly also "whale marks," though we never could get a definite answer concerning 

The tattooing is done with a needle and thread, smeared with soot or gunpowder, 
giving a peculiar pitted appearance to the lines. It is rather a painful operation, 
producing considerable inflammation and swelling, which lasts several days. The 
practice of tattooing the women is almost universal among the Eskimo from Green- 
land to Kadiak, including the Eskimo of Siberia, the only exception being the 
natives of Smith sound, though the custom is falling into disuse among the Eskimo 
who have much intercourse with the whites. 

The simple pattern of straight, slightly diverging lines on the chin seems to prevail 
from the Mackenzie district to Kadiak, and similar chin lines appear always to form 
part of the more elaborate patterns, sometimes extending to the arms and other 
parts of the hody, in fashion among the eastern Eskimo and those of Siberia, St. 
Lawrence island, and the Diomedes. 

TATTOO ON THE PACIFIC COAST. 

During the summer of 1884 Dr. Hoffman met, at Port Townsend. 
Washington, a party of Haida Indians from Queen Charlottes island, 
who were encamped there for a short time. Most of them were tattooed 
after the manner of the Haidas, the breast, back, forearm, and legs 
bearing partial or complete designs of animate forms relating to totems 
or myths. Some of the persons had been tattooed only in part, the fig- 
ures upon the forearms, for instance, being incomplete, because the 
operation at a previous "potlatch" or festival had to be suspended on 
account of the great length of time required, or on account of an extra 
inflammatory condition of the affected parts. 

Among this party of Haidas was Makde'gos, the tattooer of the tribe, 
whose work is truly remarkable. The designs made by him are sym- 
metrical, wliile the lines are uniform in width and regular and graceful 
in every respect. In persons tattooed upon the breast or back the part 
operated upon is first divided into halves by an imaginary vertical line 
upon the breast through the middle of the sternum and upon the back 
along the middle of the vertebral column. Such designs are drawn 
double, facing outward from this imaginary line. One side is first 
drawn and completed, while the other is merely a reverse transfer, 
made immediately afterwards or at such future time as the operation 
of tattooing may be renewed. 

The colors are black and red, the former consisting of finely powdered 
charcoal, gunpowder, or India ink, while the latter is Chinese vermil- 
ion. The operation was formerly performed with sharp thorns, spines 
of certain fishes, or spicules of bone; but recently a small bunch of 
needles is used, which serves the purpose to better effect. 



PACIFIC COAST TATTOO. 



397 



As is well known, the black pigments, when picked into the human 
skin, become rather bluish, which tint, when beneath the yellowish tinge 
of the Indian's cuticle, appears of an olive or sometimes a greenish-blue 
shade. The colors, immediately after being tattooed upon the skin, 
-retain more or less of the blue-black shade; but by absorption of the 
pigment and the persistence of the coloring matter of the pigmentary 
membrane the greenish tint soon appears, becoming gradually less con- 
spicuous as time progresses, so that in some of the oldest tattooed 
Indians the designs are greatly weakened in coloration. 




Fig. 517.— Haida tattoo, sculpin and dragon fly. 



Upon the bodies of some persons examined the results of ulceration 
are conspicuous. This destruction of tissue is the result of inflamma- 
tion caused by the tattooing and the introduction under the skin of so 
great a quantity of irritating foreign matter that, instead of designs in 
color, there are distinct, sharply derined figures in white or nearly white 
cicatrices, the pigmentary membrane having been totally destroyed by 
the ulceration. 



398 PICTURE-WEITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The figures represented upon the several Indians met with, as above- 
mentioned, were not all of totemic signification, one arm, for instance, 
bearing the figure of the totem of which the person is a member, while 
the other arm presents the outline of a mythic being, as shown in Fig. 
517, copied from the arms of a woman. The left device is taken 
from the left forearm, and represents kul, the skulpin, a totemic animal, 
whereas the right hand device, taken from the right arm of the same 
subject, represents mamathlona, the dragon fly, a mythic insect. 

In Fig. 518 two forms of the thunderbird are presented, copied from 




Fig. 518.— Haida tattoo, thunder bird. 



the right and left forearms and hands, respectively, of a Haida woman. 
The right hand device is complete, but that on the left, copied from the 
opposite forearm and hand, is incomplete, and it was expected that the 
design would be entirely finished at the "potlatch" which was to be 
held in the autumn of 1884. In thecompleted design the transverse curve 
in the body of the tail was red, as also the three diagonal lines upon the 
body of the bird running outward from the central vertical toward the 
radial side of the hand. The brace-shaped lines within the head orna- 
ment had also been tattooed in red. 



MALLERT-1 



HAIDA TATTOO. 



399 



In some instances the totem and mythic character are shown upon 
the same member, as is represented in Fig. 519. This tattooing was cop- 
ied from the left arm of a woman, the complete figure upon the forearm 
and hand being that of a thunder bird, while the four heads upon the 
fingers represent that of the tshimo's, a mythic animal. The thunder- 
bird had been tattooed upon the arms a number of years before the 
heads were added, probably because the protracted and painful oper- 
ation of tattooing so large a figure deterred the sufferer from further 




Fig. 519.— Haida tattoo, thunder-bird and tshimo's. Fig. 520.— Haida tattoo, bear. 

sitting. Sometimes, however, such postponement or noncompletion of 
an operation is the result of inability on the part of the subject to de- 
fray the expense. 

Another instance of the interrupted condition of tattooed designs is 
presented in Fig. 520. The figure upon the forearm and hand is that 
of the bear totem, and was made first. At a subsequent festival the 
bear heads were tattooed upon the fingers, and, last of all, the body 
was tattoed upon the middle finger, leaving three yet to be completed. 



/ 



400 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fig. 521 shows ta ttoo designs upon the leg. These represent met, the 
mountain goat. 

It is seldom that double designs occur on the extremities, such being 
reserved for the breast and back, but an instance was noted, repre- 
sented in Fig. 522, which is a representation of helinga, the thunder - 
bird, and was on the left arm of a man. 

One of the most conspicuous examples of the art observed among the 
party of traveling Haidas mentioned, was that of a double raven tattooed 
upon the breast of Makde'gos, copied here as Fig. 523. 




Upon the back of this Indian is also the figure of kahatta, the dog-fish, 
Fig. 524. In addition to these marks he bears also upon his extremi 
ties totemic and mythic animals. 

Sometimes the simple outline designs employed in tattooing are 
painted upon property belonging to various persons, such as boats, 
housefronts, etc. In such instances colors are employed that could 
not be used in tattooing. Oue fine example of such is presented in PI. 
xxiv and another of more elaborate design in PI. xxv. 



402 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

Mr. James G. Swan made a valuable contribution on tattoo marks 
of tlie Haida Indians of Queen Charlotte islands, British Columbia, 
and the Prince of Wales archipelago, Alaska, published in the Fourth 




Fig. 525.— Tattooed flaidas. 

Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, which, much condensed, is 
reproduced as follows : 

Among all the tribes or bands belonging to the Haida family, the practice of tat- 
tooing the person in some manner is common; but the most marked are tbe Haidas 
proper, or those living on Queen Charlotte islands, and the Kaiganis, of Prince of 
Wales archipelago, Alaska. 



JIAIXERY.] 



HAIDA TATTOO. 



403 



I am of the opinion, judging from my own observation of over twenty years 
among the coast tribes, that but few females can be found among the Indians, not 
only on Vancouvers island, but all along the coast to the Columbia river, and per- 
haps even to California, that are not marked with some device tattooed on their 
hands, arms, or ankles, either dots or straight lines; hut of all of the tribes men- 
tioned, the Haidas stand preeminent for tattooing, and seem to be excelled only by 
the natives of the Fiji islands or the King's Mills group in the south seas. Tbe 




Pig. 526.— Tattooed Haidas. 
tattoo marks of the Haidas are heraldic designs or the family totem, or crests of the 
wearers, and are similar to the carvings depicted on the pillars and monuments 
around the homes of the chiefs, which casual observers have thought were idols. 

These designs are invariably placed on the men between the shoulders just below 
the back of the neck, on the breast, on the front part of both thighs, and on the 
legs below the knee. On the women they are marked on the breast, on both shoul- 



404 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



ders, on both forearms, from tlie elbow down over the back of the hands to the 
knuckles, and on both legs below the knee to the ankle. 

Almost all of the Indian women of the northwest coast have tattoo marks on their 
hands and arms, and some on the face; but as a general thing these marks are mere 
dots or straight linrs having no particular significance. With the Haidas, however, 
every mark has its meaning ; those on the hands and arms of the women indicate 
the family name, whether they belong to the bear, beaver, wolf, or eagle totems, or 
any of the family of fishes. As one of them quaintly remarked to me, "If you were 
tattooed with the design of a swan, the Indians would know your family name." 

In order to illustrate this tattooing as correctly as possible I inclose herewith 
sketches of the tattoo marks on two women and their husbands, taken by me at Port 
Townsend. 

The man on tlie left hand of Fig. 525 is a tattooed Haida. On his 
breast is the cod (kakatta), split from the head to the tail and laid open ; 
on each thigh is the octopus (noo), and below each knee is the frog 
(flkamkostan). 



The woman in the same figure has on her breast the head and fore- 
paws of the beaver (tsching) ; on each shoulder is the head of the eagle 
or thunder-bird (skamskwin); on each arm, extending to and covering 
the back of the hand, is the halibut (hargo); ou the right leg is the 
skulpin (kull); on the left leg is the frog (flkamkostan). 

The woman in Fig. 526 has a bear's head (hoorts) on her breast. On 
each shoulder is the eagle's head, and on her arms and legs are figures 
of the bear. 

The back of the man in the same figure has the wolf (wasko), split in 
halves and tattooed between his shoulders, which is shown enlarged in 
Fig. 531. Wasko is a mythological being of the wolf species, similar 
to the chu-chu-hmexl of the Makah Indians, an antediluvian demon sup- 
posed to live in the mountains. 




Fig. 527.— Two forms of skulpin, Haida. 



MALLEKY.] 



HAIDA TATTOO. 



405 



The skulpin, on the right leg of the woman in Fig. 525, is shown 
enlarged in Fig. 527 ; the frog on the left leg in Fig. 528. The codfish 
on the man in Fig. 525 is shown enlarged in Fig. 529; the octopus or 
squid in Fig. 530. 

As the Haidas, both men and women, are very light-colored, some of 
the latter — full blooded Indians, too — having their skins as fair as 
Europeans, the tattoo marks show very distinct. 




Fig. 528.-Frog, Haida. Fig. 529.— Cod, Haida. 



The same author continues : 

This tattooing is not all done at one time, nor is it everyone who can tattoo. Cer- 
tain ones, almost always men, have a natural gift which enables them to excel in 
this kind of work. One of the young chiefs, named Geneskelos, was the best designer 
I knew, and ranked among his tribe as a tattooer. 

He told me the plan he adopted was first to draw the design carefully on the per- 
son with some dark pigment, then prick it in with needles, and then rub over the 
wouDd with some more coloring matter till it acquired the proper hue. He had a 
variety of instruments composed of needles tied neatly to sticks. His favorite one 
was a flat strip of ivory or bone, to which he had firmly tied live or sis needles, with 
their points projecting beyond the end just far enough to raise the skin without 
inflicting a dangerous wound, but these needle [mints stuck out quite sufficiently to 




Fig. 530.— Squid, Haida. Fig. 531.— Wolf, Haida. 



make the operation very painful, and although he applied some substance to deaden 
the sensation of tin; skin, yet the effect was on some to make them quite sick for a fe w 
days; consequently, the whole process of tattooing was not done at one time. As 
this tattooing is a mark of honor, it is generally done at or just prior to a Tomanawos 
performance and at the time of raising the heraldic columns in front of the chief's 
houses. The tattooing is done in open lodge and is witnessed by the company as- 
sembled. Sometimes it takes several years before all the tattooing is done, but when 
completed and the person well ornamented, then they are happy and can take their 
seats among the elders. 



406 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Other notices about the tattooing of the Indians of the Pacific slope 
of North America are subjoined. 

Stephen Powers (c) says the Karok (California) squaws tattoo in blue 
three narrow fern leaves perpendicularly on the chin, one falling from 
each corner of the mouth and one in the middle. 

The same author reports, page 76: 

Nearly every (Hupa, California ) man lias ten lines tattooed across the inside of the 
left arm about hallway between the wrist and the elbow; and in measuring shell 
money he takes the string in his right hand, draws one end over his left thumb nail, 
and if the other end reaches to the uppermost of the tattoo lines the five shells are 
worth $25 in gold, or $5 a shell. Of course, it is only one in ten thousand that is long 
enough to reach this high value. 

Also on page 96 : 

The Patawat (California) squaws tattoo in blue three narrow pinnate leaves per- 
pendicularly on their chins, and also lines of small dots on the backs of their hands. 

On page 148, of the Kastel Pomo : 

The women of this and other tribes of the Coast range frequently tattoo a rude 
representation of a tree or other object covering nearly the whole abdomen and 
breast. 

Of the Win tuns he says, page 233: "The sqmws all tattoo three nar- 
row lines, one falling from each corner of the mouth and one between." 
The same author says, on page 109 : 

The Mattoal, of California, differ from other tribes in that the men tattoo. Their 
distinctive mark is a round blue spot in the center of the forehead. The women 
tattoo pretty much all over their faces. 

In respect to this matter of tattooing there is a theory entertained by some old 
pioneers which may be worth the mention. They hold that the reason why the 
women alone tattoo in all other tribes is that in case they are taken captives their 
own people may be able to recognize them when there comes an opportunity of ran- 
som. There are two facts which give some color of probability to this reasoning. 
One is that the California Indians are rent into such infinitesimal divisions, any 
one of which may be arrayed in deadly lend against, another at any moment, that the 
slight differences in their dialects would not suliiee to distinguish the captive squaws. 
The second is that the squaws almost never attempt any ornamental tattooing, but 
adhere closely to the plain regulation mark of the tribe. 

Blue marks tattooed upon a Mohave woman's chin denote that she 
is married. See Whipple (/). 

Mr. Gatschet reports that very few Klamath men now tattoo their 
faces, but such as are still observed have but a single Hue of black run- 
ning from the middle of the lower lip to the chin. Half-breed girls 
appear to have bitt one perpendicular line tattooed down over the chin 
while the full-blood women have four perpendicular lines on the chin. 

In Bancroft's Native Baces (c), it is stated that the Modoc women 
tattoo three blue lines, extending perpendicularly from the center and 
corners of the lower lip to the chin. 

The same author on pages 117 and 127 of the same volume says: 

The Chippewas have tattooed cheeks and foreheads. Both sexes have blue or 
black bars or from one to four straight lines to distinguish the tribe to which they 



SOUTH AMERICAN TATTOO. 



407 



belong. They tattoo by entering an awl or needle under the skin and drawing it 
out, immediately rubbing powdered charcoal into the wounds. * * * On the 
Yukon river among the Kutehius, the men draw a black stripe down the forehead 
and the nose, frequently crossing the forehead and cheeks with red lines and streak- 
ing the chin alternately with red and black, and the women tattoo the chin with a 
black pigment. 

"Stephen Powers, in Overland Monthly, xn, 537, 1874, says of the 
Normocs : 

I saw a squaw who had executed on her cheeks the only representation of a living 
object which I ever saw done in tattooing. It was a couple of bird's wings, one on 
each cheek, done in blue, bottom- edge up, the butt of the wing at the corner of the 
mouth, and the tip near the ear. It was quite well wrought, both in correctness of 
form and in delicateness of execution, not only separate feathers but even the fila- 
ments of the vane, being finely pricked in. 

Dr. Franz Boas (c) says: 

Tattooings are found on arms, breast, back, legs, and feet among the Haida; on 
arms and feet among the Tshimshian, Kwakiutl and Bilqula ; on breast and arms 
among the Xootka; on the jaw among the Coast Salish women. 

Among the Nootka scars may frequently be seen running at regular intervals from 
the shoulder down the breast to the belly, and in the same way down the legs and 
arms. * * * 

Members of tribes practicing the Hamats'a ceremonies show remarkable scars pro- 
duced by biting. At certain festivals it is the duty of the Hamats'a to bite a piece 
of flesh out of the arms, leg, or breast of a man. 

TATTOO IN SOUTH AMERICA. 

Dr. im Tlrurn (c) says: 

Tattooing or any other permanent interference with the surface of the skin by 
way of ornament is practiced only to a very limited extent by the Indians; is used, 
in fact, only to produce the small distinctive tribal mark which many of them 
bear at the corners of their mouths or on their arms. It is true that an adult Indian 
is hardly to be found on whose thighs and arms, or on other parts of whose body 
are not a greater or less number of indelibly incised straight lines ; but these are scars 
originally made for surgical, not ornamental purposes. 

Herndon and Gibbon (a), p. 319 7 report: 

Following the example of the other nations of Brazil (who tattoo themselves with 
thorns, or pierce their nose, the lips, and the ears,) and obeying an ancient law 
which commands these different tortures, this baptism of blood, * * * the 
Mahues have preserved * * * the great festival of the Tocandeir a. 

Paul Marcoy (b) says of the Passes, Yuris, Barres, and Chunianas, 
of Brazil, that they mark their faces (in tattoo) with the totem or em- 
blem of the nation to which they belong. It is possible at a few steps 
distant to distinguish one nation from another. 

EXTRA-LIMIT AL, TATTOO. 

Ancient monarchs adopted special marks to distinguish slaves ; like- 
wise for vengeance as an indelible and humiliating brand, a -certain 
tattoo denounced him who had fallen into disgrace with a sovereign. 
Two monks having censured the iconoclastic frenzy of the emperor 



408 PICTUEE-WEITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Theophihis, lie ordered to be imprinted on their foreheads eleven iambic 
verses; Philip of Macedon, from whom a soldier had solicited the 
possession of a man saved by him from shipwreck, ordered that on 
his forehead should be drawn signs indicative of his base greed; Cali- 
gula, without any object, commanded the tattooing of the Roman 
nobles. 

In the period of the decline of Borne, tattooing was extensively prac- 
ticed. Regulative laws prescribed the adopted symbols which were a 
proof of enlistment in the ranks and on which the military oath was 
taken. The purpose of this ordinance, which continued in force for a 
long time, was similar to that which authorized the marking of the 
slaves, since, the spirit of the people having become degenerated, the 
army was composed of mercenaries who, if they should run away, must 
be recognized, pursued, and captured. Until recently the practice, 




though more as a mark of manhood, was followed by the soldiers of 
the Piedmontese army. 
Elisee Eeclus (a) says: 

Tattooing v as in Polynesia widespread, and so highly developed that the artistic 
designs covering the body served also to clothe it. In certain islands the operation 
lasted so long that it had to be begun before the children were six years old, and 
the pattern was largely left to the skill and cunning of the professional tattooers. 
Still traditional motives recurred in the ornamental devices of the several tribes, 
who could usually be recognized by their special tracings, curved or parallel lines, 
diamond forms and the like. The artists were grouped in schools like the old masters 
in Europe, and they worked not by incision as in most Melanesian islands, but by 
punctures with a small comb-like instrument slightly tapped with a mallet. The 
pigment used in the painful and even dangerous operation was usually the fine char- 
coal yielded by the nut of Aleurites triloba, an oleaginous plant used for illumina- 
ting purposes throughout eastern Polynesia. 



MALLERY.] 



NEW ZEALAND TATTOO. 



409 



The following is from Eev. Richard Taylor (c) about the New Zea- 
land ers, Te Ika a Maui : 

Before they went to fight, the youth were accustomed to mark their countenances 
-with charcoal in different lines, and their traditions state that this was the beginning 
of the tattoo, for their wars became so continuous, that to save the trouble of thus 
constantly painting the face, they made the lines permanent by the moko ; it is, how- 
ever, a question whether it did not arise from a different cause; formerly the grand 
mass of men who went to fight were the black slaves, and when they fought side by 
side with their lighter colored masters, the latter on those occasions used charcoal to 
make it appear they were all one. 



Whilst the males had every part of the face tattooed, and the thighs as well, the 
females had chiefly the chin and the lips, although occasionally they also had their 
thighs and breasts, with a few smaller marks on different parts of the body as well. 
There were regular rules for tattooing, and the artist always went systematically to 
work, beginning at one spot and gradually proceeding to another, each particular 
part having its distinguishing name. 

Fig. 532 is an illustration from the same work, facing page 378. It 
shows the " grave of an Australian native, with his name, rank, tribe, 
etc., cut in hieroglyphics on the trees," which " hieroglyphics " are sup- 
posed to be connected with his tattoo marks. 



Fig, 533 is a copy of a tattooed head carved by Hongi, and also of 
the tattooing on a woman's chin, taken from the work last cited. 

The accompanying illustration, Fig. 534, is taken from a bone ob- 
tained from a mound in New Zealand, by Prof. I. 0. Russell, formerly 
of the U. S. Geological Survey. He says that the Maori formerly 
tattooed the bones of enemies, though the custom now seems to have 
been abandoned. The work consists of sharp, shallow hues, as if made 




Fig. 533.— New Zealand tattooed 




Fl 



534.— T£ 



tli-sign "ii bone, Xriv /.t-iilawl. 



410 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



with a .sharp-pointed steel instrument, into which some blackish pig- 
ment has been rubbed, filling up some of the markings, while in others 
scarcely a trace remains. 

In connection with the use of the tattoo marks as reproduced on ar- 
tificial objects see Fig. 734. 

Fig. 535 is a copy of a photograph obtained in New Zealand by Prof. 
Eussell. It shows tattooing upon the chin. 

Prof. Eussell, in his sketch of New Zealand, published in the Am. 
Naturalist, xin, 72, Feb., 1879, remarks, that the desire of the Maori 
for ornament is so great that they covered their features with tattooing, 



transferring indelibly to their faces complicated patterns of curved and 
spiral lines, similar to the designs with which they decorated their 
canoes and their houses. 

E. J. Wakefield (a) reports of a man observed in New Zealand that 
he was a tangata tabu or sacred personage, and consequently was not 
adorned with tatu. He adds, p. 155, that the deeds of the natives are 
signed Avith elaborate drawings of the moko or tatu on the chiefs' faces. 

Dr. George Turner (b) says: 

Herodotus found among the Thracians that the man who was not tattoed was not 
respected. It was the same in Samoa. Until a young man was tattooed he was con- 
sidered in his minority. He could not think of marriage, and he was constantly 
exposed to taunts and ridicule, as heing poor and of low birth, and as ha ving no 




MALLEET.] 



NEW GUINEA TATTOO. 



411 



right to speak in the society of men. But as soon as he was tattooed he passed into 
his majority, and considered himself entitled to the respect and privileges of mature 
years. When a youth, therefore, reached the age of 16, he and his friends were 
all anxiety that he should be tattooed. He was then on the outlook for the tattoo- 
ing of some young chief with whom he might unite. On these occasions six or a 
dozen young men would be tattooed at one time, and for these there might be four 
or five tattooers employed. Tattooing is still kept up to some extent and is a 
regular profession, just as house-building, and well paid. The custom is traced to 
mythologic times and has its presiding deities. 

In Bevue d'Ethnographie (a) (translated) it is published that — 
Tattoo marks of Papuan men in New Guinea can be worn on the chest only when 

the man has killed an enemy. Fig. 26, p. 101, shows the marks upon the chest of 

Waara, who had killed five men. 
Tattoo marks upon parts other than the chest of the bodies of men and women do 

not seem to have significance. They are made according to the fancy of the designer. 

Frequently the professional tattooers have styles of their own, which, being popular 

and generally applied, become customary to a tribe. 

The illustration above mentioned is reproduced as Fig. 53G. 




FIG. 536.— Tattoo on Papuan chief. 



In the same article, p. 112, is the following, referring to Fig. 537: 

Among the Papuans of New Guinea tattooing the chest of females denotes that 
they are married, though all other parts of the body, including the face and logs, 
may be tattooed long before ; indeed the tattooing of girls may begin at 5 years of 
age. Fig. 39, p. 112, gives an illustration of a married woman. * * * The dif- 
ferent forms of tattoo depend upon the style of the several artists. Family marks 
are not recognizable, but exist. 

De Clercq (a) gives further particulars about tattooing among the 
Papuans of New Guinea. Among the Seget it is only on women. 
They call it "fadjan," and the figures consist of two rows of little cir- 
cles, on each side of the abdomen toward the region of the arm-pit, with 
a few cross strokes on the outer edge ; it is done by pricking with a 
needle and afterwards the spots are fumigated with the smoke of burn- 
ing resin. It is said to be intended as an ornament instead of dress, 
and that young girls do it because young men like to see it. 

At Eoembati tattooing is called "gomanroeri" and at S£kar "beti." 
They do it there with bones of fish, with which they prick many holes 



412 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



tatto 



in tlie skin until the, blood flows, and then smear on it in spots the soot 
from pans and pots, which, after the staunching of the blood, leaves an 
ineffaceable bluish spot or streak. Besides the breast and upper arm 
they also tattoo in the same way the calf of the leg, and in some cases 
the forehead, as a mere ornamentation, both of men and women — chil- 
dren only in very exceptional cases. 

The Bonggose and Sirito are mnch tattooed over the breast and 
shoulder. At Saoekorein, a Dore settlement, a few women were seen 
) breast and in the face. At Dore it is called "pa," and 
is done with thorns, and charcoal is rubbed 
H over the bloody spots; only here and at Man- 
sinam is it a sign of mourning; everywhere else 
it merely serves as ornamentation. 

At Ansoes it does not occur much, and is 
principally in the face; it is there called "toi." 
It is found somewhat more commonly on Noord- 
Japen, and then on shoulder and upper arm. 
In Tarfla, Tana-m6rah, and Humboldt bay but 
few persons were tattooed, mostly on the fore- 
head. 

The tattooing is always the work of women, 
generally members of the family, both on men 
and on women. First the figure is drawn with 
charcoal, and if it suits the taste then begins 
the pricking with the thorn of a citrus or a fine 
bone of some animal. It is very painful and 
only a small spot can be pricked at one time, 
so long as the tattooee can stand it. If the 
pain is too violent, the wounds are gently pressed 
with a certain leaf that has been warmed, in 
order to soothe the pain, and the work is con- 
tinued only after three or four days. No special 
names are given to the figures; those are chosen 
which suit the taste. Children are never tat 
tooed at the wish of the parents; it is entirely 
a matter of individual choice. 
Mr. Forbes, in Journ. Anthrop. Inst. Gr. B. 
and I., August, 1883, p. 10, says that in Timor Laut, an island of the 
Malay archipelago — 

Both sexes tattoo a few simple devices, circles, stars, and pointed crosses, on the 
breast, on the brow, on the cheek, and on the wrists, and scar themselves on the 
arms and shoulders with red-hot stones, in imitation of immense smallpox marks, 
in order to ward off that disease. * * * I have, however, seen no one variola- 
marked, nor can I learn of any epidemic of this disease among them. 

Prof. Brauns, of Halle, reports, Science, in, No. 50, p. 69, that among 
the Ainos of Yazo the women tattoo their chins to imitate the beards 
of the men. 




Fig. 537.— Tattooed Paupan 



MALLERY.] 



TATTOO IN INDIA. 



413 



Carl Bock (a) says : 

All the married women here are tattooed on the hands and feet and sometimes on 
the thighs. The decoration is one of the privileges of matrimony and is not per- 
mitted to unmarried girls. 

In Myths and Songs from the South Pacific, London, 1876, p. 94, it is 
said that in Mangaia, of the Hervey group, the tattoo is in imitation of 
the stripes on the two kinds of fish, avini and paoro, the color of which 
is blue. The legend of this is kept in the song of Ina. 

Elisee Eeclus (b) says : 

Most of the Dayaks tattoo the arms, hands, feet, and thighs; occasionally also 
breast and temples. The designs, generally of a beautiful blue color on the coppery 
ground of the body, display great taste, and are nearly always disposed in odd num- 
bers, which, as among so many other peoples, are supposed to be lucky. 

In L'Anthropologie (a), 1890, T. i, No. 6, p. 693, it is thus reported: 

Tradition tells that the Giao chi, the alleged ancestors of the Annamites, were 
fishermen and in danger from marine monsters. To prevent disasters from the genii 
of the waters the king directed the people to tattoo their bodies with the forms of 
the marine monsters, and afterwards the dragons, crocodiles, etc., ceased their perse- 
cution. The custom became universal, and even the kings tattooed a dragon on 
their thighs as a sign of power and nobility. The same idea was in the painting of 
eyes, etc., on the prows of Annamite boats, which strongly resembled the sea monsters. 

Mr. O'Eeilly, the professional tattooer of New York, in a letter, says 
that he is familiar with the tattoo system of Burmah, and that, besides 
the ruling principle of ordeal, the Burmese use special tattoo marks to 
charm and to bring love. They also believe that tattooing the whole 
person renders the skin impenetrable to weapons. 

In Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie (a) it is recounted of the Badagas in 
the Nilgiri mountains, India: 

All the women are tattooed on the forehead. The following [Fig. 538] a is the 
most usual form : 

CL 

o I o 
w 

Besides this there occur the following (same Fig., b, c, d, and e): 

o|o o£o ofo 9/9. 

Besides the forehead, the tattooing of which is obligatory for women, other parts 
of the body are often tattooed thus (same Fig., /) 

*.* 

Fig. 538. — Badaga tattoo marks. 

on each shoulder. Other forms not infrequently found are variously grouped dots, 
also those shown in the same Fig., g, on the forearm and the back of the hand. 



• 9 • 

• • • 

• • • 



414 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Nordenskiold («•) gives the following account of tattooing among 
the Chukchis of Siberia : 

It is principally the women that tattoo. The operation is performed hy means of 
pins and soot; perhaps also graphite is employed, which the Chukchis gather. The 
tattooing of the -women seems to he the same along the whole Chukchi coast from Cape 
Shclagskoy to Bering strait. The usual mode of tattooing is found represented in 
Nordenskiold's "Voyage of the Vega around Asia and Europe," second part, p. 104. 
Still the tattooing on the cheek is not rarely more compound than is there shown. 
The picture given below [Fij;. 5H9J represents a design of tattooing on the cheek. 

Girls under nine or ten years are never tattooed. On reaching that ago they 
gradually receive the two streaks running from the point of the nose to the root of 
the hair; next follow the vertical chin streaks and lastly the tattooing on the cheeks, 
of which the anterior arches are first formed and the posterior part of the design 
last. The last named in fact is the part of the design which is oftenest wanting. 

The accompanying picture (the left hand of the same Fig.) represents the tattoo- 
ing of the arms of a woman from the town of T'apka. The design of the tattooing 
extends from the shoulder joint, where the upper triple ring is situated, to the hand 
joint at the bottom. As appears from the drawing, the tattooing on the right an' 
left arm is different. 



The men at the winter station of the Vega tattooed themselves only with two 
short horizontal streaks across the root of the nose. Some of the men at Rerkaypiya 
(C. North), on the other hand, had a cross tattooed on each cheek hone;. others had 
merely painted similar ones with red mold. Some Chukchis at the latter place had 
also the upper lip tattooed. 

The Chukchi designs are much simpler than those of the Eskimo. 

Dr. Baziu, in "Etude stir le Tatouage dans la E6"gence de Tunis," in 
L' Anthropologic (b), tells that the practice of tattooing is very wide- 
spread and elaborate in Tunisia, but chiefly among the natives of 
Arab race, who are nomads, workmen in the towns, and laborers, and 
also among the fellahs. The Berbers, on the contrary, who have re- 
mained mountaineers, the merchants of the coast towns, and the rich 
proprietors are little or not at all tattooed. In regard to the last class 
this proves that tattooing has become nothing but an ornament, since 
the members of this class are clothed in such a way that the legs and 
arms are completely covered, so that it would be useless to draw fig- 
ures which would be invisible or almost entirely hidden. He adds 




MALLKRY.J 



TATTOO IN AFEICA. 



415 



that the notables "du Tinge" do not disfigure themselves by incisions. 
The distinctive sign of the lower classes is the presenee of three incis- 
ions on the temples, three on the cheeks, and three also on the lower 
part of the face. 

Notes on East-Equatorial Africa, in Bull. Soc. d'Anthro. de Brux- 
elles (a) contains the following memoranda: Tattooing is done by 
traveling artists. Perhaps at first it showed tribal characteristics, 
but now it is difficult to distinguish more than fancy. The exception 
is that Wawenba alone tattoo the face. The local fetiches bear marks 
of tattoo. 

Gordon Cumming (a) says: 

One of the "generals" of Mosielely, King of the Bakatlas group of the Beckuana 
tribe, had killed about twenty men in battle with his own hand ; and bore a mark of 
honor for every man. This mark was a line tattooed on his ribs. 

David Greig Butherford (a) makes remarks on the people of Batanga, 
West Tropical Africa, from which the following is extracted : 

Tattooing evidently originated in certain marks being applied to the face and 
other parts of the body in order to distinguish the members of one tribe from those 
of another. The same marks would be used for both sexes, but as the tendency to 
ornamentation became developed, they would lie apt to observe some artistic method 
in making them. Among the Dualles the custom at one time appears to have ob- 
tained with both sexes, with a preponderance, however, in the practice of it on the 
side of tbe women. The men did not always see the force of giving themselves 
needless pain, but the women, with a shrewd idea that it added to their charms, 
persisted in having it done. The men (and it is significant that in places where the 
men have ceased to tattoo themselves they continue to do it for the women) tattooed 
their children at an early age, but as the girls approached a marriageable age they 
added, on their own account, various ornamentations to those already existing. As 
an example that tattooing in its later stages is regarded as an increase of beauty, I 
may mention an instance given me by the wife of a missionary here. A woman belong- 
ing to some neighboring tribe having come to stay at the mission, was presented 
with a dress of some showy material as an inducement to her to discard the loin 
cloth she had been in the habit of wearing and as an introduction to the habits of 
civilized life. She objected to wear the dress, however, upon the ground that if 
she did so she would thereby hide her beauty. It appears certain that the unmar- 
ried woman who is most finely tattooed wins most admiration from the men. 

Oscar Peschel (a) describes tattooing as another substitute for rai- 
ment and remarks: "That it actually takes away from the impression 
of nudity is declared by all who have seen fully tattooed Albanese." 
As bearing in the same direction Mr. Darwin, in " Voyage of the 
Beagle," may be quoted, who, when at New Zealand, speaking of the 
clean, tidy, and healthy appearance of the young women who acted as 
servants within the houses, remarks: "The wives of the missionaries 
tried to persuade them not to be tattooed, but a famous operator hav- 
ing arrived from the south they said: 'We really must have a few 
lines on our lips, else when we grow old our lips will shrivel, and we 
shall be so very ugly.' " 

In September, 1891, a Zulu, claiming to be a son of the late Cetewayo, 
gave to a reporter of the Memphis Avalanche the following account: 

When some one expressed a doubt of his coming from Zululand he promptly rolled 



416 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



up his sleeve and showed on his right arm the brand of the tribe. The brand is just 
below the elbow-joint, and it is of a bright red color, showing conclusively that it 
had been burned into the flesh. The design is very much on the principle of a double 
heart with a cross running through the center. The same design has been branded 
over his left eye in a somewhat smaller shape. When questioned about these brands 
he said : 

"In our country all the men have to have the brand of their tribe burned into 
their skin so that they can never desert us, and no ma Iter where they are found, you 
can always tell a Zulu by the brand. Always look for it just over the left eye and 
on the inside of the right arm. Does it hurt? Oh, no: you see they just take tbe 
skin together in their fingers and when the brand is red hot touch it once to the 
skin and it is all done, and the brand can never wear away." 

SCARIFICATION. 

The following notes regarding scarification are presented : 
Edward M. Curr (b), p. 94, says: 

The principal and most general ornament throughout Australia consists of a num- 
ber of scars raised on the skin. They are made by deep incisions with a flint or 
shell, which are kept powdered with charcoal or ashes. The wounds thus made 
remain open for about three months, and, when covered with skin, scars sometimes 
almost as thick and long as one's middle, linger remain raised above the natural sur- 
face of the skin. The incisions are made in rows on various parts of the body, prin- 
cipally on the chest, back, and on the upper muscle of the arm, and less frequently 
on the thighs and stomach. The breasts of the female are often surrounded with 
smaller scars. In some tribes dots cut in the skin take the place of scars. The oper- 
ation is a very painful one, and is often carried out amidst yells of torture. Both 
sexes are marked in this manner, but the male more extensively than the female. 

In the same volume, p. 338, is tlie following : 

When, as often happens, a young man and girl of the Whajook tribe in Australia 
elope and remain away from the tribe for a time, it is not unusual for them to scar 
each other in the interim as a memorial of their illicit loves; a singular proceeding 
when one remembers the agony caused by the operation and the length of time re- 
quired to get over it. This proceeding is a great aggravation of the original offense 
in the eyes of husbands. 

In Vol. II, p. 414, the same author says: 

Men of the Cape river tribe scar their backs and shoulders in this way. Scars are 
made generally on the left thigh both of the men and women, continues Mr. Chat- 
held, but occasionally on the right, for the purpose of denoting the particular class 
to which they belong ; but as such a practice would conflict with the custom prev- 
alent throughout the continent as far as known, which is to make these marks for 
ornament alone, the statement cannot be received without further evidence. 

Thomas Worsnop, in the Prehistoric Arts of the Aborigines of Aus- 
tralia, says: 

This practice of tattooing by scarification was common all over the continent, 
varying in character amongst the respective tribes, each having its own distinctive 
marks, although all patterned upon one monotonous idea. 

This is far from evidence of distinct tribal marks, the slight varieties 
of which may be only local or tribal fashions. 
Alfred C. Haddon (a), p. 306, says: 

Tattooing is unknown, but the body used to be ornamented with raised cicatrices. 
* * * The Torres strait islanders are distinguished by a largo, complicated, oval 



MALLERY. ] 



SCARIFICATION. 



417 



scar, only slightly raised and of neat construction. • This, which I have been told 
has some connection with a turtle, occupies the right shoulder and is occasionally 
repeated on the left. I suspect that a young man was not allowed to hear a cicatrice 
until he had killed his first turtle or dugong. 

The same author, op. cit., says of the Mabuiag of Torres straits: 

The people were formerly divided up into a number of clans. * * * A man be- 
longing to one clan could not wear the badge of the totem of another clan. * * * 
All the totems appear to have been animals — as the crocodile, snake, turtle, dugong, 
dog, cassowary, shark, sting-ray, kingfish, etc. 

The same writer, in Notes on Mr. Beardsmore's paper, in Jour. An- 
throp. Inst, of Gr. Br. and. I. (a), says: 

A large number of the women of Mowat, New Guinea, have a /^-shaped scar above 
the breasts. * * * Maino of Tud told me that it was cut when the brother 
leaves the father's house and goes to live with the men ; and another informant's story 
was that it was made when a brother harpooned his first dugong or turtle. Maino 
(who, by the by, married a Mowat woman) said that a mark on the chaek recorded 
the brother's prowess. 

D'Albertis (c) tells that the people of New Guinea produced scars 
"by making an incision in the skin and then for a lengthened period 
irritating it with lime and soot. * * * They use some scars as a 
sign that they have traveled, and tattoo an additional figure above the 
right breast on the accomplishment of every additional journey. * * * 
In Yuli island women have nearly the whole body covered with marks. 
Children are seldom tattooed; slaves never. Men are hardly ever tat- 
tooed, though they have frequently marks on the chest and shoulders; 
rarely on the face. Tribes and families are recognized by tattoo marks." 

Mr. Griffith, in his paper on Sierra Leone, in Jour. Anthrop. Inst, of 
Gr. Br. and I. (b), says: 

The girls are cut on their backs and loins in such a manner as to" leave raised scars, 
which project above the surface of the skin about one-eighth of an inch. They then 
receive Boondoo names, and after recovery from the painful operation are released 
from Boondoo with great ceremony and gesticulation by some who personate Boon- 
doo devils. They are' then publicly pronounced marriageable. 

Dr. Holub (b), speaking of three cuts on the breast of a Koranna of 
Central South Africa, says : 

They have among themselves a kind of freemasonry. Some of them have on their 
chest three cuts. When they were asked what was the reason of it they generally 
refused to answer, but after gaining their confidence they confessed that they be- 
longed to something like a secret society, and they said, "I can go through all the 
valleys inhabited by Korannas anil Griquas, and wherever J go when I open my coat 
and show these three cuts I am sure to be well received." 

Mr. H. H. Johnston (a) tells us that scarification is practiced right 
along the course of the Congo up to the Stanley falls. The marks thus 
made are tribal. Thus the Bateke are always distinguished by five or 
six striated lines across the cheek bones, while the Bayansi scar their 
foreheads with a horizontal or vertical band. 

E. Brussaux, in L Anthropologic (c), reports that scarifications in 
Congo, which are chiefly on the back, are made for therapeutic reasons. 
10 eth 27 



418 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Julian Thomas (a) gives the following description of a New Hebrides 
woman : 

She had a pattern traced over her throat and breast like a scarf. It was done 
with a shark's tooth when a child. The women's skins are blistered up into flowers 
and ferns. The skin is cut and earth and ashes placed inside the gashes, and the 
flesh grows into these forms. Of course they do not cover up these beauties by 
clothing. 

According to Mr. Man, Journ. Anthrop. Inst, of Gr. Br. and I. (c), 
the Andamanese, who also tattoo by means of gashing, do so first by- 
way of ornament, and, secondly, to prove the courage of the individual 
operated upon and his or her power of enduring pain. 

SUMMARY OF STUDIES ON TATTOOING. 

Many notes on the topic are omitted, especially those relating mainly 
to the methods of and the instruments used in the operation. But from 
those presented above it appears that tattooing still is or very recently 
was used in various parts of the world for many purposes besides the 
specific object of designating a tribe, clan, or family, and also apart 
from the general intent of personal ornament. The most notable of 
those purposes are as follows: 1, to distinguish between free and slave 
without reference to the tribe of the latter; 2, to distinguish between 
a high and low status in the same tribe ; 3, as a certificate of bravery 
exhibited by supporting the ordeal of pain; 4, as marks of personal 
prowess, particularly, 5, as a record of achievements in war; 6, to show 
religious symbols; 7, as a therapeutic remedy for disease, and 8, as a 
prophylactic against disease; 9, as a brand of disgrace; 10, as a token 
of a woman's marriage, or, sometimes, 11, of her marriageable condi- 
tion; 12, identification of the person, not as tribesman or clansman, 
but as an individual; 13, to charm the other sex magically; 14 to 
inspire fear in the enemy; 15, to magically render the skin impene- 
trable by weapons ; 10, to bring good fortune ; and 17, as the device of a 
secret society. 

The use of tattoo marks as certificates and records of prowess in war 
is considered to be of special importance in any discussion of their 
origin. A warrior returns from the field stained with blood from an 
honorable wound, the scars of which he afterwards proudly displays. 
It would be strictly in the line of ideography to make artificial scars or 
to paint the semblance of wounds on the person as designations of 
honor, and from such origin quite as well as from a totemic representa- 
tion all other forms and uses may have been evolved. For instance, 
the vigor of manhood being thus signified, the similar use would show 
the maturity of women. Yet some of the practices of tattoo may have 
originated independently of either totem or glory mark. The mere idea 
of decoration as shown in what civilized people call deformations of 
nose, lip, ear, teeth, and in fact all parts of the body, is sufficient to ac- 
count for the inception of any form of tattoo. Primitive man never 



MALLERT.] 



SUMMARY ON TATTOO. 



419 



seemed to be content to leave the surface of his body in its natural con- 
dition, and from recognition of that discontent studies of clothing and 
of ornament should take their point of departure. 

In this paper many examples are presented of the use, especially by 
the North American Indians, of tribal signs carved or painted on rock, 
tree, bark, skin, and other materials, and suggestion is made of an 
interesting connection between these designs and those of heraldry in 
Europe. It would, therefore, seem natural that the same Indians who 
probably for ages used such totemic and tribal devices should paint or 
tattoo them on their own persons, and the meagerness of the evidence 
that they actually did so is surprising. Undoubtedly the statement 
has been made in a general way by some of the earlier explorers and 
travelers, but when analyzed it is frequently little more than a vague 
expression of opinion, perhaps based on a preconceived theory. Nearly 
all the Indian tribes have peculiarities of arrangement of the hair and 
of some article of apparel and accouterment by which they can always 
be distinguished. These are not totemic, nor are they by design expres- 
sions of a tribal character. They come under the heading of fashion, 
and such fashions in clothing and in arrangement of the hair still exist 
among civilized peoples, so that the people of one nation or province can 
at once be distinguished from others. Very little appears from the 
account of actual observers to show that the character of the tattoo 
marks of the North American Indians, perhaps excluding those of the 
northwest coast, was more than a tribal fashion. Such styles or 
fashions with no intent or deliberate purpose that they should serve as 
tribal signs prevail to-day in Africa and in some other regions, and 
have been introduced by the professional artists who had several 
styles. Besides the necessary influence of a school of artists, it is 
obvious that people living together would contract and maintain the 
same custom and fashion in their cutaneous decoration. 

SECTION 4 . 
DESIGNATIONS OF INDIVIDUALS. 

These are divided into : (1) Insignia or tokens of authority. (2) Signs 
of individual achievements. (3) Property marks. (I) Personal names. 

INSIGNIA OR TOKENS OF AUTHORITY. 

Champlain (e) says of the Iroquois in 1601): 

Those who wore three large '■ pannaehes " [plumes] were the chief's, and the three 
chiefs delineated have their plumes much larger than those of their companions who 
were simple warriors. 

In Travels of Lewis and Clarke (a) it is said : 

Among the Teton Sioux the interior police of a village is contided to two or three 



420 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



officers who are named by the chief for the purpose of preserving order, and remain 
in power some days, at least till the chief appoints a successor ; they seem to be a 
sort of constable or sentinel, since they are always on the watch to keep tranquility 
during the day and guarding the camp in the night. * * * Their distinguishing 
mark is a collection of two or three raven skins fixed to the girdle behind the back 
in such a way that the tails stick out horizontally from the body. On the head too 
is a raven skin split into two parts and tied so as to let the beak project from the 
forehead. 

In James's Long (d) it is reported that- 

Among the Omaha on all occasions of public rejoicings, festivals, dances, or general 
hunts, a certain number of resolute warriors are previously appointed to preserve 
order and keep the peace. In token of their office they paint themselves entirely 
black ; usually wear the crow, and arm themselves with a whip or war-club with 
which they punish on the spot those who misbehave, and are at once both judges 
and executioners. 

Prince Maximilian of Wied (a) says: 

In every numerous war party there are four leaders (partisans, karokkanakah) 
sometimes seven, but only four are reckoned as the real partisans; the others are 
called bad partisans (karokkanakah-chakohosch, literally, partisans galeux). All 
partisans carry on their backs a medicine pipe in a case which other warriors dare 
not have. To become a chief (Numakschi) a man must have been a partisan and 
then kill an enemy when he is not a partisan. If he follows another partisan for 
the second time he must have first discovered the enemy, have killed one and then 
possessed the hide of a white buffalo cow complete with the horns to pretend to the 
title of chief (Numakschi). * * * All the warriors wear small war pipes round 
their necks, which are often very elegantly ornamented with porcupine quills. 

Pis. xxvi and xxvn are illustrations specially relating to insignia of 
office selected from an important and unique pictorial roster of the heads 
of Oglala families, eighty-four in number, in the band of Chief Big-Road, 
which were obtained by Eev. S. D. Hinman at Standing Rock Agency, 
Dakota, in 1S83, from the United States Indian agent, Maj. McLaughlin, 
to whom the original had been delivered by Chief Big-Road when 
brought to that agency and required to give an account of his followers. 
Other selections from this Oglala Roster appear under the headings of 
Ideography, Personal names, Comparisons, Customs, Gestures, Religion, 
and Conventionalizing. 

Chief Big Road and his people belong to the northern Oglala, and at 
the time mentioned had been lately associated with Sitting-Bull in va- 
rious depredations and hostilities against settlers and the United States 
authorities. The translations of the names have been verified aud the 
Oglala name attached. At the date of the roster Chief Big-Road was 
above 50 years old, and was as ignorant and uncompromising a savage 
in mind and appearance, as one could well find. 

The drawings in the original are on a single sheet of foolscap paper, 
made with black and colored pencils, and a few characters are in yellow- 
ocher waters color paint. They were made for the occasion with the 
materials procured at the agency. 

PI. xxvi exhibits the five principal chiefs with their insignia. Each 



Bureau of Ethnology. Tenth Annual Report. Plate XXVI. 




O G LA LA CHIEFS. 



OGLALA ROSTER. 



421 



has before Mm a decorated pipe and pouch, the design of each being 
, distinct from the others. The use of pipes as insignia for leaders is 
frequently mentioned in this work. The five' chiefs do not have the 
war club, their rank being shown by pipe and pouch. Each of the 
fLve chiefs has at least thr^e transverse bauds on the cheek, with differ- 
entiations of the pattern. 

PI. xxvn shows the subchiefs of the band. The three red bands 
are the sign that they are Akicita-itacanpi, which means head soldiers — 
captains in war, and captains of police iu civil administration. Each 
of them is decorated with three red transverse bands on the cheek and 
carries a Avar club held vertically before the person. 

The other male figures not represented in the plates have in general 
each but a single red band on the cheek; others, two bands, red and 
blue. These are merely ornamental and without significance. 

It will be noticed that in this series the device indicating the name 
is not generally connected by lines with the mouth but only when there 
is a natural connection with it. It appears attached by a line to the 
crown of the head, but sometimes without any connecting line. 

PI. xxvi shows the five principal chiefs of the Oglala in 1883, who are 
severally designated as follows : 

a. Cankutanka, Big-Eoad. Big-Eoad is often called Good-Boad be- 
cause a road that is big or broad and well traveled is good. The tracks 
on both sides of the line indicating a mere path show that the road is 
big. The bird flying through the dusk indicates the rapidity of travel 
which the good road allows. This is the same chief as the following : 

Fig. 540, Big-Eoad as appearing in Bed-Cloud's 
Census, No. 9G. The broad and big road is indicated ^ mmtoyu m 
by the artist of that series as having distinctly marked **CC 
sides and horsetracks between these roadsides. In w ^ ~"~ 
this instance as in several others it is obvious that >i te««^g£SL 
the ideographic device was not fixed but elastic and ^ 
subject to variation, the intention being solely to pre- 
serve the idea. FlG - 

b. Sunka-kuciyela, Low-Dog. The dog figure is represented as "low" 
by the shortness of the legs as compared with the next figure of Long- 
Dog. 

c. Sunka-hanska, Long-Dog. This term "long" is in the pictography 
of the Siouan tribes, but is differently translated as tall. There is a 
marked variation in the length of the legs between this and the next 
foregoing. 

d. Kangi-maza, Iron-Crow. The term "iron" is explained above. 
The color blue is always used in Dakotan pictography for the word 
translated as iron. 

e. Cetan-cigala, Little-Hawk. 

PI. xxvn shows the subchiefs or partisans of the Oglala at the time 
of the roster in 1883. 



422 PICTUKE-WRTTING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



a. Represents Tatanka-he-luta, Red-horn-Bull. The bull's horns have 
been made bloody by goring. 

b. Represents Cetan-watakpe, Charging-Hawk. This snbchief also 
appears with a slightly different form of "charging" in Red-Cloud's 
Census, in which the bird is represented head downward. 



Fig. 541. — Charging-Hawk, from Red-Cloud's Census, 
No. 142. On careful examination the bird is seen to be 
not erect, as at first appears, but is swooping down. 




c. Represents Wiyaka-aopazan, Wears-tke-Feather. The feather in 
its conventional form is presented twice, once connected by a line with 
the mouth and also over the war club as in common with other pictures 
of tbis series. The same person is represented next below. 

Fig. 542. — Feather-on-his-Head, from Red-Cloud's Cen- 
k >sus, No. 86. In this case the feather droops while it is 
erect in the figure next above. No significance is indi- 
cated in the slight variation. 



d. Represents Pankeskahoksila, Shell-Boy. The shell is the circular 
object over the head of the small human figure, which is without the 
proper number of legs, showing perhaps that he can not march, and 
his open, weaponless hands say that he is not a warrior, i. e., he is a 
boy. The object, now translated shell, was originally a large excres- 
cence on the trunk of a tree which was often cut away by the Dakotas, 
hollowed out and used as a bowl. 

e. Mato-niyanpi, The-Bear-spares-him. The bear passing through 
the marks of several tracks indicates an incident not explained, in 
which the subchief was in danger. 

/. Represents Cetan-maza, Iron-Hawk. The bird is colored blue, as 
before explained. 

(j. Represents Kangi-luta, Red-Crow. 

h. Represents Situpi ska, White-Tail. The bird is probably one of 
the hawks, as is more distinctly indicated in the representation of the 
same name as follows : 



MALLERY.] 



OGLALA KOSTER. 



423 



Fig. 543.— White-Tail ; from Bed-Cloud's Cen- 
sus, No. 190. This is inserted for convenient 
comparison with the foregoing, being a slightly y 
variant device for the same person. 




Represents Mato-ska, White-Bear. 



Fig. 544. — White-Bear ; from Red-Cloud's Cen- 
sus, No. 252. This is inserted here for comparison 
of the drawings. The characteristics of the 
animal appear in both. 



Tc. Represents Mato-najin, Standing-Grizzly-Bear. The differentia- 
tions of these and other similar positions of the same object remind one 
of the heraldic devices " statant," "regardant," " passant," and the li 

Fig. 545. — Standing-Bear; from Red-Cloud's Census, 
No. 140. This is probably the same man as in the last- 
mentioned figure, though the fancy of the artist has 
blazoned the bear as demi. This was, however, for con- 
venience and without special significance, as the fore- 
quarters are not indicated in the name. But that might 
well have been done if the device were strictly toteuiic 
and connected with the taboo. Some of the bear gens 
are only allowed to eat the fore quarters of the animal, 
others the hind quarters. 

I. Represents Tatanka-najin, Stauding-Buffalo-Bull. 
m. Represents Tasunke-inyanke, His-Runuing- Horse. This man was 
probably the owner of a well known racing pony. 




424 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fig. 540. — A Minnecoujou Dakota, named Bed-Fish's-Son, danced 
>x the calumet dance. The-Swan's Winter Count, 

1856-'57. 

Maj. Bush says: "A Minneconjou, Bed-Fish's- 
,. . Son, The- Ass, danced the Four-Horn calumet." 
Y~f The peculiarly ornamented pipe, frequently por- 
\ \ trayed and mentioned in the parts of the paper 
1 J relative to the Dakotas, is, at least for the time of 
LJ the duration of the ceremonies, the sign of the 

Fig. 54G.-Fonr-Hon. calumet, person who leads them. 

In connection with the display of pipes as insignia of authority and 
rank, Figs. 547 and 548 are introduced here. 

Fig. 547, drawn and explained by an Oglala Dakota, exhibits four 
erect pipes, to show that he had led four war parties. 




Fig. 547.-Two-Strike as partisan. 

Fig. 548 is a copy of a drawing made by Lean- Wolf, when second 
chief of the Hidatsa, to represent himself. The horns on his head- 
dress show that he is a chief. The eagle feathers on his war bonnet, 
arranged in the special manner portrayed, also show high distinction 
as a warrior. His authority as " partisan," or leader of a war party, is 
represented by the elevated pipe. His name is also added, with the 
usual line drawn from the head. He explained the outline character 
of the wolf, having a white body with the mouth unfinished, to show 
that it was hollow, nothing there; i. e., lean. The animal's tail is drawn 
in detail and dark, to distinguish it from the body. 

The character for "partisan" is also shown in Lone-Dog's Winter 
Count for the year 1842-'43. 

Fig. 549 gives three examples, actual size, of a large number of simi- 
lar designs scratched on the rocks of Kejimkoojik lake, Nova Scotia. 
They were at first considered to be connected with the ceremonial or 



MICMAC INSIGNIA. 



425 



mystery lodges, many sketches of which appear on the same rocks, and 
examples of which are given in Figs. 717 and 718. Undoubtedly there 
is some connection between the designs, but those now under considera- 
tion are recognized by the Indians of the general locality as the elaborate 
forms of head dress sometimes so extended as to become masks, which 
are still worn by a few of the Micmac and Abnaki women. Those women 
are or were of special authority and held positions in social and religious 




Fig. 548.— Lean- Wolf as partisan. 



ceremonies. Their ornamental head coverings 1 ' therefore were insignia 
of their rank. The modern specimens seen by the present writer are 
elaborately wrought with beads, quills, and embroidery on fine cloth, 
velvet or satin, but were originally of skin. The patteims still used 
show some fantastic connection with those of the rock drawings of this 
class, and again the latter reproduce some of the tracings on the ground 
plans of the mystery lodges before mentioned. The feathery branches 
of trees appearing on both of the two classes of illustrations are in the 




549. — Micmac ljrad ilix-s.- in |.icti>^rai>hs. 



modern head coverings actual feathers. The first of the three figures 
shows the branch or feather inside of the pattern, and the other two 
have them outside, in which variation the bushes or branches of the 
medicine lodges show a similar proportion. The third sketch, in addi- 
tion to the exterior feathers, shows flags or streamers, which in the 
ceremonial head gear in present use is imitated by ribbons. 



426 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



If there had been any doubt remaining of the interpretation of this 
class of drawing it would be removed by the presence of a number of 
contiguous and obviously contemporary sketches of which Fig. 550 is an 
example. Here the female chieftain or, perhaps, priestess appears in a 
ceremonial robe, with her head completely covered by one of these 
capote masks. The researches made not only establish the significance 
of this puzzling class of designs, but also show that their authors were 
of the Abnaki or Micmac branches of the Algonquian linguistic family. 

The two lower drawings in Fig. 551 were printed from the Kejiin- 
koojik slate rocks, Nova Scotia, and are recognized by Micmacs of that 
peninsula as copies of insignia which they say their chiefs used to wear, 
the Roman Catholic Church, though the figuration of the cross is by no 




Fig. 550.— Micmac chieftainess in pictograph. 



The designs show some marks suggesting the artistic devices used in 
means conclusive of European origin. The use of gorgets and other 
ornaments bearing special designs, as insignia of rank and authority, 
was well established, and it is quite possible that some of the Micmac 
designs were affected by the influence of the early missionaries, who 
indeed may have issued to the chiefs of their flock medals which adopted 
the general aboriginal style, but were redeemed by Christian symbols. 
There is no intrinsic evidence to decide whether these particular draw- 
ings were or were not made before the arrival of the earliest French 
missionaries. 

The upper right-hand drawing of the three trees with peculiar devices 



INSIGNIA ON ROCKS. 



427 



near their several roots was also printed from one of the Kejimkoojik 
rocks. It became intelligible to the present writer after examination of a 
silver disk in the possession of Mrs. W. Wallace Brown, of Calais, Maine, 
which, not long before, had been owned by the head chief of the Passa- 
maquoddy tribe, whose title had been modernized into "governor." 




l ucks. Xov;i Srutia. 



The disk, which is copied in the upper left-hand corner, was probably 
not of Indian workmanship, but appeared to have been ordered from a 
silversmith to be made from a Passamaquoddy design. It was known 
to represent the three superior officers of the tribe mentioned and had 
been worn by a former governor as a prized sign of his rank. The mid- 



428 



PICTURE-WRITING OP THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




Fig. 552.— Chilkat ceremonial eliirt. 



MAI.LEEY.] 



CHILKAT INSIGNIA. 



429 



die device is for the governor and the right aud left for the officers next 
in rank to him. The devices at the roots of the trees of the drawing 
before mentioned are noticeably similar. They may have been made, 
as were most of the other characters on the Kejimkoojik rocks, by the 
Micmacs, in which case it would seem that they designated their chiefs 
by emblems similar to those used by their congeners of the Passama- 
quoddy tribe or some member of the last named tribe may have drawn 
the emblem on the rocks in the Micmac territory. In any case there is 
encouragement in the attempt to decipher petroglyphs from the fact that 
the tree drawing in Nova Scotia, which seemed without significance, 
was readily elucidated by a metal inscription found in Maine, the inter- 
pretation being verified through living Indians, not only in the two 
geographic divisions mentioned, but also by the Amalecites in New 
Brunswick. 

Father P. J. De Smet (6), referring to the Piegan and Blackfeet or 
Satsika, describes the great Tail-Bearer: 

His tail, composed of buffalo and horse hair, is about 7 or 8 feet loug, aud instead 
of wearing it behind, according to the usual fashion, it is fastened above his forehead 




Pig. 553.— Chilkat ceremonial cloak. 



and there formed into a spiral coil resembling a rhinoceros's horn. Such it tail among 
the Blackfeet is a mark of greater distinction and bravery— in all probability the 
larger the tail the braver the person. 

The following description of a Ghilkat ceremonial shirt, with the 
illustration reproduced in Fig. 552, is taken from Mblack (c) : 

The upper character in the figure represents the sea lion, aud that 
below is a rear view of the same shirt ornamented with a design of 
wasko, a mythological animal.of the wolf species. The edges and arm 
holes are bordered with red cloth and the whole garment is neatly 
made. 

The same authority describes a Chilkat cloak, with the illustration 
reproduced as Fig. 553, as follows: 

It represents a cloak with a neck opening, ornamented in red cloth 
with the totemic design of the Orca or Killer. It is in the form of a 
truncated cone, with no openings for the arms. 



430 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The same author gives description accompanying PI. x, Figs. 33 and 
34, of ceremonial blankets and coats. The first-mentioned drawing is 
reproduced here as Fig. 554 : 

It is worn by Indians of rank and wealth on the uorthwest coast, commonly called 
a "Chilkat blanket," because the best specimens come from the Chilkat country, 




Fig. 554.— Chilkat ceremonial blanket, 
although other tribes are more or less expert in weaving them. The warp is com- 
posed of twisted cord or twine of cedar bark fiber, and the woof of worsted spun 
from the wool of the mountain goat. Brown, yellow, black, and white are the colors 
used, and these are skillfully wrought into a pattern representing the totem or a 
totemic legend of the owner. 

The design on the blanket shown represents Hoorts, the bear. 




I'lG. 555 — Chilkat ceremonial coat. 



Fig. 555 is described thus: "A ceremonial shirt or coat of similar 
workmanship as the blanket just described, is trimmed on the collar 
and cuffs with sea-otter fur." 



MALLERT.] 



CEREMONIAL GARB. 



431 



In the Verhandl. der Berliner Gesellscli. fiir Antlirop. (a) is the 
illustration from which Fig. 556 is reproduced. It shows a group of 
Bella Coola Indians, which is made interesting by the elaborate cere- 
monial coat worn by the middle figure in the foreground. 




Fig. 556.— Bella Coola Indians. 



Dr. S. Habel (c) gives the following description of Fig. 557, which 
reproduces only the upper part of the sculpture: 

The design represents in low relief an erect human figure in profile, with the head 
and shoulders slightly inclined forward. The body is apparently naked, excepting 




those portions which are concealed by elaborate ornaments, the most prominent of 
which is a crab covering the head. Since there is every reason to believe the figure 
to represent a priest, the crab may be taken as the emblem of priestly rank. 

Pis. lxv and lxvi of the Codex Mendoza, in Vol. i of Lord Kings- 
borough's Antiquities of Mexico, exhibit the devices and insignia of 



432 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



the soldiers who advanced step by step to higher command, according 
to their military achievements. The chief criterion, indeed the only 
one mentioned for these steps and promotions, was the number of pris- 
oners severally taken by the soldiers in war. From the large number 
of degrees in rank and titles of valor expressed in the above-mentioned 
plates, a number have been selected and copies of them, exact in draw- 
ing, size, and coloration, are presented here in Pis. xxviii and xxix. 
The quaint text relating to them is in Kingsborough (p). 

PI. xxviii. — a represents a young man who if he took any prisoners 
was presented with a square mantle bearing a device of flowers as a 
sign of valor. He holds a prisoner by the hair, b: This brave man 
has been presented with a device of arms, which he wears, and with a 
square orange-colored mantle with a scarlet fringe besides, as a sign 
of valor, on account of his having taken prisoner two of the enemy, one 
of whom he holds by the hair, c: This brave man, whose title is that 
of Quachie, and device of arms such as he wears, bears proof that he 
has captured five prisoners in war, besides having taken many other 
prisoners from the enemy in other wars. He also is drawn holding a 
prisoner, d: This brave man, whose title is Tlacatecatl and device 
the robe which he wears, with his braided hair and tlie insignia of a 
rich plume, declares by his presence that he has obtained the title of a 
valiant and distinguished person, by merit surpassing that of the others 
who are represented behind him. 

In PI. xxix.— a: An Alfaqui or superior officer, who merits further 
promotion and to whom has been presented as a reward for his valor, 
on account of his having taken three prisoners in war, the device and 
arms which he wears. He grasps a prisoner by the hair, b: The same 
Alfaqui, who, as a sign of valor on account of his having captured four 
of the enemy, has been presented with the device of arms which he 
wears. He holds a prisoner as before. 

Each one of the remaining figures in the plate of Kingsborough de- 
clares the titles which officers gained and acquired in the exercise of 
arms, by which they rose to higher rank, the kings of Mexico creating 
them captains and generals of their forces or as officers of dispatch 
[similar to aids-de-camp] to execute their orders, whether they related 
to the affairs of their own kingdom or to those of the other vassal 
states, who promptly obeyed without in auy manner deviating from 
the commands which they had received. The two selected are shown 
in the present PI. xxix, viz: c, Ezguaguacatl, an officer of dispatch, 
and d, Tocinltecatl, a man of distinguished courage in war and one of 
the officers who filled the post of generals of the Mexican armies. 

Wiener (b), p. 763, says: 

Passing in review the numerous delineations of men on the different tissues in the 
Peruvian graves, it is to be remarked that a chief is always recognized by a panache, 
which for the decurion has two plumes, for the centurion four, for the chief of a thou- 
sand men six, and the colors of these plumes indicate civil or military functions. 



Bureau of Ethnology. Tenth Annual Report. Plate XXVIII. 




MEXICAN MILITARY INSIGNIA. 



EXPLOIT MARKS. 



433 



A. W. Howitt (e) says: 

Messengers in central Australia sent to form a Pinya to avenge a death wear a 
kind of net on the head and a white frontlet in which is stuck a feather. The mes- 
senger is painted with yellow ochre and pipeclay and bears a bunch of emu feathers 
stuck in his girdle at the back, at the spine. He carries part of the deceased's beard 
or some balls of pipeclay from the head of one of those mourning for him. These 
are shown at the destination of the messenger and are at once understood. 

The same author, p. 78, reports: 

A third party which the Dieri sent out was the dreaded Pinya. It was the avenger 
of the dead, of those who were believed to have been done to death by sorcery. 

The appearance at a camp of one or more men marked each with a white band 
round the head, with diagonal white and red stripes across the breast and stomach, 
and with the point of the beard tied up and tipped with human hair, is the sign of 
a Pinya being about. These men do not converse on ordinary matters, and their 
appearance is a warning to the camp to listen attentively and to reply truly to such 
questions as may be put concerning the whereabouts of the condemned man. Know- 
ng the remorseless spirit of the Pinya, any and every question is answered in terror. 




1'IG. 558— Mark of exploit. Dakota. *'IG. 559.— Killed with fist. Dakota. 



SIGNS OF INDIVIDUAL ACHIEVEMENTS. 

Priuce Maximilian of Wied, (b) gives an account explanatory of Figs. 
558 and 559 : 

The Sioux highly prize personal bravery, and therefore constantly wear the marks 
of distinction which they have received for their exploits; among these are, especi- 
ally, tufts of human hair attached to the arms and legs, and feathers on their heads. 
He who, in the sight of the adversaries, touches a slain or living enemy places a 
feather horizontally in his hair for this exploit. 

They look upon this as a very distinguished act, for many are killed in the attempt 
before the object is attained. He who kills an enemy by a blow with his fist sticks 
a feather upright in his hair. 

If the enemy is killed with a musket a small piece of wood is put in the hair, which 
is intended to represent a ramrod. If a warrior is distinguished by many deeds he 
has a right to wear the great feather-cap with ox-horns. This cap, composed of 
eagle feathers, which are fastened to a long strip of red cloth hanging down the 
back, is highly valued by all the tribes on the Missouri. * * * Whoever first 
10 ETH 28 



434 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



discovers the enemy and gives notice to his comrades of their approach is allowed to 
wear a small feather which is stripped except towards the top. 

The following scheme, used by the Dakotas, is taken from Mrs. East- 
man's Dahcotah. Colors are not given, but red undoubtedly predom- 
inates, as is known from personal observation. 




Fig. 560 —Killed an enemy. FlG. 561.— Cut throat and scalped. Fig. 562.— Cut enemy's throat. 

Dakota. ' Dakota. Dakota. 

A spot upon the larger web denotes that the wearer has killed an 
enemy. Fig. 500. 

Fig. 501 denotes that the wearer has cut the throat of his enemy and 
taken his scalp. 




Fig. 563.— Third to .strike. Dakota. Fig. 564.— Fourth to strike. Dakota 



Fig. 5014 denotes that the wearer has cut the throat of his enemy. 
Fig. 503 denotes that the wearer was the third that touched the body 
of his enemy after he was killed. 




Fig. 565.— Fifth to strike. Dakota. Fig. 566.— Many wounds. Dakota. 



Fig. 504 denotes that the wearer was the fourth that touched the 
body of his enemy after he was killed. 



Bureau of Ethnology. Tenth Annual Report. Plate XXIX. 




MEXICAN MILITARY INSIGNIA. 



EXPLOIT MARKS. 



435 



Fig. 56."> denotes that the wearer was the fifth that touched the 
body of his enemy after he was killed. 

Fig. 566 denotes that the wearer has been wounded in many places 
by the enemy. 

The following variations in the scheme were noticed in 1883 among 
the Mdewakantanwan Dakotas, near Fort Snelling, Minnesota. 

Feathers of the eagle are used as among the other bands of Dakotas. 

A plain feather is used to signify that the wearer has killed an 
enemy, without regard to the manner in which he was .slain. 

When the end is clipped transversely, and the edge colored red, it 
signifies that the throat of the enemy was cut. 

A black feather denotes that an Ojibwa woman was killed. Enemies 
are considered as Objibwas, that being the tribe with which the 
Mdewakantanwan Dakotas have been most in collision. 

When a warrior has been wounded a red spot is painted upon the 
broad side of a feather. If the wearer has been shot in the body, arms, 
or legs, a red spot is painted upon his clothing or blanket, immediately 
over the locality of the wound. These red spots are sometimes worked 
in porcupine quills, or in cotton fiber .as now obtained from the traders. 

Belden (a) says: 

Among the Sioux an eagle's feather with a red spot painted on it, worn by a war- 
rior in the village, denotes that on the last war-path he killed an enemy, and for 
every additional enemy he has slain he carries another feather painted with an 
additional red spot about the size of a silver quarter. 

A red hand painted on a warrior's blanket denotes that he has been wounded by 
the enemy, and a- black one that he has been unfortunate in some way. 

Boiler (a) in Among the Indians, p. 284, describes a Sionx as wear- 
ing a number of small wood shavings stained with vermilion in his hair, 
each the symbol of a wound received. 

Lynd (c) gives a device differing from all the foregoing, with an ex- 
planation : 

To the human body the Dakotas give four spirits. The first is supposed to be a 
spirit of the body, and dies with the body. The second is a spirit which always 
remains with or near the body. Another is the soul which accounts for the deeds 
of the body, and is supposed by some to go to the south, by others to the west, after 
the death of the body. The fourth always lingers with the small bundle of the hair 
of the deceased kept by the relatives until they have a chance to throw it into the 
enemy's country, when it becomes a roving, restless spirit, bringing death and dis- 
ease to the enemy whose country it is in. 

From this belief arose the practice of wearing four scalp-feathers l'<>r each enemy 
slain in battle, one for each soul. 

It should be noted that all the foregoing signs of individual achieve- 
ments are given by the several authorities as used by the same body 
of Indians, the Dakota or Sioux. This, however, is a large body, di- 
vided into tribes, and it is possible that a different scheme was used in 
the several tribes. But the accounts are so conflicting that error in 
either observation or description or both is to be suspected. 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Rev. <1. Owen Dorsey (b) explains tlie devices on the shield of a 
Teton Dakota : 

* The three pipes on the shield, in a colored sketch prepared hy Bushotter, 
denote that on so many expeditions he carried a war pipe. The red stripes declare 
how many of the enemy were wounded by him, and the human heads show the 
number of foes that he killed. The half moon means that he shouted at his 
foes on a certain night. Once he thre w aside his arms and engaged in a hand-to- 
hand struggle with a foe ; this is shown by the human hand. The horse tracks indi- 
cate that he ran off with so many horses. If his name was Black Hawk, for instance, 
a black hawk was painted in the middle of his shield. 

Irving (a), in Astoria, says of the Arikara: 

He who has killed an enemy in his own laud is entitled to drag at his heels a fox 
skin attached to each moccasin; and lie who lias slain a grizzly hear wears a neck- 
lace of his claws, the most glorious trophy that a hunter can exhibit. 

Prince Maximilian, of Wied (c), thus reports on the designations of 
the Mandans connected with the present topic : 

The Mandans wear the large horned feather cap; this is a cap consisting of strips 
of white ermine with pieces of red cloth hanging down behind as far as the calves of 
the legs, to which is attached an upright row of black and white eagle feathers, 
beginning at the head and reaching to the whole length. Only distinguished war- 
riors who have performed many exploits may wear this headdress. 

If the Mandans give away one or more of these headdresses, which they estimate 
very highly, they are immediately considered men of great importance. * * # 
On their buffalo robes they often represent this feather cap under the image of a 
sun. Very celebrated and eminent warriors, when most highly decorated, wear in 
their hair various pieces of wood as signals of their wounds and heroic deeds. Thus 
Mato-Tope had fastened transversely in his hair a wooden knife painted red and 
about the length of a hand, because he had killed a Cheyenne chief with his knife; 
then six wooden sticks, painted red, blue, and yellow, with a brass nail at one end, 
indicating so many musket wounds which he had received. For an arrow wound 
he fastened in his hair the wing feather of a wild turkey; at the hack of his head 
he wore a large bunch of owl's feathers, dyed yellow, with red tips, as the badge of the 
Meniss-Ochata (the dog band). The half of his face was painted red and the other 
yellow; his body was painted reddish-brown, with narrow stripes, which were pro- 
duced by taking off the color with the tip of the finger wetted. On his arms, from 
the shoulder downwards, he had seventeen yellow stripes, which indicated his war- 
like deeds, and on his breast the figure of a hand, of a yellow color, as a sign that 
he had captured some prisoners. 

* * * A Mandan may have performed many exploits and yet not be allowed to 
wear tufts of hair on his clothes, unless he carries a medicine pipe and has been the 
leader of a war party. When a young man who has never performed an exploit is 
the first to kill an enemy on a warlike expedition he paints a spiral line round his 
arm, of whatever color he pleases, and he may then wear a whole wolfs tail at the 
ankle or heel of one foot. If he has first killed and touched the enemy he jiaiuts a 
line running obliquely round the arm and another crossing it in the opposite direc- 
tion, with three transverse stripes. On killing the second enemy he paints his left 
leg (that is, the leggin) a reddish-brown. If lie kills the second enemy before 
another is killed by his comrades he may wear two entire wolves' tails at his heels. 
( )n his third exploit he paints two longitudinal stripes on his arms and three trans- 
verse stripes. This is the exploit that is esteemed the highest; after the third 
exploit no more marks are made. If he kills an enemy after others of the party have 
done the same he may wear on his heel one wolfs tail, the tip of which is cut off. 



EXPLOIT -MARKS. 



437 



The Hidatsa scheme of designating achievements was obtained by 
Dr. Hoffman, at Fort Berthold, North Dakota, during 1881, and now 
follows : 

A feather, to the tip of which is attached a tuft of down or several 
strands of horsehair, dyed red, denotes 
that the wearer has killed an enemy 
and that he was the first to touch or 
strike him with the coup stick. Fig. 
567 a. 

A feather bearing one red bar made 
with vermillion, signifies the wearer to 
have been the second person to strike 
the fallen enemy with the coup stick. 
Same Fig. b. 

A feather bearing two red bars sig- 
nifies that the wearer was the third 
person to strike the body. Same 
Fig. c. 

A feather with three bars signifies 
that the wearer was the fourth to FlG - «ff.-MarkB of exploits, Hidatsa. 
strike the fallen enemy. Fig. 568 a. Beyond this number honors are 
not counted. 

A red feather denotes that the wearer was wounded in an encounter 
with an enemy. Fig. 568 b. 

A narrow strip of rawhide or buck- 
skin is wrapped from end to end 
with porcupine quills dyed red, though 
sometimes a few white ones are in- 
serted to break the monotony of color. 
This strip is attached to the inner 
surface of the rib or shaft of the quill 
by means of very thin fibers of sinew, 
and signifies that the wearer killed a 
woman belonging to a hostile tribe. 
It is shown in Fig. 568 c. In very 
fine specimens the quills are directly 
applied to the shaft without resorting 
to the strap of leather. 

Similar marks denoting exploits are used by the Hidatsa, Mandan, 
and Arikara Indians. The Hidatsa claim to have been the originators 
of the devices. 

The following characters are marked upon robes and blankets, usually 
in red or blue colors, and often upon the boat paddles. Frequently an 
Indian has them painted upon his thighs, though this is generally 
resorted to only on festal occasions or for dancing. 



-Marks ul' exploits, Hidatsa. 



438 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



#Fig. 509 denotes that the wearer successfully defended 
himself against the enemy by throwing up a ridge of earth 
or sand to protect the body. The manner of depicting this 
^ mark upon the person or clothing is shown in PI. xxx upon 
ccssfni driens!.. the shirt of the third figure in the lower row. 

Hidatsa, etc. 

tPig. 570 signifes that the wearer has upon two different 
occasions defended himself by hiding his body within low- 
earthworks. The character is merely a compound of two 
of the preceding marks placed together. Both of the devices 
fig 570 —Two suown Figs. 569 and 570 are displayed on the clothing in 
fenses 3 Hidptsa' drawn by a Hidatsa. 

Fig. 571 signifies that the one who carries this mark upon 
his blanket, leggings, boat paddle, or any other property, 
or upon his person, has distinguished himself by capturing 
pis.57i.-cap- a horse belonging to a hostile tribe. This character appears 
iiM-iNii 1 ( tc° rse upon the garments and legs of several of the human figures 
in PL xxx, drawn by a Hidatsa, at Fort Berthold, North 
Dakota. 



XXX' 

> X" f- 

Fig. 572.— Exploit marks, Hidatsa. 

In Fig. 572, a signifies among the Hidatsa and Mandans that the 
wearer was the first person to strike a fallen enemy with a coup stick. 
It signifies among the Arikara simply that the wearer killed an enemy. 

b represents among the Hidatsa and Mandans the second person to 
strike a fallen enemy. It represents among the Arikara the first per- 
son to strike the fallen enemy. 

c denotes the third person to strike the enemy, according to the 
Hidatsa and Mandan; the second person to strike him according to the 
Arikara. 

(I shows among the Hidatsa and Mandan the fourth person to strike 
the fallen enemy. This is the highest and last number; the fifth per- 
son to risk the danger is considered brave for venturing so near the 
ground held by the enemy, but has no right to wear a mark therefor. 

The same mark among the Arikara represents the person to be the 
third to strike the enemy. 



MALLEBY.] 



EXPLOIT MARKS. 



439 



e, according to the Ankara, represents the fourth person to strike 
the enemy. 

According to the Hidatsa, the wearer of the mark / had figured in 
four encounters; in those recorded by the marks in each of the two 
lateral spaces he was the second to strike the fallen enemy, and the 
marks in the upper and lower spaces signify that he was the third 
person upon two other occasions. 

The marks at c, in Fig. 572, may be compared with Fig. 
573. The head of the victim in this instance is a white 
man. Such drawings are not made upon the person or 
clothing of the hero, but upon buffalo robes or other sub 
stances used for record of biographical events. 

Fig. 573.— Record 



The marks at d, in Fig. 572, are drawn on records in 
the mode shown in Fig. 574. 



' Illustrations of the actual mode of wearing several of the above 
devices appear in Fig. 575, drawn by a Hidatsa. 





I. f>75.— Exploit mark: 



440 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The mark of a black hand, sometimes made by the impress of an 
actually blackened palm or drawn of natural size, or less, signifies that 
the person authorized to wear the mark has killed an enemy. 

Fig. 576, drawn by a Hidatsa, means that the owner of the robe or 
record on which it appears had taken a- scalp. Fig. 577, also drawn by 
a Hidatsa, means that the bearer struck the enemy in the order above 
mentioned and took his scalp and his gun. 

The drawing reproduced on PI. xxx was made by a Hidatsa at Fort 
Berthold, North Dakota. It represents several dancing figures, upon 
which the several marks of personal achievements can be recognized. 
The fourth figure of the upper row shows the wearer to have been the 
second person to strike an enemy upon four different occasions. Upon 
the right-hand figure of the lower row two distinct marks will be 
observed; that upon the wearer's left leg indicating him to have been 
the second to strike an enemy upon two different occasions; and the 
mark upon the right leg, that he was twice the second person to strike 
enemies, and twice the third person to perform that exploit. 




Fig. 576.— Scalp taken. Fig. 577.— Scalp and gun taken. 

Miss Agnes Crane (a), in an article on Ancient Mexican Heraldry, 
seems to assert that the evidence of emblems in the western hemisphere 
as boastful records of individual achievements is confined to Mexico. 
The present section may supply the evidence lacking. 

The following information regarding Winnebago devices of the 
character now under consideration was given by St. Oyr, a mixed 
blood Winnebago, in April, 1886. 

To show that the wearer killed a man, strike the muddy hand upon 
the body or horse. Clay of any kind is used. When 20 men have 
been killed, an otter skin is worn on the back. A skunk skin worn on 
the calf signifies a man killed. 

Scented grass worn on the neck or the wrist shows that a prisoner 
had been captured and tied with grass in the absence of other cords. 

To show that the wearer had been wounded, cover the part of the 
body with white clay, and indicate the spot with red paint. 

Paul .Kane (a) says that among the Cree Indians red earth was 
spotted on a leg to indicate that the wearer had been wounded. 



PROPERTY MARKS. 



441 



Prof. Dall (b) tells of the Sitka-Kwan : 

They perforate their noses, wearing a ring adorned with feathers. They make a 
succession of perforations all around the edge of the ears, which are ornamented 
with scarlet thread, shark's teeth, or pieces of shell. Each hole is usually the record 
of a deed performed or a feast given hy the person so adorned. 

PROPERTY MARKS. 

This topic, upon which much interesting material has been collected 
in many geographic and ethnologic divisions of the earth, can not include 
objectively or pictorially many genuine and distinctive illustrations 
from the North American Indians. The reason for this paucity is that 
the individual Indian had very little property. Nearly everything which 
could be classed as personal property belonged to his tribe or, more gen- 
erally, to his clan or gens. Yet articles of a man's personal manufacture, 
such as arrows, were often marked in such a manner as to be distin- 
guished. Those marks, many examines of which are upon arrows in 
the U. S. National Museum, are not of sufficient general interest to be 
reproduced here. They are not valuable unless they are connected 
with the makers or owners by a concurrence of the devices with the signs 
adopted by persons or by classes, the evidence of which can not now 
except in rare instances be procured. Most of the devices mentioned 
seem to have degenerated into mere ornamentation, which might be 
expected, because the arrows are not of great antiquity, and during 
recent years the records which could have been used for their identifi- 
cation have decayed as authorities even when they have remained in 
the immediate family, having escaped sale and robbery. 

As a general rule neither a man nor a family, in the modern sense, 
had any property in land, which belonged to a much larger sociologic 
division, but on their arrival in California Europeans noticed among- 
the Indians there a device to assert rights in realty by the use of dis- 
tinctive marks. It is not clear whether these marks were merely per- 
sonal or were tribal or gentile. 

According to Mr. A. F. Coronel, of Los Angeles, California, the 
Serrano Indians in that vicinity formerly practiced a method of mark- 
ing trees to indicate the corner boundaries of patches of land. The 
Indians owning areas of territory of whatever size would cut lines upon 
the bark of the tree corresponding to lines drawn on their own faces, 
i. e., lines running outward and downward over the cheeks, or perhaps 
over the chin only, tattooed in color. These lines were made on the 
trees on the side facing the property, and were uuderstandingly recog- 
nized by the whole tribe. This custom still prevailed when Mr. Coronel 
first located in southern California about the year 1843. 

Among the Arikara Indians a custom prevails of drawing upon the 
blade of a canoe or bull-boat paddle such designs as are worn by the 
chief and owner to suggest his personal exploits. This has to great 
extent been adopted by the Hidatsa and Mandans. The marks are 



442 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



chietly horseshoes and crosses, as in Fig. 578, referring to the capture of 
the enemy's ponies and to coups in warfare. The entire tribe being inti- 
mately acquainted with the courage and 
actions of all its members, imposition and 
fraud in the delineation of any character 
fig. 578—Boat paddie. Ankara. are no t attempted, as such would surely 
be detected, and the impostor would be ridiculed if not ostracised. 
The brands upon cattle in Texas and other regions of the Uuited 
n States where ranches are common illustrate the modern use of 
^ property marks. A collection of these brands made by the 
^ writer compares unfavorably for individuality and ideography 
with the genuine marks of Indians for similar purposes. 
The following translation from Kunst and Witz der Neger 
H in Das Ausland (a), describing Fig. 579, is inserted for com- 
jfinl parison: 

Whenever a pumpkin of surprisingly fine appearance is growing, which 
promises to furnish a desirable water vase, the proprietor hurries to dis- 
[r— i (— H tinguish it by cutting into it some special mark with his knife, and proba- 
bly superstitious feelings may cooperate in this act. I have reproduced 
herewith the best types of such property marks which I have been able to 
discover. 

Sir John Lubbock (a) tells that many of the arrows found at 
Nydam, Slesvick, had owner's marks on them, now reproduced 
in Fig. 580 as a and e, resembling those on the modern Esqui- 
maux arrows shown in the same figure as b. 

Prof. Auton Schiefner (b) gives a remarkable parallel between 
the Eunic alphabet and the property marks of the Finns, 



PERSONAL NAMES. 

The names of Indians as formerly adopted by or bestowed among tliem- 
selves were generally connotive. 
They very often refer to some animal 
and predicate an attribute or position 
of that animal. On account of their 
sometimes objective and sometimes 
ideographic nature, they almost in- 
variably admit of being expressed in j 
sign language; and for the same rea- 
son they can readily be portrayed in I 
pictographs. The device generally | 
adopted by the Dakotan tribes to sig- 
nify that an object drawn in connec- 1 
tion with a human figure was a to- 
teinic or a personal name of the indi- 
vidual, iS tO Connect that Object With Fig. 580.-Owner'8 marks, Slesvick. 

the figure by a line drawn to the head or, more frequently, to the 




> 



PERSONAL NAMES. 



443 



mouth of the latter. The same tribes make a distinction to manifest 
that the gesture sign for an object gestured is intended to be the name 
of a person and not introduced for any other purpose by passing the 
index forward from the mouth in a .direct line after the conclusion of 
the sign for the object. This signifies -'that is his name, 1 * the name of 
the person referred to. 

As a general rule, Indians were named in early infancy according to 
a tribal system, but in later life each generally acquired a new name, or 
perhaps several names in succession, from some special exploits or ad- 
ventures. Frequently a sobriquet is given which is not complimentary. 
All of the names subsequently acquired as well as the original names 
are so connected with material objects or with substantive actions as 
to be expressible in a graphic picture and also in a pictorial sign. In 
the want of alphabet or syllabary they used the same expedient to dis- 
tinguish the European invaders. A Virginian was styled Assarigoa, 
"Big Knife."' The authorities of Massachusetts were called by the 
Iroquois, Kinshon, "a fish," doubtless in allusion to the cod industry 
and the fact that a wooden codfish then hung, as it did long afterwards, 
in the state house at Boston, as an emblem of the colony and state. 

The determination to use names of this connotive character is shown 
by the objective translation, whenever possible, of such European 
names as it became necessary for them to introduce frequently into 
their speech. William Penn was called Onas, that being the word for 
feather-quill in the Mohawk dialect. The name of the second French 
governor of Canada was De Montmagny. erroneously translated to be 
" great mountain,'" which words were correctly translated by the Iro- 
quois into Onontio. and this expression becoming associated with the 
title has been applied to all successive Canadian governors, though the 
origin having been generally forgotten, it has been considered to be a 
metaphorical compliment. 

The persistence of titles is shown by the fact that the Abnaki of 
New Brunswick to-day call Queen Victoria, ' King James," with a fem- 
inine addition. 

Gov. Fletcher was named by the Iroquois Cajenquiragoe, "the great 
swift arrow," not because of his speedy arrival at a critical time, as 
has been supposed, but because they had somehow been informed of 
the etymology of his name, "arrow-maker" (Fr. flechier). A notable 
example of the adoption of a graphic illustration from a similarity in 
the sound of the name to known English words is given in the present 
paper, in Fig. 919, where Gen. Maynadier is represented as "many 
deer." 

While, as before said, some tribes give names to children from con- 
siderations of birth and kinship according to a fixed rule, others con- 
ferred them after solemn deliberation. Even these were not necessarily 
permanent. A diminutive form is frequently bestowed by the affection of 
the parent. On initiation into one of the cult associations a name is 
generally received. Until this is established a warrior is liable to 



444 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



change his name after every tight or hunt. He will sometimes only 
acknowledge the name he has himself assumed, perhaps from a 
dream or vision, though he may be habitually called by an entirely 
different name. From that reason, the same man is sometimes known 
under several different epithets. Personal peculiarity, deformity, or 
accident is sure to fix a name against which it is vain to struggle. 
Girls do not often change names bestowed in their childhood. The 
same precise name is often given to different individuals in the same 
tribe, but not so frequently in the same band, whereby the incon- 
venience would be increased. For this reason it is often necessary 
to specify the band, sometimes also the father. For instance, when 
the writer asked an Indian who Black-Stone, a chief mentioned in 
the Lone-Dog winter counts, was, the Indian asked, first, what tribe 
was he; then, what band; then, who was his father; and, except in the 
case of very noted persons, the identity is not proved without an an- 
swer to these questions. A striking instance of this plurality of names 
among the Dakota* was connected with the name Sitting-Bull, belong- 
ing to the leader of the hostile band, while one of that name was almost 
equally noted as being the head soldier of the friendly Dakotas at Bed- 
Cloud Agency. 

The northeastern tribes sometimes formally resurrected the name 
of the dead and also revived it by adoption. See Jes. Bel., 1039, p. 45, 
and 1642, p. 53. 

Among the peculiarities connected with Indian personal names, far 
too many for discussion here, is their avoidance of them in direct ad- 
dress, terms of kinship or relative age taking their place. Maj. J. W. 
Powell states that at one time he had the Kaibab Indians, a small 
tribe of northern Arizona, traveling with him. The young chief was 
called by white men " Frank." For several weeks he refused to give 
his Indian name and Maj. Powell endeavored to discover it by noticing 
the term by which he was addressed by the other Indians, but invaria- 
bly some kinship term was employed. One day in a quarrel his wife 
called him Chuarumpik ("Yucca-heart"). Subsequently Maj. Powell 
questioned the young chief about the matter, who explained and apolo- 
gized for the great insult which his wife had given him and said that 
she was excused by great provocation. The insult consisted in calling 
the man by his real name. 

Bverard F. im Thurn (g) gives the following account of the name- 
system of the Indians of Guiana, which might have been written with 
equal truth about some tribes of North America: 

The system under which the Indians have their personal names is intricate and 
difficult to explain. In the first place, a name, which may be called the proper name, 
is always given to a young child soon after birth. It is said to be proper that the 
peaiman, or medicine-man, should choose and give this name, but, at any rate now, 
the naming seems more often left to the parents. The word selected is generally the 
name of some plant, bird, or other natural object. Hut these names seem of little 
use, in that owners have a very strong objection to telling or using them, appar- 



PERSONAL NAMES. 



445 



eiitly on the ground that the name is part of the man, and that he who knows the 
name has part of the owner of that name in his power. 

One Indian, therefore, generally addresses another only according to the relation- 
ship of the caller and the called, as brother, sister.'father, mother, and so on. These 
terms, therefore, practically form the names actually used by Indians amongst them- 
selves. But an Indian is just as unwilling to tell his proper name to a white mau 
as to an Indian, and, of course, between the Indian and the white man there is no 
relationship the term for wlreh can serve as a proper name. An Indian, therefore^ 
when he has to do with a /.uropean, asts the latter to give him a name, and if one 
is given to him always afterwards uses this. The names given in this way are gen- 
erally simple enough — John. Peter, Thomas, and so on. 



The original of Fig. 581 was made in 1873 by Running 
Antelope, cliief of the Uncapapa Dakota, in the style of 
a signature instead of being attached to his head by a line 
as is the usual method of the tribe in designating personal 




names. Fig. S81.— Sig- 

nature of Run- 
ning Antelope. 
Dakota. 

Fig. 582 presents a curious comparison with Figs. 548 and 903 
showing the manner in which the wolf, proverbially a lean animal, was 
delineated by Germans in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. It 
is taken from Rudolf Cronau (b), whose remarks are translated and 
condensed as follows : 

a. The oldest representation known to me of the "wolf" occurs on a 
Gothic sword of the thirteenth century, in the Historical Museum of 
Dresden. 

b. Is more primitive, from a sword of the last half of the fourteenth 
century, in the " Berliner Zeughause;"' also similar to c, of the same 
period, from a specimen in the Ziiricher Zeughaus. 

d and e. Signatures on two specimens in the collection in Feste Co- 
burg: e is a rare representation of the figure of the wolf of 1490, in the 
Germanic Museum at Nurnberg, and still more intricate (verzwickter) 
is the drawing/ on a Dresden specimen of the year 1559. 




Fig. 532.— Solinger sword-makers' marks. 

A large proportion of the pictographs of several names next to be 
presented are from Red-Cloud's Census, the history of which is as 
follows: 

A pictorial census was prepared in 1884 under the direction of Red- 
Cloud, chief of the Dakota at Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota Territory. 
The 289 persons enumerated, many of whom were heads of families, 
were the adherents of Red-Cloud and did not represent all the Indians 



446 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



at that agency. Owing to a disagreement the agent refused to ackm »wl- 
edge that chief as head of the Indians at the agency, and named another 
as the official chief. Many of the Indians exhibited their allegiance to 
lied- Cloud by having their names attached in their own pictorial style 
to a document showing their votes and number. This filled seveu 
sheets of ordinary manila paper and was sent to Washington. While 
in the custody of Dr. T. A. Bland, of that city, it was loaned by him to 
the Bureau of Ethnology to be copied by photography. The different 
sheets were apparently drawn by different persons, as the drawings of 
human heads vary enough to indicate individuality. This arrange- 
ment seems to imply seven bands or, perhaps, gentes. 

Dr. V. T. McGillicuddy, who at the time was Indian agent at Pine 
Bidge Agency, Dakota, in correspondence gives the impression that the 
several pictographs representing names were attached as signatures 
by the several individuals to a subscription list for Dr. Bland, before 
mentioned, who was the editor of The Council Fire, in support of that 
publication and with an agreement that each should give 25 cents. 
The document in that view would be a subscription list, but the sub- 
scribers were, in fact, the adherents of Bed-Cloud. Whatever was the 
motive for this collection of pictured names, its interest consists in 
the mode of their portrayal, together with the assurance that they were 
the spontaneous and genuine work of the Indians concerned. 

In addition to the personal names which immediately follow, a con- 
siderable number of the 289 pietographic names appear elsewhere in 
this paper under the various heads of Tribal Designations, Ideography, 
Conventionalizing, Customs, special Comparison, etc. 

Interspersed among the personal names taken from the above men- 
tioned list are others selected from the Oglala Boster, the origin of 
which is explained above, and the several winter counts of The-Flame, 
The-Swan, American-Horse, and Cloud-Shield, mentioned, respectively, 
in Chap, x, Sec. 2. The authority is in each case attached to the picto- 
graph with the translation of the Indian name, and in some cases with 
the name in the original. 

Bev. J. Owen Dorsey, in Vol. xxxivof the Proceedings of the Ameri- 
can Association for the Advancement of Science and in the American 
Anthropologist for July, 1890, gives valuable notes on the subject of 
Indian personal names and also has made oral suggestions to the present 
writer. Some of those may be considered with reference to the list 
now presented. He thinks that the frequent use of color names is 
from a mythical or symbolic significance attributed to the colors. 
Also the word translated "iron," or "metal," is connected with the 
color blue, the object called iron being always painted blue when 
colors are used, and that color is mystically connected with the water- 
powers of the Dakotan mythology. The frequent use of the terms 
"Little" and "Big," with or without graphic, differentiation, may be 
as the terms young and old, junior and senior, are employed by civi- 
lized people, but the expressions in other cases may refer to the size 



OBJECTIVE NAMES. 



447 



ol the animals seen in the visions of tasting which have, determined 
the names. 

Explanations on parts of the pictographs not strictly connected with 
the personal name are annexed for the reason before indicated and the. 
objects connected by the names are to some extent arranged in classes. 



In the figures immediately following the delineation is objective. 
It is sometimes interesting to note the different modes of representing 
the same object or concept. 

Fig. 583.— Higk-Back-Boue, a very brave Og- 
lala, was killed by the Shoshoni. They also shot 
another man, who died after he reached home. 
American-Horse's Winter Count, 1870- 71. 




Fig. 584. — High -Back -Bone was killed in a 
fight with the Snakes (Shoshoni). Cloud-Shield's 
Winter Count, 1870-'71. White-Cow-Killer calls 
it ''High-Back-Bone-killed-by-Snake-Iudians win- 
ter.*' 



Fig. 585. — A Minneconjou Dakota named 
Broken-Back was killed by the Crow Indians at 
Black Hills. Swan's Winter Count, 1848-'49. 




Fig. 585. 



Fig. 586. — Long-Hair was killed. Cloud- 
Shield's Winter Count, 1786-'87. To what tribe 
he belonged is not known. The tribes, such as 
the Crows, in which it is a tribal custom to wear 
the hair to an enormous length, eke it out by 
artificial means and ornament it with beads and 
streamers. In this case the length of the hair 
seems to have been a personal peculiarity, not a 
tribal mark. 




448 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fig. 587.— They killed the long-haired man in a tight with the Chey- 
ennes while on an expedition to avenge the death 
of The-Man-Who-Owns-The-Flute, who was killed 
by the Cheyennes the year before. American- 
Horse's Winter Count, 1796-'97. This may be 
the same man who is referred to in the last pre- 
ceding figure, as the expression "killed," given 
in translation by the interpreters, does not always 
Fw.587. mean wounded to death, but severely wounded- - 

Hibernice"kilt.'' Here the scalp shows the length of the hair, and 
the victim is called a Cheyenne. 



Fig. 588.— The Stabber. Cloud-Shield's 
Winter Count, 1783-'S4. The man's name 
is suggested by the spear in the body over 
his head, which is connected with his 
mouth by a line- 




Fig. 589. — Stabber. Red-Cloud's Census. 
This figure is substantially the same as the pre- 
ceding', though more rude. 



Fig. 589. 



Fig. 590. — Red-Shirt. Red-Cloud's Census. This and 
the following figure exhibit the name, the first showing- 
only the garment and the second exhibiting it as worn. 






OBJECTIVE NAMES. 



449 



Fig. 591. — Red-Shirt, a Dakota, was killed by the 
Crows while looking for his ponies near Old Woman's 
fork. American-Horse's Winter Count, 1810-'1.1. The 
bow over the head and the absence of scalp-lock signifies 
death by the arrow of enemies. 



Fig. 592.— Chief Red-Cloud. Red-Cloud's 
Ceusus. This and the next figure give two 
modes of expressing the name of the cele- 
brated chief, Red-Cloud. 



Fig. 593.— Three-Stars (General Crook) 
took Red-Cloud's young men to help him 
fight the Cheyennes. Cloud-Shield's Winter 
Count, 1876-'77. 




Fig. 594.— Caught-the-Enemy. Red-Cloud's 
The enemy seems to be caught by his hair. 



Fig. 595. — Black-Rock was killed by the Crows. 
His brother, whose name he had taken, was killed by 
the Crows three years before. American-Horse's Win- 
ter Count, 1809-'l 0. 

10 eth 29 




450 PICTURErWRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




Fig. U01. 



Fig. 596. — Bird, a white trader, was burned to death 
by the Cneyennes. Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 
1864-'65. He is surrounded by flames in the picture. 
His name was probably Bird, which was pictorially 
represented as usual. 



Fig. 597. — Bed-Lake's house, which he had recently 
built, was destroyed by fire, and he was killed by 
the accidental explosion of some powder. American- 
Horse's Winter Count, 1831-'32. This figure is intro- 
duced here in connection with the simple fire on the 
one preceding to show the artistic portrayal separately 
of a steady flame and of an explosion. 

Fig. 598. — Two-Face, an Oglala, was badly burnt by 
the explosion of his powder horn. American-Horse's 
Winter Count, 1860-'61. Here is another view of the 
explosion of gunpowder. 

Fig. 599.— A Two-Kettle Dakota, named The-Breast, 
died. Swan's Winter Count, 1836-'37. 

Mato Sapa says : A Two-Kettle, named The-Breast, 
died. Tbis is the same character as is given elsewhere 
for abundance, plenty of buffalo. But here it has a 
wholly personal application. 



Fig. COO. — Left-Handed-Big-Nose was killed by the 
Shoshoni. American-Horse's Winter Count, 1839-'40. 
His left arm is represented extended, and his nose is 
grotesquely conspicuous. 



Fig. 001.— Eoman-Nose. Red-Cloud's Census. The 
large and aquiline nose is exhibited, which was very 
liberally translated "Roman Nose," and the term be- 
came the popular name of a celebrated chief of the 
Dakotas. 



OBJECTIVE NAMES. 



Fig. 602.— Torn-Belly. Red-Cloud's Census. 



Fig. 003.— Spotted-Face. Red-Cloud's Census. 



Fig. 604. — Licks - with - his - tongue. Red-Cloud's 
Census. The tongue is exaggerated as well as pro- 
truded, and without explanation might be mistaken 
for a large object bitten off for eating in a gluttonous 
manner. 



Fig. 605.— Knock-a-hole-in-the-head. Red-Cloud'i 
Census. 



Fig. 606. — Broken-Leg-Duck, an Oglala, went to 
a Crow village to steal horses and was killed. Amer- 
ican-Horse's Winter Count, 1786-'87. A line con- 
nects the bird, one of whose legs is out of order, with 
the mouth of the man's head, which is without scalp- 
lock. 



Fig. 607. — Antelope-Dung broke his neck while sur- 
rounding buffalo. American-Horse's Winter Count, 
1853-'54. 



452 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




Fig. 60S. — Antelope-Dung broke his neck while 
running antelope. Cloud- Shield's Winter Count, 
1853-54. His head is the only part of his body that 
is shown, and it is bleeding copiously. Without the 
preceding figure this one would not be intelligible. 



Fig. 009. — Broken-Arrow fell from his horse while 
running buffalo and broke his neck. American- 
Horse's Winter Count, 1859-'00. 




Fig. 010. — Sits-like-a- Woman. Red-Cloud's Cen- 
sus. This person is also portrayed in a recent 
Dakota record, where the character is represented 
by the "woman seated" only. The name of this 
man is not " Sits-like-a- Woman," but High-Wolf — 
shunkmauitu (wolf), wankantuya (up above). This 
is an instance of giving one name in a pietograph 
as if the correct or official name and retaining 
another by which the man is known in camp to 
companions. 



Fig, 611.— The-Man-Who-Owns-the- Flute was 
killed by the Cheyennes. American-Horse's Win- 
ter Count, 1795-'96. His flute is represented in 
front of him with sounds coming from it. A bul- 
let mark is on his neck. In reference to this char- 
acter, see Chap, xx, Sec 2. 



METAPHORIC NAMES. 



Fig. 612. — Smoking -Bear. Bed- 
Cloud's Census. The bear does not 
appear to be smoking the pipe, but 
the smoke of the latter is mounting 
to the animal's neck, so the bear is 
smoking in a passive sense. 



Fig. (313.— Biting-Bear. Bed- 
Cloud's Census. The bear seems to 
be biting at the bark on the limb of 
a tree, which shows the marks of 
his claws. This animal, as is well 
known, eats the bark of certain 
trees. 




META PHO RIC. 

Fig. 611.— Wolf-Far. Red-Cloud's Census. The 
designation of the ear of a wolf probably refers to 
size, and is substantially the same as big-ear. 



Fig. 615. — Fighting- Cuss. Bed-Cloud's Cen- 
sus. This warrior appears, while only armed 
with a lance, to be successfully fighting an 
enemy who has a gun. 



454 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




Fig. C21. 



Fig. 016. — Man-with-hearts. Red- Cloud's Cen- 
sus. There is no information as to the significance 
of this drawing, but it is conjectured that the war- 
rior had eaten the heart of one or more enemies, as 
was frequently done. This was not cannibalism, 
but a superstitious and sometimes ceremonial per- 
formance, by which the eater acquired the qualities 
of the victim, and in this case would be supposed 
to have more than one heart, i. e., the courage 
attributed to those hearts. 

Fig. 017. — Takes-the-Gun. Red-Cloud's Census. 
It appears from the name that the man is not 
handling his own gun, but is on the point of grasp- 
ing and taking away the weapon of another person. 

Fig. 018.— Jola, Whistler. The Oglala Roster. 
This is one of the instances where the usual rule 
in the Oglala Roster, of representing the name 
above the head, is abandoned, because it is essen- 
tial to connect it with the mouth to express the 
whistle. Without this arrangement the musical 
instrument would not be suggested. 

Fig. 019. — American-Horse's Winter Count for 
1872-'73 gives the pictograph of Whistler, also 
named Little-Bull. Both of his names appear; 
that of Whistler is expressed by the sounds blown 
from the mouth. He whistles without an instru- 
ment. 

Fig. 020.— Ceji, Tongue. The Oglala Roster. 
This man was not necessarily an orator, but proba- 
bly the nickname was given in derision as orally 
"tonguey" might be. Again the line is from the 
crown of the head to the protruded tongue. 



Fig. 021. — Canku-sapa, Black-Road. TheOglala 
Roster. This road, on which horse tracks are 
shown, is distinguished from that of the head 
chief Big-Road (a, on PI. xxvi) as being much 
more narrow and obscure, therefore black. 



ANIMAL NAMES. 



455 



The following figures are selected from a large number to show the 
variety of animals, and the differentiation by marks and attitudes 
found necessary to present the names. A similar multiplication of the 
animals by different coloration is exhibited, but can not be repeated in 
the text figures. 



Fig. 622.— Bob-tail-Horse. Red-Cloud's Census. 
The translation of the Indian's name is rather 
liberal, but the device is graphic. 



Fig. 623.— Two-Eagles 



Red-Cloud's ( Vnsus 



Fig. 624. — Minneconjou Dakota chief, named 
Swan, died. The-Swan's Winter Count, 1866-'67. 
This bird is supposed to be swimming on the 
water, its legs not being visible. 



Fig. 625.— Bear - Looks - Back. Red 
Cloud's Census. 




456 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fig. 626.— Mouse. Red-Cloud's Ceusus. 




Fig. 627.— Badger, a Dakota, was killed by 
enemies, as shown by the absence of his scalp. 
Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1796-'97. 



1 



Fig. 628 — Spider was killed (stabbed) in a fight 
with the Pawnees. American - Horse's Winter 
Count, 1861-'62. An immense effusion of blood is 
depicted flowing from the wound. 



Fig. 629.— Spotted-Elk. Red-Cloud's Ceusus. 



JIALLEKY.] 



AHIMAL NAMES. 



Fig. 630.— Spotted-Horse. Keel-Cloud's Census. 



Fig. 631. — White-Goose was killed in an attack 
made by some enemies. Cloud-Sliield's Winter 
Count, 1789-'90. White - Cow - Killer calls it. 
" Goose-Feather-killed winter." 



Fig. 632.— Maka-gleska, Spotted-Skunk. The 
Oglala Koster. The special characteristic of the 
animal is suggested. 



Fig. 633.— Hoka-qin, Carried-the-Badger. The Oglala 
Eoster. The design explains itself. The animal is exag- 
gerated in size and some of its features are accentuated. 



458 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




| Fig. 634.— Kangi-topa, Four-Crows. The Oglala Roster. 
The four crows are cawing forth such explanation as 
they can give of the reasons, probably coming from vis- 
ions, why they were used to form a name for an Oglala. 



VEGETABLE. 



The products of the vegetable kingdom are not often used by the 
Dakotas in their personal designations. The three following figures, 
however, are examples of such use. 



Fig. 635.— Tree-in-the-Face. Red-Cloud's Census, 
man probably painted a tree on his face. 




Fig. 636.— Leaves. Red-Cloud's Census. This and the 
following figure represent two different men of the same 
name and the devices are distinctly individual. 



Fig. 637.— Leaves. Red-Cloud's Census. 



With regard to the errors arising from bad translation, an example 
maybe given, relating to a name the explanation of which has often 
been asked. A former chief of the Oglala was called u Old-man-afraid- 
of-his-Horses," by the whites, and his son is known as " Young-man- 



VEGETABLE NAMES. 



459 



afraid-of-his-Horses." A common interpretation about " afraid-of-his- 
horses" is that the man valued his horses so much that he was afraid 
of losing them. The representative of the name, however, stated to the 
writer that the correct name was Ta-shunka Kokipapi, and that the 
true meaning was " He-whose-horse-they-fear"; literally " His-horse- 
they-fear-it." 

A large number of pictorially rendered Indian names attached to 
deeds and treaties have been published, e. g., in Documents relating to 
the Colonial History of New York (6). Few of them are of interest, 
and they generally suggest the assistance of practiced penmen. In the 
collections mentioned some of the Dutch marks are in the same general 
style as those of the Indians. 

Mr. P. W. Morris, late of the Bureau of Ethnology, had a buffalo robe 
containing a record of exploits, which was drawn by Black-Crow, a Da- 




Fig. 638.— Loud-Talker. 



kota warrior. The successful warrior is represented in each instance 
upright, the accompanying figure being always in a recumbent posture, 
representing the enemy who was slain. The peculiar feature of these 
pictographs is that instead of depicting the victim's personal name with 
a connecting line, the object denoting his name is placed above the 
head of the victor in each instance, and a line connects the character 
with his mouth. The latter thus seems to proclaim the name of his 
victim. A pipe is also figured between the victor and the vanquished, 
showing that he is entitled to smoke a pipe of celebration. 

A copy of the whole record was shown to the Mdewakantanwan Da- 
kotas, near Fort Snelling, Minnesota, in 1883, and the character repro- 
duced in Fig. 638, about which there was the most doubt, was explained 
as signifying " many tongues," or Loud-Talker. 

The circle at the end of the line running from the mouth contains a 
number of lanceolate forms, one-half of each of which is black, the other 



460 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



white. Tbey have the appearance of feathers, but also may represent 
tongues and signify voice, sound issuing from the mouth, aud corre- 
spond in some respect to those drawn by the Mexicans with that signi- 
ficance, of which examples are given in this work, Chap, xx, Sec. 2. 
The considerable number of these tongue-like figures suggests intensity 
and denotes loud voice, or, as given literally, " loud talker," that being 
the name of the victim. 

It is, however, to be noted that " Shield," an Oglala Dakota, contends 
that the character signifies Feather-Shield, the name of a warrior for- 
merly living at the Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota. 

Designation of an object, as a name, by means of a connecting line 
is mentioned in Kingsborough (a). Pedro de Alvarado, one of the 
companions of Cortez, was red-headed. Designating him, the Mexicans 
called him Tonatihu, the "Sun," and in their picture-writing his name 
was represented by their conventional character for the sun attached 
to his person by a line. 



Other examples are now presented both of the linear connection and 
of the monographic figuration by the old Mexicans. 

In Kingsborough (b) is a pictograph of Chimalpopoca, which name 
signifies a smoking shield, here reproduced as Fig. 639 (a). The smok- 
ing shield is connected with the head by a line, aud the form of smoke 
should be noticed in comparison with the representation of flame and 
of voice by the same pictors. 

The same authority and volume, p. 135 (illustration in Vol. I, Pt. 4, 
PI. v), gives the name and illustration (reproduced in the same Pig., 
b) of Ytzcohuatl, the signification of which name is a serpent armed 
with knives. The knives refer to the Itzli stone. 

In the same volume, p. 137, is the name Face of Water, with the cor- 
responding illustration in Vol. I, Pt. 4, PI. 12 (here PI. xn c). The 
drops of water are falling profusely from the face. 




E 



b 



CHAP TEE XIV. 



RELIGION. 

The most surprising fact relating to the North American Indians, 
which until lately had not been realized, is that they habitually lived 
in and by religion to a degree comparable with the old Israelites under 
the theocracy. This was sometimes ignored, and sometimes denied in 
terms, by many of the early missionaries and explorers. The aborig- 
inal religion was not their religion, and therefore was not recognized 
to have an existence or was pronounced to be Satanic. Many pictorial 
representations are given in this chapter of concepts of the supernat- 
ural, as operative in this world, which is popularly styled religion when 
it is not condemned as superstition. The pictographic examples pre- 
sented from the Siouan stock are generally explained as they appear. 
Those from the Ojibwa and other tribes are not so fully discussed. It 
is therefore proper to mention explicitly that, in the several localities 
where the tribes are now found which have been the least affected by 
civilization, they in a marked degree live a life of religious practices, 
and their shamans have a profound influence over their social char- 
acter. A careful study of these people has already given indication of 
facts corresponding in interest with those which have recently surprised 
tne world as reported by Mr. Cushing from among the Zuni and Dr. 
Matthews from among the Navajo. 

The most extensive and important publications on the subject have 
been made by Maj. J. W. Powell (a), Director of the Bureau of Ethnol- 
ogy. These have been made at many times and in various shapes, 
from the Outlines of the Philosophy of the North American Indians, 
read in 1876, to the present year. 

A considerable amount of detail respecting rebgion appears in Chap, 
ix, Sections 1 and 5, in the present work. 

The discussion of the religions and religious practices of the tribes 
of America is not germane to the present work, except so far as it eluci- 
dates their pictographs. In that connection it may be mentioned that 
the tribes of Indians in the territory of the United States, which have 
been converted to Christianity, seem not to have spontaneously turned 
their pictographic skill to the representation of objects connected with 
the religion to which they have been converted. This might be ex- 
plained by the statement, often true, that the converts have been taught 

461 



462 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



to read and write the languages of their teachers in religion, and therefore 
ceased to be pictographers. But where they have not been so instructed, 
indeed have been encouraged to retain their own language and to write 
it in a special manner supposed to be adapted to their ancient methods, 
the same result is observed. The Micmacs still with delight draw on 
bark their stories of Glooscap and Lox, and scenes from the myths of 
their old faith, but unless paid as for a piece of work, do not produce 
Christian pictures. This assertion does not conflict with the account 
of the "Micmac hieroglyphs" in Chap, xix, Sec. 2. All the existing 
specimens of these were made by Europeans, and the action of the first 
Indian converts, which was imitated by Europeans, was the simple use 
of their old scheme of mnemotechny to assist in memorizing the lessons 
required of them by missionaries. It is also to be noted that some 
tribes for convenience have adopted Christian emblems into their own 
ceremonial pictographs (see Fig. 159). 

It has been found convenient to divide this chapter into the following 
sections: (1) Symbols of the supernatural. (2) Myths and mythic 
animals. (3) Shamanism. (4) Charms and amulets. (5) Religious 
ceremonies. (6) Mortuary practices. 

SECTION 1. 
SYMBOLS OFTHE SUPERNATURAL. 

This group shows the modes of expressing the idea of the supernat- 
ural, holy, sacred, or, more correctly, the mystic or unknown (perhaps 
unknowable), that being the true translation of the Dakota word waka a . 
The concept of "crazy," in the sense of influenced by superior powers 
or inspired, is in the same connection. Not only the North American 
Indians, but many tribes of Asia and Africa, consider a demented per- 
son to be sacred and therefore inviolable. The spiral, line is but a 
pictorial representation of the sign for waka", which is: With its index 
finger extended and pointing upward, or all the fingers extended, back 
of hand outward, move the right hand from just in front of the forehead 
spirally upward nearly to arm's length from left to right. 




Fig. (MO. — Crazy-Dog, a Dakota, carried the pipe 
around and took the war path. Cloud-Shield's Win- 
ter Count, 1838-'39. 

The waved or spiral lines denote crazy or mystic, 
as above explained. 



Fig. 640. 



THE SUPERNATURAL. 



Fig. 641. — Crazy-Horse says Ms prayers and goes on 
the war-path. Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1844-'45. 

The waved lines are used again for crazy. » Says 
his prayers," Avhich are the words of the interpreter, 
would be more properly rendered by referring to the 
ceremonies of organizing a war party. 



Fig. 642.— Crazy-Horse's band left the Spotted- 
Tail agency (at Camp Sheridan, Nebraska) and went 
north, after Crazy-Horse was killed at Fort Eobinson, 
Nebraska, Cloud- Shield's Winter Count, 1877-78. 

Hoofprints and lodge-pole tracks run northward 
from the house, which represents the agency. That 
the horse is "crazy" is shown by the waved or spiral 
lines on his body, running from his nose, hoof, and 
forehead. The band is named from its deceased 
chief, and is designated by his personal device, a dis- 
tinct and unusual departure among Indians tending 
towards the evolution of baud or party emblems un- 
connected with the gentile system. 



Fig. 643.— Medicine. Eed-Cloud's Census. The 
full rendering should be medicine-man or shaman. 
The waving lines above the head again signify mystic 
or sacred, and are made in gesture in a similar man- 
ner as that before described, with some differenti- 
ation, for prayer or incantation. The shut or half- 
closed eye may be noted. 



-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fig. 044. — Medicine-man. Red-Cloud's Census. 
This is a rude variant of the foregoing. 



Fig. 645. — Crazy-Head. Red-Cloud's Census. 
The wavy lines here form a circle around the head 
to suggest the personal name as well as the 
quality. 



Fig. 046. — Medicine-Buffalo. Red-Cloud's 
Census. This is probably an albino buffalo, 
and may refer to the man who possessed 
one who is venerated therefor. See Chap. 

XIII. 



THE SUPERNATURAL. 



Fig. 647. — Kangi-waka 11 , Sacred-Crow. The 
Oglala Boater. The lines above the bird's head 
signify sacred, mystic, sometimes termed "medi- 
cine," as above. 



Fig. 648.— White-Elk. Red-Cloud's Census. 
This is an albino elk which partakes in sacred- 
ness with the albino buffalo. The elk was an 
important article of food, though not so much a 
reliance as the buffalo, and the practices relating 
to the latter would naturally, and in fact did, 
measurably, apply to the former. 



Fig. 649.— The Dakotas had all the mini waka n 
(spirit water, or whisky) they could drink. Ameri- 
can-Horse's Winter Count. 1821-'22. Abarrelwith 
a waved or spiral line running from it represents 
the whisky, the waved line signifying waka n , or 
spirit, in the double sense of the English word. 

Fig. 650.— Cloud-Bear, a Dakota, killed a Da- 
kota, who was a long distance off, by throwing a 
bullet from, his hand and striking him in the 
heart. American -Horse's Winter Count, lS24-'2. r ). 
The spiral line is used for waka n . 
10 eth 30 



466 



PICTURE-WRITING OP THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fig. 651. — A Minneconjou clown, well known to the Indians. The- 
Flame's Winter Count, 1787-'88. His accouterments are fantastic. The 
character is explained by Battiste Good's Winter 
Count for the same year as follows : 

" Left-the-heyoka-man-behind winter." A cer- 
tain man was heyoka, that is, in a disordered 
frame of mind, and went about the village 
bedecked with feathers singing to himself, and 
while so joined a war party. On sighting the 
enemy the party fled and called to him to turn 
back also, but as he was heyoka he construed 
fig. 651. everything that was said to him as meaning the 

very opposite, and, therefore, instead of turning back he went forward 
and was killed. This conception of a man under superhuman influence 
being obliged to believe or speak the reverse of the truth is not uncom- 
mon among the Indians. See Leland (a) Algonquin Legends. 

Fig. 652, from Copway (&), gives the representation of " dream." 
•~~^v < _ The recumbent human figure naturally suggests 

sleep, and the wavy lines to the head indicate 
the spiritual or mythic concept of a dream. 

Fig. 652.— Dream. Ojibwa. 

Fig. 653 : a is an Ojibwa pictograph taken from Schoolcraft represent- 
ing "medicineman," "meda." With these horns and spiral maybe 
collated b in the same figure, which portrays the ram-headed Egyptian 
god Knuphis, or Chnum, the spirit, in a shrine on the boat of the sun, 
canopied by the serpent goddess Eanno, who is also seen facing him 
inside the shrine. This is reproduced from Cooper's Serpent Myths (a). 
The same deity is represented in Champollion (a) as reproduced in Fig. 
653, c. 

d is an Ojibwa pictograph found in Schoolcraft (i) and given as 
"power." It corresponds with the Absaroka sign for " medicine man" 
made by passing the extended and separated index and second finger 
of the right hand upward from the forehead, spirally, and is considered 
to indicate "superior knowledge." Among the Otos, as part of the 
sign with the same meaning, both hands are raised to the side of the 
head aud the extended indices pressing the temples. 

e is also an Ojibwa pictograph from Schoolcraft, same volume, PI. 59, 
and is said to signify Meda's power. It corresponds with another sign 
made for "medicine man" by the Absaroka and Comanche, viz, the 
hand passed upward before the forehead, with index loosely extended. 
Combined with the sign for " sky " it means knowledge of superior 
matters, spiritual power. 

In many parts of the United States and Canada rocks and large 
stones are found which generally were decorated with paint and were 
regarded as possessing supernatural power, yet, so far as ascertained, 
were not directly connected with any special personage of Indian 




RELIGIOUS SYMBOLS. 



467 



mythology. One. of the earliest accounts of these painted stones was 
made by the Abbe cle Gallinee and is published in Margry (d). The 
Abb6, with La Salle's party in 1669, found on the Detroit river, six 
leagues above Lake Erie, a large stone remotely resembling a human 
figure and painted, the face made with red paint. All the Indians of 
the region — Algonquian and Iroquoian — believed that the rock-image 
could give safety in the passage of the lake, if properly jdacated, and 
they never ventured on the passage without offering to it presents of 
skins, food, tobacco, or like sacrifices. La Salle's party, which had met 
with misfortune, seems to have been so much impressed with the evil 
powers of the image that they broke it into pieces. 
Keating's Long (e) tells: 

At one of the landing places of the St. Peters river, in the Sioux country, we ob- 
served a block of granite of about eighty pounds weight; it was paiuted red and 
covered with a grass fillet, in which were placed twists of tobacco offered up in 
sacrifice. Feathers were stuck in the ground all round the stone. 

Mrs. Eastman (a) also describes a stone painted red, which the Da- 
kotas called grandfather, in reverence, at or near which they placed as 
offerings their most valuable articles. They also killed dogs and hoises 
before it as sacrifices. 



In "A study of Pueblo Architecture," by Victor Mindeleff, in the 
Eighth Annual Eeport of the Bureau of Ethnology, is an account of 
the cosmology of the Pueblos as symbolized in their architecture and 
figured devices, as follows: 

In the beginning all men lived together in the lowest depths, in a region of dark- 
ness and moisture; their bodies were misshappen and horrible and they suffered 
great misery, moaning and bewailing continually. Through the intervention of 
Myuingwa (a vague conception known as the god of the interior) and of Baholikonga 
(a crested serpent of enormous size, the genius of water) "the old man" obtained a 
seed from which sprang a magic growth of cane. It penetrated through a crevice in 
the roof overhead and mankind climbed to a higher plane. A dim light appeared in 
this stage and vegetation was produced. Another magic growth of cane afforded 
the means of rising to a still higher plane, on which the light was brighter; vegeta- 
tion was reproduced and the animal kingdom was created. The final ascent to this 
present or fourth plane was effected by similar magic growths and was led by 
mythic twins, according to some of the myths, by climbing a great pine tree, in 
others by climbing the cane, Phrmjmitts communis, the alternate leaves of which 
afforded steps as of a ladder, and in still others it is said to have been a rush, 




B ig. 653.-Keligi 



symbols. 



468 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



through the interior of which the people passed up to the surface. The twins sang as 
they pulled the people out, and when their song was ended no more were allowed to 
come, and hence many more were left below than were permitted to come above; 
but the outlet through which mankind came has never *been closed, and Myuingwa. 
sends through it the germs of all living things. It is still symbolized by the pecu- 
liar construction of the hatchway of the kiva and in the designs on the sand altars 
in these underground c hambers, by the unconnected circle painted on pottery, and 
by devices on basketry and other textile fabrics. 

SECTION 2. 

MYTHS AND MYTHIC ANIMALS. 

Among the hundreds of figures and characters seen by the present 
writer on the slate rocks that abound on the shores and islands of Ke- 
jimkoojik Lake, Queen's county, Nova Scotia, described in Chap. II, 
Sec. 1, there appears a class of incised figures illustrating the religious 
myths and folk lore of the Indian tribes which inhabited the neighbor- 
hood within historic times. It is probable tha t in other parts of America, 
and, indeed, in all lands, the pictographic impulses and habits of the 
people have induced them to represent the scenes and characters of 
their myths on such rocks as were adapted to the purpose, as they are 
known to have done on bark, skins, and other objects. But these exhi- 
bitions of the favorite or prevalent myths in the shape of petroglyphs, 
though doubtless existing, have seldom been understood and deciphered 
by modern students. Sometimes they have not originally been suffi- 
ciently distinct or have become indefinite by age, and frequently their 
artists have been people of languages, religions, and customs different 
from the tribes now or lately found in the localities and from whom the 
significance of the petroglyphs has been sought in vain. The condi- 
tions of the characters at Kejimkoojik, now mentioned, are perhaps 
unique. They are drawn with great distinctness and sufficient skill, so 
that when traced on the rocks they immediately struck the present 
writer as illustrative of the myths and tales of the Abnaki. Many of 
these myths had been recently repeated to him by Mrs. W. Wallace 
Brown, of Calais, Maine, the highest authority in that line of study, and 
by other persons visited in Maine, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and in 
Cape Breton and Prince Edwards Islands, who were familiar with the 
Penobscot, Passamaquoddy, Amalecite, and Micmac tribes. A number 
of these myths and tales had before been collected in variant forms by 
Mr. Charles G. Leland (a). It is a more important and convincing fact 
that the printed impressions of the figures now presented were at once 
recognized by individual Indians of the several Abnaki tribes above 
mentioned to have the signification explained below. It is also to be 
noted that these Abnaki have preserved the habitof making illustrations 
from their stories by scratchings and scrapings on birch bark. The 
writer saw several such figures on bark ornaments and utensils which 
exhibited parts of the identical myths indicated in the petroglyphs but 
not the precise scenes or characters depicted on the rocks. The selection 



MYTHIC ANIMALS. 



469 



of themes and their treatment were not conventional and showed some 
originality and individuality both in design and execution. From the 
appearance and surroundings of the rock drawings now specially under 
discussion they were probably of considerable antiquity and suggested 
that the Micmacs, who doubtless were the artists, had gained the idea of 
practicing art for itself, not, merely using the devices of pictography for 
practical purposes, such as to record the past or to convey information. 

Fig. 654 is one of the drawings mentioned, and indicates one episode 
among the very numerous adventures of Glooscap, the Hero-God of the 
Abnaki, several of which are connected with a powerful witch called by 
Mr. Leland Pook-jin-skwess, or the Evil Pitcher, and by Mrs. W. 
Wallace Brown, Pokinsquss, the Jug Woman. She is also called the 
toad woman, from one of her transformations, and often appeared in a 



male form to fight Glooscap after he had disdained her love proffered 
as a female. Among the multitude of tales on this general theme, one 
narrates how Glooscap was at one time a Pogumk, or the small animal 
of the weasel family commonly called Fisher (Mustela Canadensis), also 
translated as Black Cat, and was the son of the chief of a village of 
Indians who were all Black Cats, his mother being a bear. Doubtless 
these animal names and the attributes of the animals in the tales refer 
to the origin of totemic divisions among the Abnaki. Pokinsquss was 
also of the Black Cat village, and hated the chief and contrived long- 
bow she could kill him and take his place. Now, one day when the 
camp had packed up to travel, the witch asked the chief Pogumk to 
go with her to gather gull's eggs ; and they went far away in a canoe 
to an island where the gulls were breeding and landed there, and then 
she hid herself to spy, and having- found out that the Pogumk was 
Glooscap, ran to the canoe and paddled away singing: 




Niklied-ha Pogumk i 
Netswil sagainawiu ! 



lekuk, 



470 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Which being translated from the Passamaquoddy language means— 

I have left the Black Cat on an island, 
I shall be chief of the Fishers now ! 

The continuation of the story is found in many variant shapes. 
In one of them Glooscap's friend the Fox came to his rescue, as 
through Glooscap's m'tonlin or magic power he heard the song of 
appeal though miles away beyond forests and mountains. In others the 
Sea Serpent appears in answer to the Hero-God's call, and the latter, 
mounting the serpent's back, takes a load of stones as his cargo to throw 
at the serpent's horns when the latter did not swim fast enough. In 




Fig. 655.— Myth of Atoais. 



the figure the island is shown at the lower right hand as a roundish 
outline with Glooscap inside. The small round objects to the left are 
probably the gull's eggs, but may be the stimulating stones above men- 
tioned. Pokinsquss stands rejoicing in the stern of a canoe, which 
points in the wavy water away from the island. The device to the 
left ot the witch may be the dismantled camp of the Black Cats, and 
the one to her right is perhaps where the Fox " beyond forests and 
mountains" heard Glooscap's song of distress. 



MYTHS OF THE M1CMAC. 



471 



Fig. 655, another specimen of the same class, refers to one of the tales 
about At-o-sis, the Snake, who was the lover of a beautiful Abnaki 
womau. He appeared to her from out the surface of a lake as a young 
hunter with a large shining silvery plate on his heart and covered with 
brilliant white brooches as fish are covered with scales. He provided 
her with all animals for food. The bow attached to the semi-human 
head in the illustration may refer to this expertuess in the chase. The 
head of the female figure is covered or masked by one of the insignia of 
rank and power mentioned in Chap, xm, Sec. 2. She became the 
mother of the Black Snakes. 

Fig. 656, from the same locality, shows simply a crane, and a woman 
who bears in her hand two branches; but this is a sufficient indication 
of the tale of the "Weasel girls, who had come 
down from Star-land by means of a diminish 
ing hemlock tree, and flying from Lox had 
come to a broad river which they could not 
cross. But in the edge of the water stood 
motionless a large crane, or the Tum-gwo-lig- 
unach, who was the ferryman. "Now, truly, 
this is esteemed to be the least beautiful of all Fis.ese.-MytuoftheWeasei girls, 
the birds, for which cause he is greedy of good words and fondest of 
flatter}'. And of all beings there were none who had more bear's oil 
ready to annoint every one's hair with — that is to say, more compli- 
ments ready for everybody — than the Weasels. So, seeing the Crane, 
they sang: 

Wa wela quis kip pat kasqu', 

Wa wela quis kip pat kasqu'. 
The Crane has a very beautiful long neck, 
The Crane has a very beautiful long neck. 

"This charmed the old ferryman very much, and when they said: 
'please, grandfather, hurry along,' he came quickly. Seeing this, they 
began to chant in chorus sweetly as the Seven Stars themselves: 

Wa wela quig nat kasqu', 

Wa wela quig nat kasqu'. 
The crane has very beautiful long legs, 
The crane has very beautiful long legs. 

"Hearing this the good crane wanted more; so when they asked him 
to give them a lift across he answered, slowly, that to do so he must be 
well paid, but that good praise would answer as well. Now they who 
had abundance of this and t > spare for everybody were these very 
girls. 'Have I not a beautiful form?' he inquired; aud they both 
cried aloud: 'Oh, uncle, it is indeed beautiful!' 'And my feathers?' 
'Ah, pegeaJcopchu.'' 'Beautiful and straight feathers, indeed !' 'And 
have I not a charming long, straight, neck?' 'Truly our uncle has it 
straight and long.' 'And will ye not acknowledge, oh maidens, that 




472 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



my legs are flue?' ' Fiue! oh, uncle, they are perfection. Never in this 
life did we see such legs!' So, being well pleased, the crane put them 
across, and then the two little weasels scampered like mice into the 
bush." 

Though but one woman figure is drawn, the two boughs borne by 
her suggest the two weasel girls, who had come down the hemlock tree 
and had also been water fairies until their garments were stolen by the 
marten, and thereupon they had lost their fairy powers and become 
women in a manner at once reminding of the Old World swan-maiden 
myth. 




Fig. 657 is a sketch of the Giant Bird Kaloo, or, in the literation of 
Mr. Lelaud, Oulloo. He was the most terrible of all creatures. He it 
was who caught up the mischievous Lox in his claws and, mounting to 
the top of the sky among the stars, let him drop, and he fell from dawn 
to sunset. Lox was ofteu a badger in the Micmac stories, and was more 
Puck-like than the devilish character he showed among the Passama- 
quodriy, being then generally in the form of a wolverine, though some- 
times in that of a lynx. In the illustration Kaloo is soaring among the 
stars, and appears to possess an extra pair of legs armed with claws. 
Perhaps one of the objects beneath his beak represents Lox or seme 



MYTHS OF THE MICMAC. 



473 



other victim falling through the air. There is another story of Lox's 
two feet talking and acting independently of the rest of his body, and 
the two feet and legs without any body may be a symbol of the tricksy 
demigod. 

Fig. 658 represents Kiwach, the Strong Blower, a giant who kills peo- 
ple with his violent breath. Tales of him seem to be more current or 
better preserved among the Amalecites than among the other Abnaki. 

Fig. 659 is an exact copy of the design on a birch-bark jewel box 
made by the Passamaquoddy of Maine, amiably contributed by Mrs. 
W. W. Brown, together with the description of that part of the myth 
which is illustrated on the box. There are several variants of this 
myth, the nearest to the form now pre- 
sented being published by Mr. J. Walter 
Fewkes (a). 

The Sable and the Black Oat wanted 
some maple sugar, and went to a wood 
where the maple trees grew. Toward night 
they lost their way and separated from each 
other to find it, agreeiug to call to each 
other by mHoulin power. These animals 
were as frequently in human form as in 
that designated by their names, and could 
change to the forms of other animals. It 
is not certain, from anything in the present 
version of the myth, which one of the 
daimous was represented by the Sable, but 
the Black Cat afterward appears as Gloos- 
cap. Sable, in his wanderings, came to a 
wigwam in which was a large fire with a 
kettle boiling over it, tended by a great 
Snake. The Snake said he was glad the 
Sable had come, as he was very hungry 
and would eat him, but in gratitude for his 

Coming WOUld put him to as little pain as riG - G58.-Kiwach, the Strong Blower. 

was possible. The Snake told him to go into the woods and get a straight 
stick, so that when he pierced him he would not tear open his entrails. 
Sable then went out and sang in a loud voice a mHoulin song for the 
Black Cat to hear and come to his aid. The Black Cat heard him and 
came to him. Then the Sable told the Black Cat how the Snake was 
going to kill him. The Black Cat told Sable not to be afraid, but that 
he would kill the big Snake. He told him that he would lie down 
behind the trunk of a hemlock tree which had fallen and that Sable 
should search out a stick that was very crooked, only pretending to 
obey the commands of the great Snake. After finding such a stick he 
should carry it to the Snake, who would complain that the stick was 
not straight enough, and then Sable should reply that he would 




474 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



straighten it in the fire, holding it there until the steam came out of the 
end. Then while the Snake watched the new mode of straightening 
sticks Sable should strike the Snake over the eyes. The Sable sought 
out the most crooked stick he could find and then returned to the wig- 
wam where the Snake was. The Snake said the stick was too crooked. 
The Sable replied as directed and held it in the fire. When it was 
burning he struck the Snake with it over the eyes, blinded him, and ran 
away. The Snake followed the Sable, and as he passed over the hem- 
lock trunk the Black Cat killed him and they cut him into small pieces. 




The two human figures on the left show the animals under the forest 
trees in human form bidding good-bye before they parted in search of 
the right trail. Their diminutive size gives the suggestion of distance 
from the main scene. Next comes the great Snake's wigwam, the stars 
outside showing that night had come, and inside the kettle hung over 
a fire, and on its right appear the wide-open jaws and an indication of 
the head of the great Snake. The very crooked stick is on the other 
side. Farther on the Black Cat comes responsive to the Sable's call. 
Next is shown the Black Cat and the Sable, who is in human form, 
near the hemlock tree. The fact that the tree is fallen is suggested, 
without any attempt at perspective, by the broken-off branches and the 
thick part of the trunk being upturned. The illustration ends with the 
Black Cat sitting upon the Snake, clawing and throwing around pieces 
of it. 

The illustration above presented gives an excellent example of the 
art of the Passamaquoddy in producing pictures by the simple scrap- 
ing of birch bark. 

The characters in Fig. 660 are reproduced from Schoolcraft (k). 




Fig. GGO.— Ojibwa shamanistic symbols. 



The first device, beginning at the left, is used by the Ojibwa to 
denote a spirit or man enlightened from on high, having the head of 
the sun. 

The second device is drawn by the Ojibwa for a " wabeno" or shaman. 



MALLERY.] 



WEST VIRGINIA CAVE. 



475 



The third is the Ojibwa "symbol" for an evil or one-sided "meda" 
or higher-grade shaman. 

The fourth is the Ojibwa general "symbol" for a meda. 

Mr. William H. Holmes, of the Bureau of Ethnology, gives the fol- 
lowing account (condensed from the American Anthropologist, July, 
1890) of a West Virginia rock shelter (shown in PI. xxxi). The copy 
is in two rows of figures, but in the original there is only one row, the 
parts marked a and a being united: 

In Harrison county, West Virginia, a small stream, Two-Lick creek, heading near 
the Little Kanawha divide, descends into the west fork of the Monongahela about 
4 miles west of Lost Creek station, on the Clarksburg and Weston railroad. Ascend- 
ing the stream for a little more than 2 miles and turning to the right up a tributary 
called Campbells run, is a recess in the rocks, the result of local surface undermin- 
ing of an outcrop of sandstone assisted by roof degradation, which therefore is a 
typical rock shelter. At the opening it is about 20 feet long and in the deepest part 
extends back 16 feet. 

The rock sculptures, of which simplified out lines arc j-iven iu PL xxxi, occupy the 
greater part of the back wall of the recess, covering a space of some 20 feet long by 
about 4 feet in height. At the left the line of figures approaches the outer face of 
the rock, but at the right it terminates in the depths of the chamber, beyond which 
the space is too low and uneven ta be utilized. There are indications that engrav- 
ings have existed above and below those shown, but their traces are too indistinct 
to be followed. 

.The more legible designs comprise three heads, resembling death's-heads, one hu- 
man head or face, one obscure human figure, three birds resembling cranes or turkeys 
(one with outspread wings), three mountain lions or beasts of like character, two 
rattlesnakes, one turtle, one turtle-like figure with bird's head, parts of several un- 
identified creatures (one resembling a fish), and four conventional figures or devices 
resembling, one a hand, one a star, one the track of a horse, and the fourth the track 
of an elk, buffalo, deer, or domestic cow. 

The serpents, placed above and toward the right of the picture, are much larger 
than life, but the other subjects are represented somewhat nearly natural size. The 
animal figure facing the two death's- heads is drawn with considerable vigor and 
very decidedly suggests the panther. A notable feature is the two back-curving 
spines or spine-like tufts seen upon its shoulder; it is possible that these represent 
some mythical character of the creature. Two of the animal figures, in accordance 
with a widespread Indian practice, exhibit the heart and the life line, the latter 
connecting the heart with the mouth ; these features are, as usual, drawn in red. 

The human head or face is somewhat larger than life; it is neatly hollowed out to 
the nearly uniform depth of one-fourth of an inch, anil is slight ly polished over most 
of the surface. Ear lobes are seen at the right and left, and an arched line, possibly 
intended for a plume, rises from the left side of the head. A crescent-shaped band 
of red extends across the face, and within this the eyes are indistinctly marked. 
The mouth is encircled by a dark line and shows six teeth, the spaces between being 
filled in with red. 

Probably the most remarkable members of the series are the three death's-heads 
seen near the middle of the line. That they are intended to represent skulls aud 
not the living face or head is clear, and the treatment is decidedly suggestive of that 
exhibited in similar work of the more cultured southern nations. The eye spaces 
are large and deep, the cheek bones project, the nose is depressed, and the mouth is 
a mere node depressed in the center. 

All the figures are clearly and deeply engraved, and all save the serpents are in 
full intaglio, being excavated over the entire space within the outlines and to the 



476 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



depth of from one-eighth to one-fourth of an inch. The serpents are outlined in 
deep unsteady lines, ranging from one-fourth of an inch to 1 inch in width, and 
in parts are as much as one-half an inch in depth. The example at the left is 
rather carefully executed, hut the other is very rude. It is proper to notice a wing- 
like feature which forms a partial arch over the larger serpent. It consists of a 
broad line of irregular pick marks, which are rather new looking and may not have 
formed a part of the original design ; aside from this, there are few indications of 
the use of hard or sharp tools, and, although picking or striking must have been 
resorted to in excavating the figures, the lines and surfaces wore evidently finished 
by rubbing. The friable character of the coarse, soft sandstone makes excavation 
by rubbing quite easy, and at the same time renders it impossible to produce any 
considerable degree of polish. 

The red color used upon the large face and in delineating the life line and heart 
of the animal figures is a red ocher or hematite, bits of which, exhibiting the effects 
of rubbing, were found in the floor deposits of the recess. The exact manner of its 
application is not known (perhaps the mere rubbing was sufficient), but the color is 
so fixed that it can not be removed save by the removal of the rock surface. 




Fig. 661.— Baho-li-kong-ya. Arizona. 



Regarding the origin and purpose of these sculptures, it seems, prob- 
able that they are connected with religious practices and myths. If 
the inscriptions were mnemonic records or notices it is reasonable to 
suppose that they would have been placed so as to meet the eye of 
others than those who made or were acquainted with them. But these 
works are hidden in a mountain cave, and even yet, when the forest is 
cleared and the surrounding slopes are cultivated, this secluded recess 
is invisible from almost every side. The spot was evidently the resort 
of a chosen few, such as a religious society. Such sequestered art- 
gives evidence of a mystic purpose. 

In this connection it may be noted that a rock drawing in the Canyon 
Segy, Arizona (Fig. 661), shows Baho li-kong-ya, a god, the genius of 
fructification, worshipped by living Moki priests. It is a great crested 
serpent with mammae, which are the source of the blood of all the ani- 
mals and of all the waters of the laud. 




FIG. 662.— Mythic serpents, Inniiits. 

The serpents in the last- mentioned plate and figure may be compared 
with two Ojibway forms published by Schoolcraft (/). 

The. upper design of Fig. 662 undoubtedly represents a mythical ani- 
mal, referred to in the myths of some of the Innuits. It is reproduced 



MALLERY.] 



HAIDA MYTHS. 



477 



from a drawing on walrus ivory, bearing Museum No. 40054, obtained 
at Port Clarence, Alaska. This form is not so close in detail to that 
form usually described and more fully outlined in the lower design of 
the same figure, which is reproduced from a specimen of reindeer horn 
drill-bow, from Alaska, marked No. 24557, collected by L. Turner. 

Ensign Niblack, IT. S. Navy (<?), gives the following description of the 
illustration reproduced here as Fig. 663. 

It represents T'kul, the wind spirit, and the cirrus clouds, explaining the Haida 
belief in the causes of the changes in the weather. The center figure is T'kul, the 




Fig. 663.— Haida Wind Spirit, 
wind spirit. On the right and left are his feet, which are indicated by long stream- 
ing clouds; above are the wings, and on each side are the different winds, each 
designated by an eye, and represented by the patches of cirrus clouds. Wheu T'kul 
determines which wind is to blow, he gives the word and the other winds retire. The 
change in the weather is usually followed by rain, which is indicated by the tears 
wbich stream from the eyes of T'kul. 




Fig. 664.— Orca. Haida. 



The same author, p. 322, thus describes Fig. 664 : 

It represents the orca or whale-killer, which the Haida believe to be a demon 
called Skana. Judge Swan says that, according to their belief— 

" He can change into any desired form, and many are the legends about him. One 
which was related to me was that ages ago the Indians were out seal-hunting. The 



478 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



weather was calm and the sea smooth. One of these killers, or blackfish, a species 
of porpoise, kept alongside of a canoe, and the young men amused themselves by 
throwing stones from the canoe ballast and hitting the fin of the killer. After 
some pretty hard blows from these rocks the creature made for the shore, where it 
grounded on the beach. Soon a smoke was seen, and their curiosity prompted them 
to ascertain the cause, but when they reached the shore they discovered, to their 
surprise, that it was a large canoe, and not the Skaua that was in the beach, and 
that a man was on shore cooking some food. He asked them why they threw stones 
at his canoe. ' You have broken it,' he said, ' and now go into the woods and get 
some cedar withes and mend it.' They did so, and when they had finished the 
man said, ' Turn you backs to the water and cover your heads with your skin 
blankets, and don't look till I call you.' They did so, and heard the canoe grate on 
the beach as it was hauled down into the surf. Then the man said, ' Look, now.' They 
looked, but when it came to the second breaker it went under and presently came 
up outside of the breaker a killer and not a canoe, and the man or demon was in its 
belly. This allegory is common among all the tribes on the Northwest Coast, and 
even with the interior tribes with whom the salmon takes the place of the orca, 
which never ascends the fresh-water rivers. The Chilcat and other tribes of Alaska 
carve figures of salmon, inside of which is the full length figure of a nude Indian. 
* * * Casual observers without inquiry will at once pronounce it to be Jonah in 
the fish's belly, but the allegory is of ancient origin, far antedating the advent of the 
white man or the teachings of the missionary. 



The same author, PI. xlix, gives an explanation of Fig. G65, which 
is a copy of a Haida slate carving, representing the " Bear-Mother." 
The Haida version of the myth is as follows: 

A number of Indian squaws were in the woods gat lie ring berries when one of them, 
the daughter of a chief, spoke in terms of ridicule of the -whole bear species. The 
bears descended on them and killed all but the chief's daughter, whom the king of 
the bears took to wife. She bore him a child half human and half bear. The carv- 
ing represents the agony of the mother in suckling this rough and uncouth offspring. 
One day a party of Indian bear hunters discovered her up a tree and were about to 
kill her, thinking her a. bear, but she made them understand that she was human. 
They took her home and she afterwards became t he progenitor of all Indians belong- 
ing to the bear totem. They believe that the bear are men transformed for the time 
being. This carving was made by Skaows-ke'ay, a Haida. Cat. No. 73117, II. S. Nat. 
Museum. Skidegate village, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected 
by James G. Swan. 




HAIDA MYTHS. 



479 



Dr. F. Boas (d) gives the following account of a myth of the Kwakiut 
Indians illustrated on a house front at Alert Bay, copied here as Fig. 
666. 

The house front shows how Kunkunquilikya (the thunder-bird) tried to lift the 
ivkale. The legend says that he had stolen the son of the raven, who in ordar to 
recover him, carried a whale out of a huge cedar that he covered with a coating of 
gum. Then he let all kinds of animals go into the whale, and they went to the land 
of the thunder-bird. When the bird saw the whale he sent out his youngest son to 
catch it. He was unable to lift it. He stuck to the gum and the animals killed him. 
In this way the whole family was slaughtered. 



On PI. xxxn is shown a reproduction of a native Haida drawing, 
representing the Wasko, a mythologic animal partaking of the charac- 




Fig. 666.— Thunder-bird grasping whale. 

teristics of both the bear and the orca, or killer. It is one of the totems 
of the Haidas. 

On the same plate is a figure representing the Hooyeh, or mythic 
raven. The character is also reproduced from a sketch made by a 
Haida Indian. Both of these figures were obtained from Haida Indians 
who visited Port Townsend, Washington, in the summer of 1884. 

The following is extracted from Mrs. Eastman's (b) Dahcotah. The 
picture, reproduced here in Fig. 667, is that of Haokah, the antinatural 
god, one of the giants of the Dakotas, drawn by AVlrite-Deer, a Sioux 
warrior, living near Fort Snelling about 1840. 

Explanation of the drawing.— a, the giant; I, a frog that the giant uses for an arrow 
point ; c, a large bird that the giant keeps in his court ; d, another bird ; e, an orna- 



480 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



meut over the door leading into the court; /, an ornament over a door; g, part of 
court ornamented with clown ; h, part of court ornamented with red down • i a bear • 
j, a deer; I; an elk; I, a buffalo; m, n, incense-offering; o, a rattle of deer's claws' 
used when singing; p, a long flute, or whistle; q, r, s, 1, are meteors that the giant 
sends out for his defense, or to protect him from invasion; u, r, w, x, the giant sur- 
rounded with lightnings, with which he kills all kinds of animals'that molest him; 
\j, red down in small bunches fastened to the railing of the court ; z, the same. One 



^5 










Fig. 667.— Haokah. Dakota ghnt. 



of these bunches of red down disappears every time an animal is found dead inside 
the court; aa, lb, touchwood, and a large fungus that grows on trees. These are 
eaten by any animal that enters the court, and this food causes their death ; cc, a 
streak of lightning going from the giant's hat; del, giant's head and hat; ee, his bow 
and arrow. 

Mrs. Eastman's explanation of the drawing would have been better 
if she had known more about the mystery lodges. It is given here in 
her own words. 




Fig. 668.— Ojibwa Ma'uido. 



Fig. 668, from Oopway (c), shows the representations, beginning from 
the left, of spirits above, spirits under water, and animals under ground, 
all of which are called ma'nidos. 




WASCO AND MYTHIC RAVEN, HAIDA. 



MALLEEY.] 



OJIBWA MYTHIC ANIMALS. 



481 



Fig. 669 is a reproduction of a drawing made by Mopet, chief of the 
Meuomoni Indians, and represents the white bear spirit who guards 
the deposits of native copper of Lake Superior. According to the myth 
the animal is covered with silvery hair, and the tail, which is of great 
length and extends completely around the body, is composed of bright, 
burnished copper. This spirit lives in the earth, where he guards the 
metal from discovery. 

In a mide' song, given by James Tanner (/), is the representation 
of an animal resembling the preceding, viz, the middle character of Fig. 
670, to which is attached the Ojibway phrase and explanation as follows : 

Che-be-gau-ze-naung gwit-to-i-ak-na niaiin-dah-ween ah-kee-ge neen-wa-nah gua- 
kwaik ke-nali gwit-to-i-ak-na. 

I come to change the appearance of the ground, this ground; I make it look dif- 
ferent each season. 




Fig. 669.— Menomoni. White Bear Ma'uido. 



This is a Manito who, on account of his immensity of tail, and other peculiarities, 
has no prototype. He claims to be the ruler over the seasons. He is probably 
Gitche-a-nah ini-e-be-zhew (great underground wild-cat). 

The "underground wild-cat" is again mentioned in the same work, 
page 377, with an illustration now presented as the left hand character 
of the same Fig. 670, slightly different from the above, described as 
follows : 

A-nah-me be-zhe ne-kau-naw. 

Underground wild-cat is my friend. 

At the fourth verse he exhibits his medicines, which he says are the roots of shrubs 
and of We-ug-gusk-oan, or herbs, and from these he derives his power, at least in 
part; but lest his claim, founded on a knowledge of these, should not be considered 
of sufficient importance, he proceeds to say, in the fifth and sixth verses, that the 
snakes and the underground wild-cat are among his helpers and friends. The ferocity 
and cunning, as well as the activity of the feline animals have not escaped the notice 
of the Indians, and very commonly they ft ive the form of animals of this family to 
those imaginary beings whose attributes bear, in their opinion, some resemblance to 
the qualities of these animals. Most of them have heard of the lion, the largest of 
the cats known to white men, and all have heard of the devil ; they consider them 
the same. The wild-cat here figured has horns, and his residence is under the 
ground ; but he has a master, Gitche-a-nah-mi-e-be-zhew (the great underground wild- 
cat), who is, as some think, Matche-Manito himself, their evil spirit, or devil. Of 
this last they speak but rarely. 
10 ETH 31 



482 PICTURE- WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



In another song from Tanner, p. 345, snug only by the mide', is the 
drawing, the right hand character of the same figure, of a similar ani- 
mal with a bar across the throat, signifying, no doubt, its emerging or 
appearance from the surface of the ground. 

Nah-ne-bali o-sa aua neen-no ne-mah-che oos-sa ya-ali-ne-no. [Twice.] 

I walk about in the nighttime. 

This first figure represents the wild-eat, to whom, on account of his vigilance, the 
medicines for the cure of diseases were committed. The meaning probably is that 
to those who have the shrewdness, the watchfulness, and intelligence of the wild-eat, 
is intrusted the knowledge of those powerful remedies, which, in the opinion of the 
Indians, not only control life and avail to the restoration of health but give an 
almost unlimited power over animals and birds. 




Schoolcraft, part n, p. 224, describes Fig. 071 as follows : 

It was drawn by Little Hill , a Winnebago chief of the upper Mississippi, west. He 
represents it as their medicine animal. I le says Ilia i this .-mimal is seldom seen ; that 
it is only seen by medicine men after severe fasting. He has a piece of bone which 
he asserts was taken from this animal. He considers it a potent medicine and uses 
it by filing a small piece in water. He has also a small piece of nat ive copper which 
he uses in the same manner, and entertains like notions of its sovereign virtues. 



mux IP 



\ 



Fig. 671.— Winuc-liaRo magic animal. 

The four preceding figures are to be compared with those relating to 
the Piasa rock. See Figs. 40 and 41, supra. 

Fig. 072. — A Minneconjou Dakota, having killed a 
buffalo cow, found au old woman inside of her. The- 
i Swan's Winter Count, 1S50-'51. 

For remarks upon this statement see Lonc-Dog'sWinter 
Count for 1850-'51, supra. 
Fl °' buffalo?" 110 Graphic representations of Atotarka and of the Great 
Heads are shown in Mrs. Erminie A. Smith's Myths of the Iroquois, in 
the Second Annual Report of the Bureaiuof Ethnology. Several illus- 
trations of myths and mythic animals appear in the present work in 
Chap. IX, Sees. 4 and 5. 




mallery.] THUNDER-BIRDS. 483 

THUNDER BIRDS. 

Some forms of the thunder bird are here presented : 




Fig. 673.— Thunder-bird, Dakota. 



Figs. 673 and 674 are forms of the thun- 
der bird found in 1883 among the Dakotas 
near Fort Snelliug, drawn and interpreted 
by themselves. They are both winged, 
and have waving lines extending from the 
mouth downward, signifying lightning. It 
is noticeable that Fig. 673 placed verti- 
cally, then appearin g roughly as an upright 
human figure, is almost identically the 
same as some of the Ojibwa meda or spirit 
figures represented in Schoolcraft, and 
also on a bark Ojibwa record in the pos- FlG - 674.— Thunder-bird, Dakota, 
session of the writer. 

Fig. 675 is another and more cursive form of the 
thunder bird obtained at the same place and time 
as those immediately preceding. It is wingless, 
and, with changed position or point of view, would p ^ 
suggest a headless human figure. ' bird, Dakota. 




484 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The thunder-bird, Fig. 076, is blue, with red breast 
and tail. It is a copy of one worked in beads found 
at Mendota, Minnesota. 



Fig. 676.— Thunder-bird, 
Dakota. 

The Sioux believe that thunder is a large bird, and represent it thus, 
Fig. 677, according to Mrs. Eastman (c), who adds details condensed 
as follows : 

This figure is often seen worked with porcupine quills on their ornaments. U-mi- 
ne wah-chippe is a dance given by some one who fears thunder and thus endeavors 

to propitiate the god and save his own life. 
■^■M^ 01 A ring is made of about 60 feet in circumference by sticking sap- 
MMk lings in the ground and bending their tops down, fastening them 

Fio 677.— Dakota together. In the center of this ring a pole is placed, about 15 feet in 

thunder-bird, height and painted red. From this swings a piece of birch bark cut 
so as to represent thunder. At the foot of the pole stand two boys and two girls. 
The boys represent war; they are painted red and hold war clubs in their hands. 
The girls have theii faces painted with blue clay; they represent peace. 
. On one side of the circle a kind of booth is erected, and about 20 feet from it a 
wigwam. There are four entrances. When all arrangements for the dance are con- 
cluded the man who gives it emerges from his wigwam, dressed up hideously, crawl- 
ing on all fours toward the booth. He must sing four tunes before reaching it. 

In the, meantime the medicine men, who are seated in the wigwam, beat time on 
the drum, and the young men and squaws keep time to the music by hopping on one 
foot and then on the other, moving around inside the ring as fast as "they can. This 
is continued for about five minutes, until the music stops. After resting a few 
moments the second tune commences and lasts the same length of time, then the 
third and the fourth; the Indian meanwhile making his way toward the booth. At 
the end of each tune a whoop is raised by the men dancers. 

After the Indian has reached his booth inside the ring he must sing four more 
tunes. At the end of the fourth tune the squaws all run out of the ring as fast as 
possible, and must lea ve by I lie same way t hat they entered, the other three entrances 
being reserved for the men, who, carrying their war implements, might be acci- 
dentally touched by one of the squaws, and the war implements of the Sioux war- 
rior have from time immemorial been held sacred from the touch of woman. For 
the same reason the men form the inner ring in dancing round the pole, their war 
implements being placed at the foot of the pole. 

When the last tune is ended the young men shoot at the image of thunder, which is 
hanging to the pole, and when it falls a general rush is made by the warriors to get 
hold of it. There is placed at the foot of the pole a bowl of water colored with blue 
clay. While the men are trying to seize the parts of the bark representation of their 
god they at the same time are eagerh endeavoring to drink the water in the bowl, 
every drop of which must be drank. 

The warriors then seize on the two boys and girls (the representations of war and 
peace) and use them as roughly as possible, taking their pipes and war-clubs from 




THUNDER-BIRDS. 



485 



them and rolling them in the dirt until the paint is entirely nibbed off from their 
faces. Much as they dislike this part of the dance, they submit to it through fear, 
believing that after this performance the power of thunder is destroyed. 

James's Long (/) says: 

When a Kansas Indian is tilled in battle the thunder is supposed to take him up 
they do not know where. In going to battle each man traces an imaginary figure of 
the thunder on the soil, and he who represents it incorrectly is killed by the thunder. 

Fig. 678 is "Skani-son," the thunder-bird, a tattoo mark copied from 
the back of an Indian belonging to the Laskeek village of the Haida 
tribe, Queen Charlotte islands, by Mr. James G. Swan. 




Fig. 678.— Thunder-bird. Haida. 



Fig. 679 is a Twana thunder-bird, as reported by Eev. M. Eells in 
Bull. U. S. Geol. and Geog. Survey, ill, p. 112. 

There is at Eneti, on the reservation [Washington Territory], an irregular basaltic 
rock, about 3 feet by 3 feet and 4 inches, and a foot and a half high. On one side 
there has been hammered a face, said to be the representation of the face of the thun- 
der-bird, which could also cause storms. 




Fig. 679.— Thunder-bird. Twana. 

The two eyes are about 6 inches in diameter aud 4 inches apart and the nose about 
9 inches long. It is said to have been made by some man a loug time ago, who felt 
very badly, and went and sat on the rock and with another stone hammered out the 
eyes and nose. For a long time they believed that if the rock was shaken it would 
cause rain, probably because the thunder- bird was angry. 



486 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

The three following figures, taken from Red-Cloud's Census, are con- 
nected with the thunder-bird myth : 




Fig. 680.— Medicine bird. 
Red-Cloud's Census. The 
word medicine is in the In- 
dian sense, before explained, 
and would be more correctly 
expressed by the word sacred 
or mystic, as is also indicated 
by the waving lines issuing 
from the mouth. 



Fig. 680.— Medicine bird. Dakota. 




Fig. 681.— Fivethunders. Red Cloud's Census. The 
thunder-bird is here drawn with five lines (voices) 
issuing from the mouth, which may mean many voices 
or loud sound, but is connected with the above men- 
tioned wavy or spiral lines, which form the conventional 
sign for waka". 



Fig. 681.— Five thun- 
ders. Dakota. 



Fig. 682.— Thunder pipe. Red-Cloud's Census. This 
is a pipe to which are attached the wings of the thun- 
der-bird. 



FIG. C82.— Tlimid. r 
pipe. Dakota. 




THUNDER-BIRDS. 



487 




Fig. 683, one of the drawings from the Kejhnkoojik rocks of Nova 
Scotia, may be compared with the other designs of the thunder-bird 
and also with the Ojibwa type of device for woman. 
As regards the head, which appears to have a non- 
human form, it may also be compared with the many 
totemic designations in Chapter xm, on Totems, 
Titles, and Names. 

Marcano (d), describing Fig. 684, reports: 

At Boca del Iiifierno (mouth of hell), on a plain, there are 
found stones, separated from each other by spaces of 7 meters, 
on which are found inscriptions nearly a centimeter iu depth. 
One of them represents a great bird similar to those which 
the Oyampis (Crevaux) are in the habit of drawing. On its 
left shoulder are seen three concentric circles arranged like 
those that form the eyes of the jaguars of Calcara. This figure 
is often reproduced in Venezuelan Guiana and heyond the Ese- 
quibo. The bird is united at the right by a double connecting 
stroke with another which is incomplete and much smaller. 
Furthermore, three small circles are seen below the left y\ 
three others, farther apart, separate its right wing from the 
neck of the lower bird. The triangles which form the breast FlG - 683 ^T^ 
and the tail of the two birds are worthy of note. 

Mr. A. Ernst (b) describes the same figure: 

From the same place (-'Boca del Infierno," a rapid of the 
Orinoco, 35 kilometers below the mouth of the Caura) is easily 
recognized a rough representation of two birds ; from the 
feathers of the larger one water seems to be dropping; above, <= "n 
to the right, is seen a picture of the sun. This may be sym- \r77~ 
bolic, and would then remind one of the representation of the 

wind and rain gods on the ruins of < Vntral America. 

Fig. 684. —A enezuelan 
thunder-bird. 

Fig. 685 is a copy of four specimens of Indian workmanship in the 
collection of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia. The 
objects are depicted by porcupine quills worked on pieces of birch bark, 
and represent various forms of the 
thunder -bird. The specimens are re- 
ported as having been obtained from a 
northwestern tribe, which may safely be 
designated as the Ojibwa, because the 
figures relate to one of the most import- 
ant mythic animals of that tribe, and 
also because birch bark is used, a ma- 
terial exceedingly scarce in the country 
of the Sioux, among whom also the 
thunder -bird has a prominent religious 
position. 

a. Made of neutral-tinted quills upon fig°685.— ojibwa thunder-bird, 
yellow bark, as is also b, which is without the projecting pieces to c 





488 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



ignate wings. In c, made of yellow quills on faded red bark, the bead 
is shown with the wings and legs beneath, while in the two preced- 
ing figures the head takes the place of the bird's body. d. Here is still 
more abbreviation, the body and legs being absent, leaving only the 
head and wings. This is made of neutral-tint quills on straw-yellow 
bark. 

Fig. 686 is a copy of a painting on a jar, probably of old Mold work, 
thus described in the manuscript catalogue of Mr. T. V. Keam : 

It is the "Rain bird" (Tci-zur), the upper portion surrounded by inclosing cloud 
mbols, arranged so as to convey the idea of the germinative sym- 
bol implying the generative power of rain. The crosshatching, 
I, still water, in the wings denotes rain water in volume. The body 
r tail of the bird divided into two tapering prolongations is a 
1 very common occurrence. Asa cloud emblem in the modern ware, 
' the Tci-zur is not like the Um-tokina (Thunder-bird) in mythical 
creation, but is the comprchensh <■ namo used by the women for 
any small bird. Explained as a rain emblem by the fact that dur- 
ing seasons of siil'lieient rainfall Hocks of small birds surround the 
villages and gardens, while during drought they take flight to the 
distant water courses. 



Fig. 687 is reproduced from Kingsborough (c). 
It represents Ahuitzotl, which is the name of an 
aquatic animal famous in Mexican mythology. The 
conventional sign for water is connected with this 
animal which Dr. Brinton (c) calls a hedgehog. 

Fig. 687.— Ahuitzotl. 

Wiener (c) gives a copy, here reproduced as the left-hand character in 
Fig. 688, of a, bas-relief found at Cabana, Peru, representing a fabulous 
animal, a quadruped, the hair of which is floating and its tongue 
hanging out of the mouth and ending in serpents' heads. One-sixth 
actual size. 





The same author, loc. cit., gives a copy, now reproduced as the right- 
hand character in the same Fig. 088, of another bas-relief in granite 
found at Cabana, Peru, representing a fabulous animal, perhaps the 
alcoce, sitting like a dog. One-sixth natural size. 



mallery.] AUSTRALIAN DEITIES. 489 

Mr. Thomas Worsnop («) gives an account of Fig'. 689, abbreviated 
as follows : 




Fig. 689. — Australian mythic personages. 



Sir George Grey, between 1836 and 1839, saw ou a sandstone rock a 
most extraordinary large figure. Upon examination this proved to be 



490 PICTURE-WRITING OF .THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



a drawing at the entrance to a cave, which he found to contain besides 
many remarkable paintings. On the sloping roof the principal char- 
acter, i. e., the upper one of Fig. (»89, was drawn. In order to produce 
the greater effect the rock about it was painted black and the figure 
itself colored with the most vivid red and white. It thus appeared to 
stand out from the rock, and Sir George Grey says he was surprised at the 
moment that he first saw this gigantic head and upper part of a body 
bending over and staring grimly down at him. He adds that it 
would be impossible to convey in words an adequate idea of this 
uncoxith and savage figure, and therefore he only gives such a succinct 
account as will serve as a sort of description. 

Its head was encircled by bright red rays, something like the rays 
one sees proceeding from the sun, when depicted on the signboard of a 
public house; inside of this came a broad stripe of very brilliant red, 
which was crossed by lines of white; but both inside and outside of 
this red space were narrow stripes of a still deeper red, intended prob- 
ably to mark its boundaries; the face was painted vividly white and 
the eyes black, being, however, surrounded by red and yellow lines; 
the body, hands, and arms were outlined in red, the body being curiously 
painted with red stripes and bars. 

Upon the rock which formed the left-hand wall of this cave, and 
which partly faced you on entering, was a very singular painting, the 
lower character of the same figure, vividly colored, representing four 
heads joined together. From the mild expression of the countenances 
they appeared to represent females, and to be drawn in such a manner, 
and in such a position, as to look up at the principal figure, before 
described ; each had a very remarkable head-dress, colored bright blue, 
and one had a necklace on. Both of the lower figures had a sort of 
dress painted with red in the same manner as that of the principal 
figure, and one of them had a band round her waist. In Sir George 
Grey's opinion each of the four faces was marked by a totally distinct 
expression of countenance, and none of them had mouths. 

SECTION 3 . 

SHAMANISM. 

The term "shaman" is a corrupted form of the Sanscrit word mean- 
ing ascetic. Its original application was to the religion of certain tribes 
of northern Asia, but now shamanism is generally used to express 
several forms of religion which are founded in the supposed communion 
with and influence over supernatural beings by means of magic arts. 
The shaman or priest pretends to control by incantations and ceremonies 
the evil spirits to whom death, sickness, and other misfortunes are 
ascribed. This form or stage of religion was so prevalent among the 
North American Indians that the adoption of the term "shaman" here 
is substantially correct, and it avoids both the stupid expression 



MAIXERY.] 



SHAMANISM. 



491 



"medicine man" of current literature and the indefinite title "priest," 
the associations with which are not appropriate to the Indian religions 
practitioner. The statement that the Indians worship, or ever have 
worshiped, one "Great Spirit" or single overruling personal god is 
erroneous. That philosophical conception is beyond the stage of culture 
reached by them, and was not found in any tribe previous to missionary 
influence. Their actual philosophy can be expressed far more objec- 
tively and therefore pictorially. 

The special feature of the notes now collected under the present head- 
ing relates to the claims and practices of shamans, but the immediately 
succeeding headings of " Charms and Amulets " and of " Eeligions 
Ceremonies" are closely connected with the same topic. It must be 
confessed that, as now presented, they have been arranged chiefly for 
mechanical convenience, to which convenience also in other parts of the 
present work scientific discrimination has sometimes been forced to 
yield without, it is hoped, much injury. Individual intercomparison, 
with or without cross references, is besought from any critical reader 
of this paper. 

Feats of jugglery or pretended magic rivaling or surpassing the best 
of spiritualistic seances have been recounted to the present writer in 
many places by independent and intelligent Indian witnesses, not 
operators, generally of advanced age. The cumulated evidence gives 
an opportunity for spiritualists to argue for the genuineness of their 
own manifestations or manipulations as, in accordance with the degree 
of credence, they may be styled. Others will contend that these remark- 
able performances in which this hemisxmere was rich before the Colum- 
bian discovery — the occidental rivaling the oriental Indians — belong 
to a culture stage below civilization. They will observe that the age 
of miracles among barbaric people has not expired, and that it still 
exists among outwardly civilized persons who are yet subject to super- 
stition in its true etymologic sense of "remaining over from the past." 

The most elaborate and interesting of these stories which are known 
relate to a time about forty years ago, shortly before the Davenport 
brothers and the Fox sisters had excited interest in the civilized por- 
tions of the United States; but exhibitions of a magic character are 
still given among the tribes, though secretly, from fear of the Indian 
agents and missionaries. It is an important fact that the first French 
missionaries in Canada and the early settlers of New England described 
substantially the same performances when they first met the Indians, 
all of whom belonged to the Algonquian or Iroquoian stocks. So 
remarkable and frequent were these performances of jugglery that the 
French, in 1613, called the whole body of Indians on the Ottawa Eiver, 
whom they met at a very early period, "The Sorcerers." They were the 
tribes afterwards called Nipissing, and were the typical Algonquians. 
No suspicion of prestidigitation or other form of charlatanry appears 
to have been entertained by any of the earliest French and English 



492 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



writers on the subject. The severe Puritan and the ardent Catholic 
both considered that the exhibitions were real, and the work of Satan. 
It is also worth mentioning that one of the derivations of the name 
"Micmac" is connected with the Avord meaning sorcerer. The early 
known practices of this character, which had an important effect upon 
the life of the people, extended from the extreme east of the continent 
to the Great Lakes. They have been found later far to the south, and 
in a higher state of evolution. 

It was obvious in cross-examining the old men of the Algonquians that 
the performances of jugglery were exhibitions of the pretended mirac- 
ulous power of an adventurer whereby he obtained a reputation above 
his rivals and derived subsistence and authority by the selling of 
charms and pretended superhuman information. The charms and 
fetiches which still are bought from the few shamans who yet have 
a credulous clientele are of three kinds — to bring death or disease 
on an enemy, to lure an enemy into an ambush, and to excite a return 
to sexual love. 

Among the Ojibwa three distinct secret societies are extant, the mem- 
bers of which are termed, respectively and in order of their importance, 
the Mide', the Jes'sakid, and the Wabeno. The oldest and most influ- 
ential society is known as the Mide'wiwin', or Grand Medicine, and the 
structure in which the ceremonies are conducted is called tkeMide'wi- 
gau, or Grand Medicine lodge. 

The following statement of the White Earth Mide' shaman presents 
his views upon the origin of the rite and the objects employed in con- 
nection with ceremonies, as well as in the practices connected with 
medical magic and sorcery: 

When Minabo'sho, the first man, had heen for some time upon the earth, two great 
spirits told him that to he of serviee to his successors they would give to him sev- 
eral gifts, which he was to employ in prolonging life and extending assistance to 
those who might apply for it. 

The first present consisted of a sacred drum, which was to be used at the side of 
the sick and when invoking the presence and assistance of the spirits. The second 
was a sacred rattle, with which he was enabled to prolong the life of a patient. The 
third gift was tobacco, which was to be an emblem of peace; and as a companion he 
also received a dog. He, was then told to build a lodge, where he was to practice 
the rites of which he would receive further instruction. 

All the knowledge which the Mide' have, and more, Minabo'sho received from the 
spirits. Then he built a long lodge, as he had been directed, and now even at this 
day he is present at the Sacred Medicine lodge when the Grand Medicine rite is per- 
formed. 

In the rite is incorporated most that is ancient amongst them, songs and traditions 
that have descended, not orally alone, but by pictographs, for a long line of genera- 
tions. In this rite is also perpetuated the purest and most ancient idioms of their 
language, which differs somewhat from that of the common, every-day use. 

It is desirable to explain the mode of using the Mide/ and other bark 
records of the Ojibwa and also those of other tribes mentioned in this 



SHAMAN LODGES. 



493 



paper. A comparison made by Dr. Tyler of the pictorial alphabet to 
teach children, "A was an archer," etc., is not strictly appropriate in 
this case. The devices are not only mnemonic, but are also ideographic 
and descriptive. They are not merely invented to express or memorize 
the subject, but are evolved therefrom. To persons acquainted with 
secret societies a good comparison for the charts or rolls is what is 
called the trestle board of the Masonic order, which is printed and pub- 
lished and publicly exjiosed without exhibiting any of the secrets of the 
order, yet through its ideography it is practically useful to the esoteric 
members by assisting memory in details of ceremony and it also pre- 
vents deviation from the established ritual. 



Fig. G90, from Oopway (d), gives the Ojibway char- 
acter for Grand Medicine lodge. 



Fig. 171, supra, is a reproduction, with description, of a birch-bark 
record illustrating the alleged power of a Jessakki'd, one who is also 
a Mide' of the four degrees of the Medicine Society. 

Fig. 172, supra, represents, with explanations, a Jessakki'd named 
Niwi'kki, curing a sick woman by sucking the demon 
through a bone tube. 

When the method of procedure of a Mide' goes beyond 
the ordinary ceremonies, such as chanting prayers and 
drumming, the use of the rattle, and the administration 
of magic medicines and exorcisms, it overlaps the pre- 
scribed formula? of the Mide'win and partakes of the 
rites of the Jessakki'd or " Juggler." 

The lodge of the Mide' is represented as in Fig. 691, 
the shaman himself being indicated as sitting inside. 

The Jessakki'd represents his lodge or jugglery as 
shown in Fig. 692, the shaman being represented as sit- 
ting on the outside. The chief feature of the jugglery 
lodge is that the branch is always seen projecting from the 
top of one of the vertical poles, which peculiarity exists i 
in no other religious structure represented in pictorial 1 

records. Jessakki'd 1 ?" "* 

The following group, including Figs. 693 to 697, gives several modes 
of illustrating the "making buffalo medicine" by the Dakotas and other 
tribes of the Great Plains. The main object was to bring the buffalo to 
where they could be hunted successfully, and incantations, with dancing 
and many ceremonies, were resorted to, as upon the buffalo the tribes de- 
pended not only for food but for most of the necessaries and conveni- 
ences of their daily life. The topic is referred to elsewhere in this 
paper, especially in Lone-Dog's Winter Count for the year 1810-'ll. 




494 PICTUKE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fig. 693. — A Minneconjou chief named Lone-Horn made medicine 
with a white buffalo cow skin. The-Swan's Winter 
Couut, 1858-'59. 

The horned head of the animal is connected with the 
man figure. An albino buffalo was much more prized 
for ceremonial purposes than any other. Lone-Horn, 
chief of the Minneconjous, died in 1874, in his camp on 
• the Big Cheyenne. 

Fig. 694. — A Minneconjou Dakota named Little-Tail 
first made "medicine" with white buffalo cow skin. 
The-Swan's Winter Couut, 1810-'ll. Again the head 
of an albino buffalo. 




Fig. 695.— White-Cow-Man. Red-Cloud's Census. The 
mere possession of an albino buffalo conferred dignity 
and honor. To have once owned such an animal, even 
though it had died or been lost, gave specific rank. 



Fig. 696. — Lone- Horn makes medicine. "At such 
times Indians sacrifice ponies and fast." The-Flame's 
Winter Count, 1858-'59. In this figure the buffalo head 
is black. 



Fig. 697. Buffalo is scarce; an Indian makes medicine 
and brings a herd to the suffering. The-Flame's Winter 
Count, 1843-'44. 

Here the incantation is shown by a tipi with the buffalo 
head drawn upon it. It is the "medicine" or sacred 
tipi where the rites are held. 



A curious variant of divination with regard to the use of songs in the 
removal of disease was found among the Choctaws. Each of the songs 



WALLERY.] 



SORCERY. 



495 




of this class bore reference to some herb or form of treatment, each of 
which was represented objectively or pictorially and produced simulta- 
neously with the chanting of the appropriate song by the shaman. The 
remedy or treatment to be adopted was decided upon by the degree of 
pleasure or relief afforded to the patient by the respective songs. 

Fig. 698. Cat-Owner was killed with a spider-web thrown at him by 
a Dakota. Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1824-'25. 
The spider-web is shown reaching to the heart of 
the victim from the hand of the man who threw it 
and two spiral wakan lines are also shown. Blood 
issuing from his nose, colored red in the original, 
indicates that he bled to death. It is a common 
belief among Indians that certain u medicine men" 
possess the power of taking life by shooting nee- FlG ' 698 '~ Magl ° kllhng - 
dies, straws, spider-webs, bullets, and other objects, however distant 
the person may be against whom they are directed. 

It may be noted that the union line connecting the two figures at the 
base signifies that they belong to the same tribe which the hair on the 
figure of the left shows to be Dakota. The victim is not scalped, but 
has no hair or other designation, being shown only in outline. 

Fig. 699. Cannaksa-Yuha, Has-a- war-club; from the Oglala lioster. 
This man has his father's name "war-club," and is . 
therefore set by the ghosts in his stead as a warrior. 
He is supposed to be invulnerable to any mortal weapon, 
and the children and even women fear him as they 
would a ghost. He holds the war club before his face, 
as it partakes of the nature of insignia. In the original 
the whole of the man's face is painted red. 
show that he has a wakicagapi-ecokicoupe, which means that he has 
put up a ghost tent, concerning which there are many and complicated 
ceremonies and details narrated by Eev. J. Owen Dorsey in the Ameri- 
can Anthropologist, II, 145 et seq. 

John Tanner (g) gives an account of sorcery among the Ojibwa, with 
illustrations copied as Fig. 700, being nearly identical with those recently 
obtained by Dr. Hoffman, and published in the Seventh Ann. Eep., 
Bureau of Ethnology, as Figs. 20 and 21. 



Fig. 700.— Muzzin-ne-neen. Ojibwa. 



It was thought necessary to have recourse to a medicine hunt. Nah-gitch-e- 
gum-me [a " medicine " maker] seut to me and O-ge-mah-we-ninne, the best two 
hunters of the hand, each a little leather sack of medicine, consisting of certain 
roots pounded fine and mixed with red paint, to be applied to the little images or 
figures of the animals we wish to kill. Precisely the same method is practiced in 
this kind of hunting, at least as far as the use of medicine is concerned, as in those 



496 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



instances where one Indian attempts to inflict disease or suffering <5n another. A 
drawing or a little image is made to represent the man, the woman, or the animal on 
which the power of the medicine is to he tried; then the part representing the heart 
is punctured with a sharp instrument, if the design be to cause death, and a little 
of the medicine is applied. The drawing m image of an animal used in this case is 
called muzzin-ne-neen, and the same name is applicable to the little figures of a man 
or women, and is sometime rudely traced on birch bark, in other instances more care- 
fully carved of wood. These little images or drawings, for they are called by the 
same names, whether of carved wood or rags or only rudely sketched on birch 
bark, or even traced in sand, are much in use among several and probably all the 
Algonquin tribes. Their use is not confined to hunting, but extends to the making 
of love, and the gratification of hatred, revenge, and all malignant passions. 

It is a prevailing belief that the necromancers, men or women of medicine, or 
those who are acquainted with the hidden uowers of their tvusks, can, by practicing 
upon the muzzin-ne-neence, exercise an unlimited control over the body and mind 
of the person represented. Many a simple Indian girl gives to some crafty old squaw 
her most valued ornaments, or whatever property she may possess, to purchase from 




Fig. 701.— Muzzin-ne-neen. Qjibwa. 



her the love of the man she. is most anxious to please. The old woman, in a case of 
this kind, commonly makes up a little image of stained wood and rags, to which she 
gives the name of the person whose inclinations she is expected to control ; and to 
the heart, the eyes, or to some other part of this she, from time to time, applies her 
medicines, or professes to have done so, as she may find necessary to dupe and en- 
courage her credulous employer. 

But the influence of these images and conjurations is more frequently tested in 
cases of an opposite character, where the inciting cause is not love, but hatred, and 
the object to be attained the gratification of a deadly revenge. In cases of this kind 
the practices are similar to those above mentioned, only different medicines are used 
Sometimes the muzzin ne-neence is pricked with a pin or needle in various parts, 
and pain or disease is supposed to be produced in the corresponding part of the per- 
son practiced upon. Sometimes they blacken the hands and month of the image, 
and the effect expected is the change which marks the near approach of death. 

The similarity, approaching identity, of these practices to those com- 
mon in Europe during the middle ages and continuing in some regions 
until the present time will be noticed. 

The same author, pp. 197, 198, gives an account of Ojibwa divination 
in the following address of a shaman, illustrated by Fig. 702. 
For you, my friends, who have been careful to regard and obey the injunctions of 



DIVINATION. 



497 



the Great Spirit, as communicated by me, to each of you he has given to live to the 
full age of man : this long and straight line a is the image of your several lives. For 
you, Shaw-shaw-wa ne-ba-se, who have turned aside from the right path, and de- 
spised the admonitions you have received, this short and crooked line /; represents 
your life. Yon are to attain only to half of the full age of man. This line, turning 
oft' on the other side, is that which shows what is determined in relation to the youn.n 
wife of Ba-po-wash. As he said this, he showed us the marks he had made on the 
ground, as below. The long, straight middle line represented, as he said, the life 
of the Indians, Sha-gwaw-koo-sink. Wau-zke-gaw-maish-koon, etc. The short 
crooked one below showed the irregular course and short continuance of mine ; ami 
the abruptly terminating one on the other side showed the life of the favorite wife 
of Ba-po-wash. 




Fig. 702.— Ojibwa divination 



Fig. 703 was copied from a piece of walrus ivory in the museum of 
the Alaska Commercial Company, of San Francisco, California, in 1882, 
by Dr. Hoffman, and the interpretation is as obtained from a native 
Alaskan. 

h g f e d c b 

Pic. 70:i.-Shaman exorcising demon. Alaska. 

a, b. The shaman's summer habitations, trees growing in the vicinity, 
c. The shaman, who is represented in the act of holding one of his 
"demons." These are considered as under the control of the shaman, 
who employs them to drive others out of the bodies of sick men. d. 
The demon or aid. e. The same shaman exorcising the demons causing 
the sickness. /, <j. Sick men, who have been under treatment, and 
from whose bodies the " evil beings" or sickness has been expelled. 
h. Two "evil spirits" which have left the bodies off and g. 

Fig. 704 was copied by Dr. Hoffman from an ivory bow in the same 
museum. The interpretation was also obtained at the same time from 
the same Alaskan. 

The rod of the bow upon which the characters occur is here repre- 
sented in three sections, A, B, and C. A bears the beginning of the 
narrative, extending over only one-half of the length of the rod. The 
course of the inscription is then continued on the adjacent side of the 
rod at the middle, and reading in both directions (sections K and C), 
10 eth 32 



498 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



toward the two tiles of approaching animals. B and 0 occupy the 
whole of one side. 

The following is the explanation of the characters: 

A. a, baidarka or skin boat resting on poles; b, winter habitation; 
c, tree; <1, winter habitations; e, storehouse; /, tree. Between this and 
the storehouse is placed a piece of timber, from w hich is suspended tish 
for drying, g, storehouse. The characters from a to g represent a 
group of dwellings, which signifies a settlement, the home of the 
person to whom the history relates, h, the hunter sitting on the 
ground, asking for aid, and making the gesture for supplication, i, the 
shaman to whom application is made by the hunter desiring success in 
the chase. The shaman has just finished his incantations, and while 
still retaining his left arm in the position for that ceremony, holds the 
right toward the hunter, giving him the success requested, j, the sha- 
man's winter lodge; fc, trees; /, summer habitation of the shaman; 
m, trees near the shaman's home. 



a 


b 








«, d 






<iTe 



P>. », tree; o, a shaman standing upon his lodge, driving back 
game which had approached against his wish. To this shaman the 
hunter had also made application for success in the chase, but was 
denied, hence the act of driving back, p, deer leaving at the shaman's 
order; </, horns of a deer swimming a river; r, young deer, appar- 
ently, from the smaller size of the body and unusually long legs. 

C. s, a tree; /, the lodge of the hunter (A. //), who, after having 
been granted the request for success, placed his totem upon the lodge 
as a mark of gratification and to insure greater luck in his under 
taking; u, the hunter in the act of shooting; v-iv, the game killed, 
consisting of five deer; ,r, the demon sent out by the shaman (A. i), to 
drive the game in the way of the hunter; y-bb, the demon's assistants. 

The following description and illustration, Fig. 705, is kindly con- 
tributed by the Kev. M. Eells, of Skokomisb, Washington : 

Your figure of ;i shaman's lodge in Alaska [Fig. 714 in this work] reminds me of a 



500 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

drawing made of the same character on this reservation by one of our best educated 
Indian boys. His description of it is as follows: "When I was at Dr. Charley's 
house (the shaman or medicine man), they tamahnoused [performed incantations] over 
[uiy br other] Frank. They saw that he was under a kind of sickness. Dr. Charley 
took it. ami just a little after that Frank shook and became stiff, and while I sat I 
heard my father say that his breath was gone. I went out, as I did not want to see 
my brother lay dead before me. When I came back he was breathing a little and 
his eyes were closed. Dr. Charley was taking care of his breath with his own 
tamahnous [guardian spirit] and waiting for more folks to come, so as to have 
enough folks to beat on sticks when he should tamahnous and see what was the 
matter with Frank. 80 he went on and saw that there was another kind of sickness 
besides the one be took first. The other one went over Frank and almost killed him. 
Dr. Charley took it again and went (travel) [in spirit] with another kind of tamah- 
nous to see where Frank's spirit was. He found him at Humahunia [18 or 20 miles 



distant], where they bad camped [some time previous]. So Frank got better after 
:i hard tamahnous. From the drawing you will see how Dr. Charley fixed the kind 
of sickness, h shows the first sickness which Dr. Charley took. It has tails, 
which, when they come close to the. sick person, makes him worse, a is the way it 
-ocs when it kills -a person and stays in his home, e is the second one and is hang 
ing over Frank, <f. e is another sickness which is in Frank." 

J 11 Kingsborough (./) is the following: " In the year of Eleven Houses, 
or in 1529, Nufiode Guzman set out for Talisco on his march to subdue 
that territory. They pretend that a serpent descended from the sky, 
exclaiming that troubles were preparing for the natives, since the 
Christians were directing- their course hither." The illustration for this 
account is presented as Fig. X224, Chap, xx, on Special Comparisons. 




Fig. 70f>.— Mflewakantawan fetich, 



MAGIC CHARMS. 



501 



SECTION 4. 



CHARMS AND AMULETS. 



The 



The use of material objects for the magic purposes suggested by this 
title is well known. Their graphic representation is not so familiar, 
though it is to be supposed that the objects of this character would be 
pictorially represented in pictographs connected with religion, 
following is an instance where the 
use of a charm or fetich in action 
was certainly portrayed in a picto- 
graph. 

Fig. 706. drawn by the Dakota In- 
dians, near Fort Snelliug, Minne- 
sota, exhibits the use as a charm or 
talisman of an instrument fashioned 
in imitation of a war club, though 
it is not adapted to offensive em- 
ployment. The head of the talis- 
man is a grooved stone hammer from 
an inch and a half to 5 inches in 
length. A withe is tied about the 
middle of the hammer, in the groove 
binding on a handle of from 2 to 4 
feet in length. The latter is fre- 
quently wrapped with buckskin or 
rawhide to strengthen it. as well as 
for ornamental purposes. Feathers 
attached bear designs indicating 
marks of distinction, perhaps some- 
times fetichistic devices not under- 
stood. 

It is believed that these objects 
possess the charm of warding off an 
enemy's missiles when held upright 
before the body, as shown in the / 
pictograph. The interpretation was / 
explained by the draftsman himself. 4 

"Medicine bags," as they are 
termed by frontiersmen, are worn fig, 707.— Medicine bag as worn, 
as amulets. They are sometimes filled by the owner in obedience to the 
suggestions of visions, but more frequently are prepared by the shaman. 
They are carried suspended from the neck by means of string or buck- 
skin cords, as shown in Fig. 707, drawn in 1889 by I-teup'-de-ti, No- 
Shin-Bone, a Crow Indian, to represent himself with his insignia, and 
was extracted from a record kindly communicated by Dr. E. B. Holden. 
physician at the Crow Agency, Montana. 




502 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




Fig. 708, drawn by the same hand, shows 
the same medicine bag' temporarily hung on a 
forked stick. When the bag is carried on a 
war party it is never allowed to touch the 
ground.. Also among the Ojibwa some of the 
bags which are considered to have the great- 
est fetichistic power are not kept in the lodges, 
as too dangerous, but are suspended from 
trees. 



('apt. Bourke (//) gives the following account of the medicine hat of 
the Apache: 

The medicine hat of the old and blind Apache medicine man, Nan-ta-do-tash, was 
an antique a Hair of buckskin, much begrimed with soot and soiled by long use. 
Nevertheless it gave life and strength to him who wore it, enabled the owner to peer 
into the future, to tell who had stolen ponies from other people, to foresee the ap- 
proach of an enemy, and to aid in the cure of the sick. * * * This same old man 
gave ni«' an explanation of all the symbolism depicted upon the hat, and a great 
deal of valuable information in regard to the profession of medicine men, their 
specialization, the prayers they recited, etc. The material of the hat, as already 
stated, was buckskin. How that was obtained I can not assert positively, but from 
an incident occurring under my personal observation in the Sierra Madre, in Mexico, 
in 1883, where our Indian scouts and the medicine men with them surrounded a 
nearly grown fawn and tried to capture it alive, as well as from other circumstances 
too long to be here inserted, I am of the opinion that the buckskin to bo used for 
sacred purposes among the Apache must, whenever possible, be that of a strangled 
animal, as is the case, according to Dr. Matthews, among the Navajo. 

The body of Nan-ta-do-tash's cap was unpainted, but the figures upon it were in 
two colors, a brownish yellow and an earthy blue, resembling a dirty Prussian blue. 
The ornamentation was of the downy feathers and black-tipped plumes of the eagle, 
pieces of abalone shell and chalchihuitl, and a snake's rattle on the apex. 

Nan-ta-do-tash explained that the characters on the medicine hat meant : A, clouds ; 
B, rainbow; V, hail; E, morning star; E, the god of wind, with his lungs; G, the 
black "kan;" H, the great stars or suns. "Kan'" is the name given to their prin- 
cipal gods. The appearance of the kan himself and of the tail of the hat suggest 
the centipede, an important animal god of the, Apache. The old man said that the 
figures represented the powers to which he appealed for aid in his ''medicine" and 
the kan upon whom he called for help. 

The same author says, op. cit., p. 587: 

The Apache, both men and women, wear amulets, called tzidaltai, made of light- 
ning-riven wood, generally pine or cedar or fir from the mountain tops, which are 
highly valued and are not to be sold. These are shaved very thin and rudely cut in 
the semblance of the, human form. They are in fact the duplicates, on a small scale, 
of the rhombus. Like it they are decorated with incised lines representing the 
lightning. Very often these are to be found attached to the necks of children or to 
their cradles. 

Four of the several winter counts described in the present work unite 
in specifying for the year 1843-'44 the recapture of a fetich called the 
great medicine arrow. 



MAGIC ARROWS. 



503 



Fig. 709. — In a great fight with the Pa wnees the Dakotas 
captured the great medicine arrow which had been taken 
from the Cheyennes, who made it, by the Pawnees. C loud - 
Shield's Winter Count, 1843-'44. 

The head of the arrow projects from the bag which con- 
tains it. The delicate waved or spiral lines show that it 
is sacred. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it "The Great- medicine- arrow 
comes-in winter." 




Battiste Good's record gives the following for the same year: 
"Brought-home-the-magic-arrow winter. This arrow originally be- 
longed to the Cheyennes, from whom the Pawnees stole it. A 
The Dakotas captured it this winter from the Pawnees, and *r 
the Cheyennes then redeemed it for one hundred horses." j^Mk 1 
His sign for the year is shown in Fig. 710. An attempt /^■^fjl 
was made to distinguish colors by the heraldic scheme, VHr II 
which in this cut did not succeed. The upper part of the H 111 
man's body is sable or black, the feathers on the arrow are 
azure or blue, and the shaft, gules or red. The remainder %^ 
of the figure is of an undecided color not requiring specitt- M I 
cation. 

Fig. 710.— Magic 



Fig. 711. — The great medicine arrow was taken from the 
Pawnees by the Oglalas and Brules, and returned to the 
Cheyennes to whom it rightly belonged. American -Horse's 
Winter Count, 1843-44. The arrow appears to be in a case 
marked over with the lines meaning sacredness. 

Another account of a magic arrow and illustrations of 
other fetichistic objects are in Chap. ix. 




FlG ' 7 mw MagiC 

PI. xxxiii is a copy of a cloak or mantle made from the skiu of a 
deer, and covered with various mystic paintings. It was made and 
used by the Apaches as a mantle of invisibility, that is, a charmed 
covering for spies which would enable them to pass with impunity 
through the country, and even through the camp of their enemies. In 
this instance the fetichistic power depends upon the devices drawn. 
A similar but not identical pictographic fetich or charm is described 
and illustrated by Capt. Bourke (e) as obtained from a Chicarahua 
Apache which told when his ponies were lost, and which brought rain. 
The symbols show, inter alia, the rain cloud, and the serpent lightning, 
the raindrops and the cross of the winds of the four cardinal points. 



504 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Lewis and Clarke (ft) say that the Chiiluckittequaw, a Chinook tribe, 
had a •• medicine " hag colored red 2 feet long, .suspended in the middle 
of the lodge. It was held sacred, containing pounded dirt, roots, and 
such mysterious objects. Prom the chiefs bag he brought out fourteen 
forefingers of enemies — Snakes — whom he had killed. 

A remarkable drawing in an Australian cave, described by Sir George 
Grey, in Worsnop, op. eit.j was an ellipse, 3 feet in length and 1 foot 
1(1 incites in breadth. The outside line of the painting was of deep 
blue color, the body of the ellipse being of a bright yellow dotted over 
with red lines and spots, whilst across it ran two transverse lines of 
blue. The portion of the painting abo\ e described formed the ground, 
or main part of the picture, and upon this ground was painted a kan- 
garoo in the act of feeding ; two stone spear heads, and two black 
balls; one of the spear heads was flying to the kangaroo, and one away 




Fig. 712.— Hunter s charm. Australia. 

from it ; so that the whole subject probably constituted a sort of charm 
by which the luck of an inquirer in killing game can be ascertained. - 
This cave drawing is copied in Fig. 712. 

George Turner (c) gives account of hieroglyphic taboos, as he calls 
them, which are connected with the present subject: 

Flic sea-pike taboo. If a man wished that a sea-pike might run into the body of 
the person who attempted to steal, say, bis bread fruits, he would plait some cocoa- 
nut leaflets in the form of a sea-pike, and suspend it from one or more of the trees 
which he wished to protect; 

The white-shark taboo was another object of terror to a thief. This was done by 
plaiting a cocoanut leaf in the form of a shark, adding fins, etc., and this they 
suspended from the tree. It was tantamount to an expressed imprecation, that the 



RELIGIOUS RITES. 



505 



from the tree. It expressed the wish of the owner of the tree, that any thief touch- 
ing it might have a disease running right across his hody, and remaining fixed there 
till he died. 

The ulcer taboo. This was made by burying in the ground some pieces of clam 
shell, and erecting at the spot three or four reeds, tied together at the top in a bunch 
like the head of a man. This was to express the wish and prayer of the owner that 
any thief might be laid down with ulcerous sores all over his body. 

The death taboo. This was made by pouring some oil into a small calabash, and 
burying it near the tree. The spot was marked by a little hillock of white sand. 

The thunder taboo. If a man wished tha t lightning might strike any who should 
steal from his land, he would plait some cocoauut leaflets in the form of a small 
square mat, and suspend it from a tree, with the addition of some white streamers 
of native cloth flying. A thief believed that if he trespassed, he, or some of his 
children, would be struck with lightning, or perhaps his own trees struck and 
blasted from the same cause. They were not, however, in the habit of talking 
about the effects of lightning. It was the thunder they thought did the mischief; 
hence they called that to which I have just referred the thunder taboo. 

SECTION 5 . 
RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES. 

Many examples of masks, dance ornaments, and fetiches used in 
ceremonies are reported and illustrated in the several papers of Messrs. 
Cushing, Holmes, and Stevenson in the Second Annual Report of the 
Bureau of Ethnology. Paintings or drawings of many of them have 
been found on pottery, on shells, and on rocks. 

An admirable article by Mr. J. Walter Fewkes (6) on Tnsayan Picto- 
graphs explains many of the petroglyphs of that region as depicting- 
objects used in dances and ceremonies. 

Fig. 713 exhibits drawings of various masks used in dancing, the 
characters of which were obtained by Mr. G. K. Gilbert from rocks 
at Oakley springs and were explained to him by Tubi, the chief of the 
Oraibi Pueblos. They are representations of masks as used by the 
Moki, Zuni, and Eio Grande Pueblos. 

Dr. W. H. COrbusier, U. S. Army, writing from Camp Verde, Arizona, 
kindly furnished the following account of Yuman ceremonies, in which 
the making of sand pictures was prominent: 

All the medicine men meet occasionally and with considerable ceremony "make 
medicine." They went through the performance early in the summer of 1874 on the 
reservation for the purpose of averting the diseases with which the Indians were 
afflicted the summer previous. In the middle of one of the villages they made a 
round ramada, or house of boughs, some 10 feet in diameter, and under it, on the 
sand, illustrated the spirit land in a picture about 7 feet across, made in colors by 
sprinkling powdered leaves and grass, red clay, charcoal, and ashes on the smoothed 
sand. In the center was a round spot of red clay about 10 inches in diameter, and 
around it several successive rings of green and red alternately, each ring being an 
inch and ahalfwide. Projecting from the outer ring were four somewhat triangular- 
shaped figures, each one of which corresponded to one of the cardinal points of the 
compass, giving the whole the appearance of a Maltese cross. Around this cross and 
between its arms were the figures of men with their feet toward the center, some 
made of charcoal, with ashes for eyes and hair, others of red clay and ashes, etc. 



506 PICTURE- WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



These figures were 8 
the body, some an a 
selves around the pi< 
ent bands crowded a 
standing back of the 
of chants, one of the 



or St inches long, and nearly all of them lacked some portion of 
rm, others a leg or the head. The medicine men seated them- 
•ture on the ground in a circle, and the Indians from the differ - 
round them, the old men squatting close by and the young men 
m. After they had invoked the aid of the spirits in a number 
ir number, apparently the oldest, a toothless, gray-haired man, 



m!1> 



tapping between the figures of the men, dropped o 




SI P Q 



each one a pinch of the yellow powder which he took from a small buckskin bag which 
had been handed to him. He put the powder on the heads of some, on the chests of 
others, and on other parts of the body, one of the other men sometimes telling him 
where to put it. After going all around, skipping three figures, however, he put up 
the bag, and then went around again and took from each figure a large pinch of 
powder, taking up the yellow powder also, and in this way collected a heaping 
handful. After doing this he stepped back and another medicine man collected a 



SHAMAN LODGES. 



507 



handful in the same way, others following him. Some of the laymen, in their eager- 
ness to get some, pressed forward, hut were ordered hack. But after the medicine 
men had supplied themselves the raniada was torn down and a rush was made by 
men and hoys; handfuls of the dirt were grahbed and rubbed on their bodies or 
carried away. The women and children, who were waiting for an invitation, were 
then called. They rushed to the spot in a crowd, and grabbing handfuls of dirt 
tossed it up in the air so that it would fall on them, or they rubbed their bodies with 
it, mothers throwing it over their children and rubbing it on their heads. This 
ended the performance. 

According to Stephen Powers (in Contrib. to N. A. Ethnol., Ill, p. 140), 
there is at the head of Potter valley, California, " a singular knoll of red 
earth winch the Tatu or Hiichnom believe to have furnished the mate- 
rial for the erection of the original coyote-man. They mix this red 
earth into their acorn bread, and employ it for painting their bodies 
on divers mystic occasions." 



d 




PlG. 714.-Sbauiairs lodge. Alaska. 



Descriptions of ceremonies in medicine lodges and in the initiation 
of candidates to secret associations have been published with and with- 
out illustrations. The most striking of these are graphic ceremonial 
charts made by the Indians themselves, a number of which besides those 
immediately following appear in different parts of the present work. 

Fig. 714 was drawn and interpreted by ISTaumoff, a Kadiak native, in 
San Francisco, California, in 1882. It represents the ground plan of a 
shaman's lodge, with the shaman curing a sick man. 

The following is the explanation: 

a, the entrance to the lodge; &, the fireplace; c, a vertical piece of 
wood upon which is placed a crosspiece, upon each end of which is a 
lamp; d, the musicians upon the raised seats drumming and pro- 



508 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



ducing music to the movements of the shaman during his incantatious 
in exorcising the "evil spirit" supposed to have possession of the pa 
tient; e, visitors and friends of the afflicted seated around the walls of 
the lodge; /, the shaman represented in making his incantations; g, 
the patient seated upon the floor of the lodge; h represents the sha- 
man in another stage of the ceremonies, driving out of the patient the 
"evil being";" i, another figure of the patient — from his head is seen to 
issue a line connecting it with j; j, the "evil spirit" causing the sick- 
ness; fc, the shaman in the act of driving the "evil being" out of the 
lodge — in his hands are sacred objects, his personal fetich, in which the 
power lies; I, the flying "evil one;" m, n, are assistants to the shaman 
stationed at the entrance to hit aucl hasten the departure of the evil 
being. 

The writer in examination at three reservations in Wisconsin ob- 
tained information concerning the Mide' ceremonies additional to the 
details described by Dr. Hoffman (a) and by others quoted in the present- 
work. The full ceremonies of the Mide' lodges, which the more south- 
ern Ojibwa, who speak English, translate as "grand medicine," were 
performed twice a year — in the fall and in the spring. Those in the 
spring were of a rejoicing character, to welcome the return of the good 
spirits; those in the fall were in lamentation for the departure of the 
beneficent and the arrival of the maleficent spirits. The drums were 
beaten four days and nights before the dance, which lasted for a whole 
day. After the dance twelve selected persons built a lodge, about the 
center of which they placed stones which had been heated, and dancing- 
went on around it until the stones were moistened and cooled by the 
sweat of the performers. Singing, or more properly chanting, regu- 
lated the rhythm of the dances, although, perhaps, in the order of 
evolution the dauce was prior to the chant. These ceremonies were 
performed by the body of the people, and were independent of the 
initiations in the secret order. With regard to the candidates who 
passed the initiations, it was mentioned as an undisputed fact that they 
always became stronger and better men, perhaps because only those 
succeeded who had the requisite strength of mind and body to endure 
the various ordeals and to pass examination in the mysteries. In 
pictography the spring and the fall, the drums and the steaming stones, 
the dancing forms and the open chanting mouth are shown. 

Catlin (a) gives an account of Kee-au-ne-kuk, the foremost man, who, 
though a Kickapoo, was commonly called the Shawnee Prophet, and 
also the following description relating to Fig. 715, painted by that 
author in 1831 : 

Ah-ton-we-tuck, The-Cock-Turkey, is auother Kickapoo of some distinction and a 
disciple of the [Shawnee] Prophet, in the attitude of prayer, which he is reading ofi 
from characters cut upon a stick that he holds in his hand. It was told to me in 
the tribe by the traders (though I am afraid to vouch for the whole truth of it) that 
while a Methodist preacher was soliciting him for permission to preach in his vil- 
lage, the Prophet refused him the privilege, but secretly took him aside and sup- 



PRAYER STICKS. 



509 



ported him until he learned from him his creed and his system of teaching it to 
others, when he discharged him aud commenced preaching amongst his people him- 
self, pretending to have had an interview with some superhuman mission or inspired 
personage, ingeniously resolving that if there was any honor or emolument or influ- 
ence to be gained by the promulgation of it, he might as well have it as another 
person ; and with this view he commenced preaching and instituted a prayer, which 
be ingeniously carved on a maple stick of an inch and a half in breadth, in charac- 
ters somewhat resembling Chinese letters. These sticks, with the prayers on them, 
he has introduced into every family of the tribe and into the hands of every indi- 
vidual; and as he has necessarily the manufacturing of them all, he sells them at his 
own price and has thus added lucre to fame, and in two essential and effective 
ways augmented his influence in his tribe. Every man, woman, and child in the 
tribe, so far as I saw them, were in the habit of saying their prayer from this stick 
when going to bed at night and also when rising in the morning, which was invari- 



ably done by placing the forefinger of the right hand under the upper character 
until they repeat a sentence or two, which it suggests to them, and then slipping it 
under the next and the next, and so on to the bottom of the stick, which altogether 
required about ten minutes, as it was sung over in a sort of a chant to the end. 

Fig. 716, from the same volume, opposite page 100, is a portrait of 
On-saw-kie, The-Sac, a Pottawatomie, using one of these prayer sticks, 
which had been procured from the Shawnee Prophet. 

Figs. 715 and 71li with their descriptions exhibit an intermediate 
condition between the aboriginal mnemonic method and the Christian 
formula of prayer by the use of printed books. They should be con- 
sidered in comparison with the remarks on the "Micmac Hieroglyphs," 
Chap, xix, Sec. 2. 

Fig. 717, incised on the Kejimkoojik rocks in Xova Scotia, suggests 
the mide' lodge, sometimes called the medicine lodge, of the Ojibwa, 




510 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



which is described above. The ground plan indicated in this figure 
seems to be divided by partitions, which, together with the human 
figures and designs, probably refer to the rites of initiation and celebra- 
tion performed in them. Some of the Micmacs examined had a vague 
recollection of these ceremonies, which, at the time of the European dis- 




Fig. 710.— On-saw-kie. 

covery of the northeastern part of North America, probably were as 
widely prevalent, as they continued to be much later, among the 
regions farther in the interior, also occupied by the Algonquian tribes. 

Fig. 718, from the same locality, is a 
drawing of the ground plan of another 
description of ceremonial wigwam or lodge 
which is remarkably similar to that now 
called by the Ojibwa "the jessakan." Its 
distinguishing feature is the branch of a 
tree erected on the outside, and it is the 
wigwam of a juggler or wizard, and not the 
lodge belonging to the regular order of the 
Mide'. Such wigwams of jugglers, who 
performed wonderful feats similar to those 
of modem spiritualistic exhibitions, are 
frequently mentioned by the early French 
and English writers, who gave accounts 
fig. 717.— Medicine lodge. Micmao. of the provinces of New France and New 
England. The figure now presented is not suggestive without com- 
parison, and would not have been selected for the foregoing descrip- 




MALLEKY.] 



JUGGLER LODGE. 



511 



tion without the authority of living Micniac and Abnaki Indians, to 
whom it was significant. 

Figs. 717 and 718, however, when studied, recall the use of branches 
and prayer plumes iu the descriptions of the houses, and especially 
of the kivas of the Pueblos and the forms of their consecration men- 




FlG. 718.— Juggler lodge. Mkmac. 

tioned in the study of the Pueblo Architecture, by Mr. Victor Mindeleff', 
in the Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, as follows: 
It is difficult to elicit intelligent explanation of the theory of the baho and the 
prayer ceremonies in either kiva or house construction. The baho is a prayer token ; 
the petitioner is not satisfied by merely speaking or singing his prayer; he must 
have some tangible thing upon which to transmit it. He regards his prayer as a 
mysterious, impalpable portion of his own substance, and hence he seeks to embody 
it in some object which thus becomes consecrated. The baho, which is inserted in 
the roof of the kiva, is a piece of willow twig about 6 inches long, stripped of its 

c d h a 

FIG. 719.— Moki ceremonial. 

bark and painted. From it hang four small feathers suspended by short cotton 
strings tied at equal distances along the twig. In order to obtain recognition from 
the powers especially addressed, different colored feathers and distinct methods of 
attaching them to bits of wood and string are resorted to. 

The characters in Fig. 719 are copied from a drawing on the rocks 



512 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



in the Canyon Segy. They have been submitted to the most intelligent 
of the old Moki priests, and are said to represent the primitive sun 
priests. They watched for the sunrise every morning and the chief 
sun priest kept a reckoning of the equinoxes. The chief sun priest, a, 
made the daily sacrifices to the sun by scattering consecrated meal 
and singing a prayer to the sun just as it rose. His assistant, &, lit a 
pipe of tobacco at the same time, and exhaled puffs of smoke, one 
toward each of the cardinal points, one to the zenith, and one to the 
nadir. The three other figures are flageolet priests, and the skins of 
different kinds of foxes wers attached to their reed flageolets, c played 
to the morning star, typified by the skin of the gray fox. d played to 
the dawn, typified by the skin of the red fox. e played to the daylight, 
typified by the skin of the yellow fox. 
Dr. Franz Boas (e) reported as follows: 

The Tsimshian have four secret societies, which have evidently been borrowed 
from the Kwakiutl, the Olala or Wihalait, No'ntlem, Me'itla, and Semhalait. 

The candidate is taken to the house of his parents and a bunch of cedar bark is 
fastened over the door, to show that the place is tabooed, and nobody is allowed to 
enter. The chief sings while it is being fastened. In the afternoon the sacred house 
is prepared for the dance. A section in the rear of the house is divided oft" by means 
of curtains ; it is to serve as a stage, on which the dancers and the novice appear. 
When all is ready messengers carrying large carved batons are sent around to invite 
the members of the society, the chief first. The women sit down in one row, nicely 
dressed ux> in button blankets and their faces painted red. The chief wears the 
amhalait, a carving rising from the forehead, set with sea-lion barbs and with a 
long drapery of ermine skins ; the others, the cedar bark rings of the society. * * * 

The Meitla have a red head ring and red eagle downs, the Nontlem a neck ring 
plaited of white and red cedar bark, the Olala a similar but far larger one. The 
members of the societies receive a head ring for each time they pass through these 
ceremonies. These are fastened one on top of the other. 

Mr. James W. Lynd {d) says: 

In the worship of their deities paint (with the Dakotas), forms an important 
feature. Scarlet or red is the religious color for sacrifices, whilst blue is used by 
the women in many of the ceremonies in which they participate. This, however, is 
not a constant distinction of sex, for the women frequently use red and scarlet. 
The use of paints, the Dakotas aver, was taught them by the gods. Unktehi taught 
the first medicine men how to paint themselves when they worshiped him and what 
colors to use. Takushkanshkan (the moving god), whispers to his favorites what 
colors are most acceptable to him. Heyoka hovers over them in dreams, and informs 
them how many streaks to employ upon their bodies and the tinge they must have. 
No ceremony of worship is complete without the wakan or sacred application of 
paint. The down of the female swan is colored scarlet and forms a necessary part 
of sacrifices. 

Wiener (d) gives a description of Peruvian ceremonies, with an illus- 
tration reproduced here as Fig. 720. 

The paintings on this vase, found by Dr. Macedo in the excavations at Pachacamac, 
show the principal practices of the exoteric, worship of the sun. In this painting there 
are three entirely distinct groups. The central one is composed of the solar hrage 
surrounded by nine rays, terminating in symbols of fecundity. Two men place 1 at its 
right and left seem to play on paudean pipes. The group on the left is formed of four 
individuals, two of whom have head-dresses of royal feathers. This group is perform- 



CEREMONIES. 



513 



iDg a dance, while the third group represents the same solar disk and the sacrifice 
accompanied by music performed in its honor. There are also vases of different 
forms containing, probably, the sacred drink, and the otnciator approaching one hand 
to one of the great urns, -while with the other he holds the vase or the bowl from 
which he is about to drink the chica consecrated to the sun. The princely person- 
ages who have the right to approach the sun wear casques with royal plumes, chemi- 
settes extending below the middle, and ornaments at the lower part of the legs and 
on the feet. The musicians, four in number (two of whom play upon the pandean 
pipes and two upon the henna), are distinguished by bonnets without feathers and 
by a kind of cloak tied around the neck by a band which floats behind them. 
Finally, the priests, one of whom is an otnciator, and the other dancers in the suite 
of the princely personages, wear bonnets like that of the musicians (who very proba- 
bly belong to the same class). They have their faces painted. 

A. W. Howitt, in MS. Xotes on Australian Pictographs, contributes 
the following: 

Among the most interesting of the pictorial markings used by the aborigines are 
those which are made in connection with the ceremonies of initiation. I now take 
as an instance the Murring tribe of the southern coast of New South Wales, whose 
ceremonies I have described elsewhere. The humming instrument, which is known 
in England as a child's toy called the bull roarer, has a sacred character with all 
the Australian tribes. The Murring call it Mudji, and the loud roaring sound made 
when it is swung around at the end of a cord is considered to be the voice of Dara- 




Fio. 720. — Peruvian ceremony. 

nifilfm, the great supernatural being by whom, according to their tradition, these 
ceremonies were first instituted. 

On this instrument there are marked two notches, one at each end. representing 
the gap left in the upper jaw of the novice after his teeth have been knocked out 
during the rites; there is also figured on it the rude representations of Daramulun. 

A similar rude outline of a man in the attitude of the magic dauce, beiug also 
Daramulun, is cut by the old men ( wizards) at the ceremonies, upon the bark of a 
tree at the spot where one of them knocks out the tooth of the novice. This picto- 
graph is then carefully cut out and obliterated after the ceremonies are over. 

At a subsequent stage of the proceedings a similar figure is molded ou the ground 
in clay, and is surrounded by the native weapons which Caramulun is said to have 
invented. This figure, after having been exhibited to the novice, is also destroyed, 
and they are strictly forbidden under pain of death to make them known in any man- 
ner to "women or children: " that is to say. to the uninitiated. 

The Mudji is not destroyed, but is carefully and secretly preserved by the principal 
headman who had caused the ceremonies to be held. 

The ceremonies of the TVirajuri tribe in New South Wales are substantially the 
same as those of the Murring. although the tribes are several hundred miles apart. 
The details, however, differ in some respects. 

For instance, at one part of the ceremonies certain carvings are made upon the 
tree adjoining the place of the ceremonies and upon the ground, as follows: 

(1) A piece of bark is stripped off the tree from the branches spirally down the 
bole to the ground. This represents the path along which Daramulun is supposed 
to descend from the sky to the place where the initiation is held. 
10 ETH 33 



514 PICTURE-WKITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



(2) The figure of Daramulun is cut upon the ground, resembling that which the 
Murring cut upon the tree at the place where in their ceremonies the tooth is knocked 
out. The figure represents a naked Mack fellow dancing, his arms being slightly 
extended and the legs somewhat bent outwards (sideways) at the knee, as in the 
well known " corrohoree" attitude. 

(3) The representation of his tomahawk cut on the ground, where he let it fall on 
reaching the earth. 

(4) The footsteps of an emu of which Daramulun was in chase. 

(5 ) The figure of the emu extended on the ground where it fell when struck down 
by Daramulun. 

The same author (/) remarks as follows : 

Speaking generally, it may be asserted with safety that initiation ceremonies of 
some kind or other, and all having a certain fundamental identity, are practiced by 
the aboriginal tribes over the whole of the Australian continent. * * * 

Here, then, the novices for the first time witness the actual exhibition of those 
magical powers of the old men of which they have heard since their earliest years. 
They have been told how these men can produce from within themselves certain 
deadly tilings which they are then able to project invisibly into those whom they 
desire to injure or to kill; and now the boys see during the impressive magical 
dances these very things, as they express it, "pulled out of themselves" by the 
wizards. 

Figs. 721, 722, and 723 are copies of the designs upon Tartar and 
Mongol drums, taken from G-. N. Potanin (b). They are used in reli- 
gious ceremonies with the belief that the sounds emanating from the 
surface upon which the designs are made, or, to carry the concept a 
little further, the sounds coming from the designs themselves, produce 
special influences or powers. Some of these designs are notably simi- 
lar to some of those found in America and reproduced in the present 
paper. 

The upper left-hand design (a) in Tig. 721, on the outside of the drum, 
represents the sun and the moon in the form of circles with a central 
dot. Below the crossbar were two other such figures with central 
dot. Besides, were represented below, on the left side, two shamans, 
and under them a wild goat and serpent in the form of wavy lines; on 
the right side three shamans and a deer. 

The upper right-hand design (b) on the same figure is a group repre- 
senting the bringing of a horse to sacrifice. Under a rainbow, dots 
represent stars, and two heavenly maidens who the shamans said were 
the daughters of Ulgen and who were playing. They come down to the 
mountains and rise up to the skies. 

A bow with a knob at each end is made to represent a rainbow in 
the lower part of a shaman's drum. 

The lower left-hand design (c) on the same figure on a drum of the 
telengit shaman is the external delineation of a bead without eyes and 
nose. The lower end of the line coming from the head represents a bifur- 
cation. Under the head is a short horizontal line like an extended arm. 
Above a line extending from side to side of the drum are two circles, 
and below six circles, all empty. According to the owner of the drum 



MAGIC DRUMS. 



515 



these circles are representations of drums, and the three human figures 
are masters or spirits of localities. 

The lower right-hand design (d) in the same figure has in the upper 
section five zigzag lines represented similar to those with which light- 
ning is often represented. According to the shaman these are serpents. 

The upper left-hand design (a) in Fig. 722 inside the drum has painted 
two trees. On each of them sits the bird karagush, with bill turned to 
the left. On the left of the trees are two circles, one dark (the moon), 




Fig. 721.— Tartar aud Mongol drums. 



the other light (the sun). Below a horizontal line are depicted a frog, 
a lizard, and a serpent. 

The upper right-hand design (b) in the same figure has on the upper 
half two circles, the sun and moon; on the left side four horsemen; 
under them a bowman, also on horseback. The center is occupied by 
a picture of a net and a seive for winnowiug the nuts and seeds of the 
cedar tree. On the right side are two trees, baigazuin (literally the 
rich birch), over which two birds, the karagush, are floating. Under a 



516 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



division on the right and on the left side are oval objects with latticed- 
figured or scaly skin. These are two whales. In the middle, between 
thein, are a frog and a deer, and below a serpent. Above, toward the 
hoop of the drum, is fastened an owl's feather. 

The lower left hand design (c) in the same figure has represented in 
the upper half seven figures reminding one of horses. These are the 
horses, bura, going to heaven, i. e., their sacrifice. Above them are 
two circles emitting light, the sun and the moon; on the right of the 




Fig. 722.— Tartar and Mongol drums. 



horses are three trees; under a horizontal line on the left is a serpent; 
on the right a fish, the kerbuleik, the whale according to Yerbitski, 
literally the bay-fish. 

The lower right-hand design (d) in the same figure has a drawing on 
the outside, a circle divided by horizontal bars into halves. The field of 
the upper half is divided into three strata, the first stratum of which 
is heaven, the second the rainbow, and in the lower stratum the stars. 
On the left side the sun, and the crescent moon on the right side; the 
goat, trees, and an undefined figure, which is not given in the drawing, 



MAGIC DRUMS. 



517 



underneath. The kam, a kind of shaman, called it the bura. Some 
said that it meant a cloud; others that it meant heavenly horses. 

The left-hand design (a) in Fig. 723 shows four vertical and four 
horizontal lines. The latter represent the rainbow ; the vertical lines 
borsui. Circles with dots in the center are represented in three sec- 
tions, and iu the fourth one circle. 

The right-hand design in the same figure : On the upper sections are 
represented a number of human figures. These, according to the sha- 
man's own explanation, are heavenly maidens (in the original Turkish, 
tengriduing kuiz). Below, under a rainbow, which is represented by 
three arched lines, are portrayed two serpents, each having a cross 
inside. These are kurmos nuing tyungurey, i. e., the drums are kurmos's. 
Kurmos is the Alti word for spirits, which the shamans summon. 




Fig. 723.— Tartar and Mongol drums. 



Bastian (a) makes remarks as follows concerning the magic drum of 
the Shamans in the Altai, which should be considered in this connec- 
tion : 

The Shamans admit three worlds (among the Yakuts), the world of the heavens 
(hallan jurda), the middle one of the earth (outo-doidu) and the lower world or hell 
(jedan tiigara), the former the realm of light, the latter the realm of darkness, while 
the earth has for a time heen given over hy the Creator (Jiit-tas-olbohtah Jiirdan- 
Ai-Tojan) to the will.of the devil or tempter, and the souls of men at their death, 
according to the measure of their merit, are sent into one or the other realm. When, 
however, the earth world has come to an end, the souls of the two realms will wage 
a war against each other, and victory must remain on the side of the good souls. 

SECTION 6. 

MORTUARY PRACTICES. 

Champlain (/) in his voyage of 1603, says of the Northeastern Algon- 
quins that their graves were covered with large pieces of wood, and 
one post was erected upon them, the upper part of which was painted 
red. 

The same author, in 1613, writing of the Algonqnins of the Ottawa 



518 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



river, at the Isle des Alumettes, gives more details of tlie pictures on 
their grave posts : 

On it tlie likeness of the man or woman who is huried there is roughly engraved. 
If a man, they put on a buckler, a spear, war club, and bows and arrows. If he is a 
chief he will have a plume on his head and some other designs or ornaments. If a 
boy, they give him one bow and a single arrow. If a woman or girl, they put on a 
kettle, an eartheu pot, a woodeu spoon, and a paddle. The wooden tomb is 6 or 7 
feet long and 4 wide, painted yellow and red. 

Some northern tribes — probably Oree — according to the Jesuit Rela- 
tions (a), gave a notice of death to absent relations or dear friends of 
the deceased by hanging the object signifying bis name on the path 
by which the traveler must return, e. g., if the name of the deceased 
was Pir6 (Partridge) the skin of a partridge was suspended. The main 
object of the notice was that the traveler, thereby knowing of the death, 
should not on his return to the lodge or village ask after or mention 
the deceased. Perhaps this explains the custom of placing pictographs 
of personal names and totemic marks on some prominent point or on 
trails without any apparent incident. 

The same Relation describes a custom of the same Indians of shaping 
out of wood a portraiture of the more distinguished dead and inserting 
it over their graves, afterwards painting and greasing it as if it were 
the live man. 

In Keating's Long {g) it is told that the Sac Indians are particular 
in their demonstrations of grief for departed friends. These consist in 
darkening their faces with charcoal, fasting, abstaining from the use 
of vermillion and other ornaments in dress, etc. They also make incis- 
ions in their arms, legs, and other parts of the body; these are not 
made for the purposes of mortification, or to create a pain which shall by 
dividing their attention efface the recollection of their loss, but entirely 
from a belief that their grief is internal and that the only way of dis- 
pelling it is to give it a vent through which to escape. 

This is an explanation of the practice which has been verified in the 
field work of the Bureau of Ethnology and corresponds with the con- 
cept of finding relief from disease and pain by similar incisions, to let 
out the supposed invading entity that causes distress. 

The same authority, p. 332, gives the following account of Dakota 
burial scaffolds : 

On these scaffolds, which are from 8 to 10 feet high, corpses were deposited in a 
box made from part of a broken canoe. Some hair was suspended which we at first 
mistook for a scalp ; but our guide informed us that these were locks of hair torn 
from their heads by the relations to testify (heir grief. In the center, between the 
four posts which supported the scaffold, a stake was planted in the ground ; it was 
about 6 feet high, and bore an imitation of human figures; five of which had a de- 
sign of a peitk-nat, indicating (hem to bo females; the rest, amounting to seven, were 
naked, and were intended for male figures. Of the latter, four were headless, show 
ing that they had been slain; the three other male figures were unmutilated but 
held a staff in their hands which, as our guide informed ns, designated that they were 
slaves. The post, which is an usual accompaniment to the scaffold that supports a 



MORTUARY RITES. 



519 



warrior's remains, does not represent the achievements of the deceased, but those of 
the warriors that assembled near his remains, danced the dance of the post, and re- 
lated their martial exploits. 

Maximilian, Prince of Wied (cZ), tells that as a sign of mourning the 
Sioux daub themselves with white clay. 

According to Powers, (d) "A Yokaia widow's style of mourning is 
peculiar. In addition to the usual evidence of grief she mingles the 
ashes of the dead husband with pitch, making a white tar or ungent 
with which she smears a band about two inches wide all around the 
edge of her hair (which is previously cut off close to the head), so that 
at a little distance she appears to be wearing a white chaplet. 

Mr. Dorsey reports that mud is used by a mourner in the sacred-bag 
war party among the Osages. Several modes of showing mourning by 
styles of paint and markings are presented in this paper under the 
headings of Color and of Tattooing. Other practices connected with the 
present topic, and which may explain some pictographs, are described 
in the work of Dr. H. C. Yarrow, acting assistant surgeon, U. S. Army, 
on The Mortuary Customs of the North American Indians, in the First 
Annual Eeport of the Bureau of Ethnology. 

Fig. 724 is copied from a piece of ivory in the museum of the Alaska 
Commercial Company, San Francisco, California, and was interpreted 
by an Alaskan native in San Francisco in 1882. 

First is a votive offering or u shaman stick," erected to the memory of 
one departed. The "bird" carvings are considered typical of "good 
spirits," and the above was erected by the 
remorse-stricken individual, who had killed 
the person shown. 

The headless body represents the man who 
was killed. In this respect the O jil »wa manner 
of drawing a person u killed" is similar. 

The right hand Indian represents the homi- fig. 724.— votive offering, 
cide who erected the " grave-post " or " sacred 

stick." The arm is thrown earthward, resembling the Blackfeet and 
Dakota gesture for " kill." 

That portion of the Kauvuya tribe of Indians in Southern California 
known as the Playsanos, or lowlanders, formerly inscribed characters 
upon the gravestones of their dead, relating to the pursuits or good 
qualities of the deceased. Dr. W. J. Hoffman obtained several pieces 
or slabs of finely-grained sandstone near Los Angeles, California, dur- 
ing the summer of 1884, which had been used for this purpose. Upon 
these were the drawings, in incised hues, of the fin back whale, with 
figures of men pursuing them with harpoons. Around the drawings 
were close parallel lines with cross lines similar to those made on ivory 
by the southern Inuuit of Alaska. 




520 PICTURE-WRITING OP THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



/jrf 



m Figs. 725 to 727 were procured from a native Alaskan by 

ITT Dr. Hoffman in 1882, and explained to him to be drawings 
a made upon grave posts. 

+ Fig. 725 commemorates a hunter, as land animals are 
shown to be his chief pursuit. The following is the ex- 
planation of the characters : 
b a. The baidarka, or boat, holding two persons; the occu- 

pants are shown, as are also the paddles, which project 
below the horizontal body of the vessel. 

b. A rack for drying skins and fish. A pole is added 
above it, from which are seen floating streamers of calico or 
cloth. 

c. A fox. 

d. A land otter. 
The hunter's summer habitation. These are tem- 

» porary dwellings and usually constructed at a distance 
e from home. This also indicates the profession of a skiu- 

FlG. 725. — Grave ,, , n . 

post. Alaska, hunter, as the permanent lodges, indicated as winter 
houses, i. e., with round or dome-like roof, are located near the sea- 
shore, and summer houses are only needed when at some distance from 
home, where a considerable length of time is spent in hunting. 

The following is the explanation of Fig. 726. It is another design 
for a grave post, but is erected in memory of a fisherman: 
lw a. The double-seated baidarka, or skin canoe. 
7"Jf b. The bow used in shooting seal and other marine animals. 
a c A seal. 

d. A whale. 

The summer lodge is absent in this, as the fisherman did 
b not leave the seashore in the pursuit of game on land. 
jj Fig. 727 is a drawing of a village and neighboring burial- 
0 ground, prepared by an Alaskan native in imitation of orig- 
inals seen by him among the natives of the mainland of 
Alaska, especially the Aigaluqamut. Carvings are generally 
fig. 726.— on walrus ivory ; sometimes on wooden slats. In the figure, g 
AiaJkT 8t ' is a representation of a grave post in position, bearing an 
inscription similar in general character to those in the last two preced- 



^^M^^M — 1 — 

a b c d e f g h 

Fig. 727.— Village and burial grounds. Alaska, 

The details are explained as follows : 

a, b, c, d. Various styles of habitations, denoting a settlement, 

e. An elevated structure used for the storage of food. 

f. A box with wrappings, containing the corpse of a child. The 



SIALLEET.] 



GRAVE POSTS. 



521 



1 



small lines, with ball attached, are ornamental ap; 
of strips of cloth or skin, with charms, or, sometimes, tassels. 

g. Grave post, bearing rude illus- 
trations of the weapons or implements 
used by the deceased during his life. 

7i. A grave scaffold, containing 
adult. Besides the ornamental ap- 
pendages, as in / preceding, there is 
a "Shaman stick" erected over the 
box containing the corpse as a mark 
of good wishes of a sorrowing sur- 
vivor. See object a, in Fig. 724. 

Schoolcraft (to) gives a good ac- 
count, with illustration, of the burial 
posts used by the Sioux and Chippe- 
was. It has been quoted so fre- 
quently that it is not reproduced 
here. The most notable feature con- 
nected with the posts is that the to- 
tems depicted on them are reversed, 
to signify the death of the persons 
buried. 

Fig. 728 represents the grave post 
of a Menomoni Indian of the bear 
totem. The stick is a piece of pine 
board 2J inches wide at the top, 
gradually narrowing down to a point; 
three-fourths of an inch thick, and 
about 2 feet long. On one side are 
two sets of characters, the oldest 
being incised with a sharp -pointed 
nail, while over these are a later set 
of drawings made with red ocher, rep- 
resented in the illustration by shad- 
ing. The figure of the bear, drawn 
with head to the ground, denotes the 
totem of which the deceased was a 
member, the remaining incised fig- 
ures relating to some exploits the sig- 
nification of which was not known. 
The red marks were put upon the 
stick at the time of the holding of a 
memorial service, when the father of 
the deceased furnished a feast to the 
medicine priests just previous to his 
being received into the society of fig. 728.-Menomom gra 



1 




522 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




Fm. 729.— Incised lines on Meuomoni 
grave post. 



shamans to fill the vacancy caused by 
the death. The number of red crosses 
denote the number of speeches made 
at the grave upon that occasion, 
while the band at the top refers to 
the person acting as master of cere 
monies, who had been requested to 
make all the arrangements for the 
medicine ceremonies and initiation. 
So said some Menoinoni in the neigh- 
borhood, but later the Indian who 
actually painted the red crosses came 
to Washington aud explained that 
they signified the number of war 
parties in which the deceased had 
taken part. 

Fig. 729 shows the incised lines on 
the front of the post before color was 
applied. The manner of placing the 
grave posts at the head of the grave 
box is shown in Fig. 730, the left- 
hand grave being that of Oshkosh, 
the late head chief of the Menomoni 
in Wisconsin, after whom the city of 
Oshkosh was named. 

Before the grave is a small board, 
upon which tobacco is placed to 
gratify the taste of the dead, and 
during the season of sugar making 
pieces of that delicacy are pushed 
through the small openings in the 
head board, that the spirit of the de- 
ceased may be gratified and give suc- 
cess to tbe donors at future seasons. 

The right-hand grave box is that 
of another member of the family of 
Oshkosh, at which the board, with 
tobacco, is also placed, as well as 
the grave post. This, however, does 
not bear any indications of charac- 
ters, which probably had been washed 
off by the rain. 

Pieces of bark, stones, and sticks 
are also placed upon the grave boxes, 
but the signification of this practice 
could not be ascertained. 



MALLERY. ) 



GRAVE BOXES. 



523 




Fig. 730.— Grave boxes and i)osts. 

The next two figures come from the Dakotas. 



Fig. 731. — Held a commemoration of the dead. 
Cloud- Shield's Winter Count, 1826-'27. The ceremo- 
nial pipe-stem and the skull indicate the mortuary 
practice, which is further explained by the next figure. 



Fig. 732. — A white man made medicine over 
the skull of Crazy-Horse's brother. Cloud- 
Shield's Winter Count, 1852-'53. He holds a 
pipe-stem in his hand. This figure refers to 
the custom of gathering periodically the bones 
of the dead that have been placed on scaffolds 
and burying them. It appears that a white 
man made himself conspicuous by conducting 
the ceremonies on the occasion noted. 



Dakota. 

Lewis and Clarke (c) mention the Chilluckittequaws, a division of 
the Chinooks of the Columbia river, as having for burial purposes 
vaults made of pine or cedar boards, closely connected, about 8 feet 
square and 6 in height. The walls as well as the door were decorated 
with strange figures cut and painted on them; besides these there 
were several wooden images of men, some of them so old and decayed 




524 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



as to have almost lost tlieir shape, which were all placed agaiust 
the sides of the vaults. These images do not appear to be at all the 
objects of adoration, but were probably intended as resemblances of 
those whose decease they indicate. 

Whymper (a) reports that the Kalosh Indians of Alaska construct 
grave boxes or tombs which contain only the ashes of the dead. These 
people invariably burn the deceased. On one of the boxes he saw a 
number of faces painted, long tresses of human hair depending there- 
from. Each head represented a victim of the deceased man's ferocity. 
Thus the pictures are not likenesses or totemic marks of the cremated 
Kalosh, but of enemies whom he had killed, being in the nature of 
trophies or proofs of valor. Pig. 733 is a reproduction of the illus- 
tration. 

Ball (c) says of the Yukon Indians : 

Some wore hoops of birch wood around the neck and wrists, with various patterns 
and figures cut on them. These were said to be emblems of mourning for the dead. 




Fig. 733.— Kalosh graves. 



Dr. Franz Boas (/) gives the following account of the funeral customs 
practiced by the Snanaimuq, a Salish tribe: 

The face of the deceased is painted with red and black paint. * * * A chief's 
body is put in a carved box and the front posts supporting his coffin are carved. His 
mask is placed between these posts. The graves of great warriors are marked by a 
statue representing a warrior with a war club. * * * After the death of hus- 
band or wife, the survivor must paint his legs and his blanket red. * * * At the 
end of the mourning period the red blanket is given to an old man, who deposits it 
in the woods. 

Didron {a) speaks of emblems on tombstones: 

Even today, at Constantinople, in the cemetery of the Armenians, every tomb- 
stone is marked with tin- insignia of the profession followed by the defunct which 
the stone covers. For an Armenian tailor there is a pair of shears, thread, and 
needles; for a mason, hammer and trowel; for a shoemaker, a last, leather, and a 
leather cutter; for a grocer, a pair of scales; for a banker, pieces of money. It is 
the same with others. Among us [Frenchmen], in the middle ages, a compass, a 
rule, and square are engraved on the tomb of Hugues Libergier. In the cemetery 
of L'Est, at Paris, a palette indicates the grave of a painter, a chisel and hammer 
mark that of a sculptor. Animals are represented as talking and acting, masks 
grimace and smile, to announce in the same inclosure the tombs of La Fontaine and 



MALLERY. 



GRAVE EFFIGY. 



525 



of Moliere. Among the Romans it was the same: a fisher had a boat on his tomb; 
a shepard, a sheep ; a digger, a. pickaxe ; a navigator, an anchor or a trident ; a vine- 
dresser, a cask ; an architect, a capital or the instruments of his art. 

Hcrwitt (g) says of the Died, a tribe of Central Australia : 
A messenger who is sent to convey the intelligence of a death is smeared all over 
with white clay. On his approach to the camp the women all commence screaming 
and crying most passionately. After a time the particulars of the death are made 
known to the camp. The near relations and friends then only weep. Old men even 
cry bitterly, and their friends comfort them as if they were children. On the follow- 
ing day the near relations dress in mourning by smearing themselves over with white 
clay. Widows and widowers are prohibited by custom from uttering a word until 
the clay has worn off, however long it may remain on them. They do not, however, 
rub it off, as doing so would be considered a bad omen. It must absolutely wear off 
of itself. During this period they communicate by means of gesture language. 




9 

Fig. 734.— New Zealand grave effigy. 

Dr. Ferdinand von Hochstetter (a) says : 

The carved Maori figures which are met with on the road are the memorials of 
chiefs who, while journeying to the restorative baths of Eotorua, succumbed to their 
ills on the road. Some of the figures are decked out with pieces of clothing or ker- 
chiefs; and the must remarkable feature in them is the close imitation of the tattoo- 
ing of the deceased, by which the Maoris are able to recognize for whom the monu- 
ment has been erected. Certain lines are peculiar to the tribe, others to the family, 
and again others to the individual. A close imitation of the tattooing of the face, 
therefore, is to the Maori the same as to us a photograrjhic likeness; it does not re- 
quire any description of name. 

A representation of one of these carved posts is given in Fig. 734. 




526 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




Another carved post of like character is repre- 
sented in Fig. 735, concerning which the same 
author says, p. 338: ''Beside my tent, at Tahuahu, 
on the right bank of the Mangapu, there stood au 
odd, half-decomposed figure carved of wood; it was 
designated to me by the natives as a Tiki, marking 
the tomb of a chief." 



Ball, on Nicobarese Ideographs, in Jour. Anthrop. Inst, of Gr. Br. 
& I. (d), says, describing Fig. 736, which appears to be connected with 
mortuary observances: 









\ 

■ 











Flo. 736.— Nicobarese mortuary tablet. 



MORTUARY TABLET. 



527 



The example of Nicobarese picture writing in Fig. 736 was obtained in the year 
1873 on the island of Kondul, where I found it hanging in the house of a man who 
was said to have died a short time previously. * * * 

The material of which it is made is either the glume of a bamboo or the spathe of 
a palm which has been flattened out and framed with split bamboos. 

It is about 3 feet long by 18 inches broad. The objects are painted with vermil- 
ion, their outlines being surrounded with punctures, which allow the light to pass 
through. * * * 

As in all such Nicobarese paintings, figures of the sun, moon, and stars occupy 
prominent positions. Now, the sun and moon are stated, by those who have known 
the Nicobarese best, to be especial objects of adoration, and therefore these paint- 
ings may have some religious significance. 

At first it occurred to me that this was merely an inventory of the property of 
the deceased, but as some of the objects are certainly not such as we should expect 
to find in an enumeration of property, e. g., the lizard, while the figures of men ap- 
pear to portray particular emotions, it seems probable that the objects represented 
have a more or less conventional meaning, and that we have here a document of as 
bona fide and translatable a character as an Egyptian hieroglyphic inscription. 

My own efforts to discover an interpretation from the natives on the spot were 
not crowned with success. * * * 

Mr. De Roepstorff, extra assistant superintendent of the Andauians and Nicobars, 
to whom I applied for such information as he might be able to collect upon the sub- 
ject, assured me by letter, in 1873, that the screens had a religious significance and 
were used to exorcise spirits, hut he did not seem to regard them as capable of being 
interpreted. * * * 

The following is a list of the objects depicted, besides animals; many of the com- 
mon utensils in use in a Nicobarese household are included: 

(1) The sun and stars; (2) the moon and stars; (3) swallows or (?) flying fish; 
(4) impression of the forepart of a human foot ; (5) a' lizard (Hydrosaurus?) ; (6) 
four men in various attitudes; (7) two das for cutting jungle; (8) two earthen 
cooking vessels; (9) two birds; (10) an ax; (11) two spears; (12) a ladder (?); 
(13) dish for food; (14) cocoanut water-vessels ; (15) palm tree; (16) a canoe; (17) 
three pigs; (18) shed; (19) domestic fowl ; (20) seaman's chest; (21) dog; (22) fish 
of different kinds ; (23) turtle. 



CHAPTEE XV. 



CUSTOMS. 

The notes given under this heading are divided into (1) cult socie- 
ties; (2) daily life and habits; (3) games. 

SECTION 1. 

CULT SOCIETIES. 

Voluntary associations, to he distinguished from those of an exclu- 
sively religious character, have flourished among most Indian tribes 
and are still found among those least affected by contact with civiliza- 
tion. Maj. Powell, the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, has 
named them cult societies. Their members are designated by special 
paintings and marks entirely distinct from those relating to then clans 
or gentes and their personal names. Travelers have frequently been 
confused by the diversity of such designations. 

The translated names of some of these societies found among the 
Sioux are "Brave Night Hearts," "Owl Feathers," and "Wolves and 
Foxes." They control tribes in internal affairs and strongly influence 
their policy in external relations, and may be regarded as the substit ute 
both for regular soldiery and for police. It is necessary that a young- 
man proposing to be a warrior should be initiated into some one of 
these societies. But in distinguishing them from the purely shamanistic 
orders it must not be understood that their ceremonies and ties are 
independent of the cult of religion, or that they disregard it, for this 
among Indians would be impossible. 

The following account of these societies among the Blackfeet or 
Satsika and their pictorial or objective devices is condensed from 
Maximilian of Wied's Travels (c) : 

The bands, unions, or associations are found among the Blackfeet as well as all 
the other American tribes. They have a certain name, fixed rules and laws, as well 
as their peculiar songs and dances, and serve in part to preserve order in the camp, 
on the march, in the hunting parties, etc. Seven such bands or unions among the 
Blackfeet were mentioned to me. They are the following: (1) The band of the 
mosquitos. This union has no police business to do, but consists of young people, 
many of whom are only 8 or 10 years of age. There are also some young men among 
them and sometimes even a couple of old meu, in order to see to the observance of 
the laws and regulations. This union performs wild, youthful pranks; they run 
about the camp whenever they please; pinch, nip, and scratch men, women, and 
children in order to give annoyance like the mosquitos. The young people begin 
528 



CULT SOCIETIES. 



529 



with this union and then gradually rise higher through the others. As the badge 
of their band they wear an eagle's claw fastened around the wrist with a leather 
strap. They have also a particular mode of painting themselves, like every other 
band, and their peculiar songs and dance. (2) The dogs. Its badge is not known 
to me; it consists of young married men, and the number is not limited. (3) The 
prairie dogs. This is a police union, which receives married men; its badge is a 
long hooked stick wound round with otter skin, with knots of white skin at inter- 
vals, and a couple of eagle's feathers hanging from each of them. (4) Those who 
carry the raven. Its badge is a long staff covered with red cloth, to which black 
ravens' feathers in a long thick row are fastened from one end to the other. They 
contribute to the preservation of order and the police. (5) The buffalo, with thin 
horns. When they dance they wear horns on their caps. If disorders take place 
they must help the soldiers, who mark out the camp and then take the first place. 
(6) The soldiers. They are the most distinguished warriors, who exercise the 
police, especially in the camp and on the march; in public deliberations they have 
the easting vote whether, for instance, they shall hunt, change their abode, make 
war or conclude peace, etc. They carry as their badge a wooden club the breadth 
of a hand, with hoofs of the buffalo cow hanging to the handle. They are sometimes 
40 or 50 men in number. (7) The buffalo bulls. They form the first, that is, the 
most distinguished, of all the unions, and are the highest in rank. They carry in 
their hand a medicine badge, hung with buffalo hoofs, which they rattle when 
they dance to their peculiar song. They are too old to attend to the police, having 
passed through all the unions, and are considered as having retired from office. In 
their medicine dance they wear on their head a cap made of the long forelock and 
mane of the buffalo bull, which hangs down to a considerable length. 




Fig. 737. — "The policeman" was killed by the 
enemy. Cloud- Shield's Winter Count, 1780-81. 

The man here figured was probably one of the ac- 
tive members of the associations whose functions are 
above described to keep order and carry out the 
commands of the chiefs. 



Tig. 737.— The policeman. 



. These voluntary associations are not of necessity ancient or perma- 
nent. An instance is given in Fig. 738 which is instructive in the 
interpretation of pictograpks. It is a copy of drawings on a pipe stem 
which had been made and used by Ottawa Indians. On each side are 
four spaces, upon each of which are various incised characters, three 
spaces on one side being reserved for the delineation of human figures, 
each having diverging lines from the head upward, denoting their 
social status as chiefs or warriors and medicine men. 

Upon the space nearest the mouth is the drawing of a fire, the flames 
passing upward from the horizontal surface beneath them. The cross 
bands are raised portions of the wood (ash) of which the pipestem 
is made; these show peculiarly shaped openings which pass entirely 
through the stem, though not interfering with the tube necessary for 
the passage of the smoke. This indicates considerable mechanical 
skill. 

10 ETH 31 



530 PICTIJRE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Upon each side of the stem are spaces 
corresponding in length and position to 
those upon the opposite side. In the lower 
space of the stem is a drawing of a hear, 
indicating that the two persons in the 
corresponding space on the opposite side 
belong to the bear gens. The next upper 
figure is that of a beaver, showing the 
three human figures to belong to the 
beaver gens, while the next to this, the 
eagle, means that the opposite persons are 
members of the eagle gens. The upper 
figure is that of a lodge which contains 
a council fire, shown on the opposite side. 

The signification of the whole is that 
two members of the bear gens, three mem- 
bers of the beaver gens, and three mem- 
bers of the eagle gens have united and 
constitute a society living in one lodge, 
around one fire, and smoke through the 
same pipe. 

Eeference may also be made to remarks 
by Prof. Dall (d) upon the use of masks by 
associations or special classes. 



Fig. 738.— Ottawa pipe stem 



SECTION 2. 
DAILY LIFE AND HABITS. 

Fig. 739, printed from the Kejimkoojik 
rocks, in Nova Scotia, represents two In- 
dians in a canoe following a fish to shoot 
it. This is not a pure example of the class 
of totemic designs. Both Indians in the 
canoe have paddles in which the device 
resembles the Micmac tribal device, but 
in that the hunters pursue a deer and not 
a fish and the canoe is "humpback." The 
Passamaquoddy tribal pictographic sign 
in which a fish is followed, requires both 
Indians to have paddles, and, it may be 
understood that the two Indians in the 
canoe are Passamaquoddy, but in the fig- 
ure one of them has laid aside his paddle 
and is shooting at the fish with a gun, 
which departs from the totemic device, 
and also shows that the drawing was made 
since the Indians of the region had ob- 



FISHING. 



531 



tained firearms from Europeans, but these were obtained three centuries 
ago, quite long enough for hunting scenes on some of the petroglyphs 
to exhibit the use of a gun instead of a bow. 

This kind of fish hunting by gunshot is one of daily occurrence in the 
region during the proper season. 




Fig. 739.— Shooting fish. Micmac. 

Fig. 740, from the same locality, is more ideographic. The line of 
the gun barrel is exaggerated and prolonged so as nearly to touch the 
fish, and signifies that the shot was a sure hit. The hunters are very 
roughly delineated. Possibly this hunting was at night with fire on 
a brazier and screens, a common practice which seems to be indicated. 




Fig. 741, also from Kejimkoojik, is more ancient, but less distinct. 
The fish is larger, and the weapon may be a lance, not a gun. 





Fig. 741.— Lancing fish. Micmac. 

Fig. 742, copied from a walrus ivory drill-bow, from Cape Darley, 
Alaska (ISTat. Mus. No. 44211), illustrates the mode of whale-hunting by 
the Innuit. The crosses over the whale and beneath the harpoon line 

_ 



Fig. 742.— Whale hunting. Innuit. 

represent aquatic birds; the three oval objects attached to the line 
are floaters to support the line and to indicate its course after the 
downward plunge of the harpooned cetacean. 



532 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



A similar hunting scene by canoe, in which, however, the game was 
(leer, is given in Fig. 743. The drawing is on birch bark, and was made 
by an old Indian named Ojibwa, now living at White Earth, Minnesota, 
an intimate friend and associate of the late chief Hole-in-the-Day. 
Ojibwa is supposed to be actor as well as depictor. He shows his 
lodges in a, where he resided many years ago; b is a lake; c, c,'c, c 
represent four deer, one of which is shown only by the horns protrud- 
ing above a clump of brush near the lake; e represents Ojibwa in 

c 




Fig. 743.— Hunting in canoe. Ojibwa. 



his canoe, d, floating on the river, h, Ji; g is a pine torch, giving light 
and smoke, erected on the bow of the canoe, the light being thrown 
forward from a curve slice of birch bark at /, its bright inner surface 
acting as a reflector. The whole means that during one hunt, by night, 
the narrator shot four deer at the places indicated. 

The accompanying Fig. 744 is reproduced from a drawing also incised 
on birch bark by Ojibwa, and relates to a hunting expedition made by 
his father and two companions, all of whom are represented by three 
human forms near the left-hand upper line. The circle at the left is 




Fig. 744.— Record of hunting. Ojibwa. 

Eed Cedar lake, Minnesota; a river is shown flowing northward, and 
another toward the east, having several indications of lakes which this 
river passes through or drains. The circle within the lake denotes an 
island upon which the party camped, as is shown by the trail leading 
from the human forms to the island. Around the lake are a number of 
short lines which signify trees, indicating a wooded shore. The first 
animal form to the right of the human figures is a porcupine; the next 
a bittern. The two shelters in the right-hand upper corner indicate 



HUNTING. 



533 



another camp made by the huuteis, to which one of them dragged a 
deer, as shown by the man in that act, just to the left of the shelter. 




Fig. 745.— Fruit gatherers. Hidatsa. 



Another camp of the same party of three is shown in the lower left- 
hand corner; the bow and arrow directed to the right indicates that 
there they shot a raccoon, a fisher, a duck (a man lying down decoyed 
this bird by calling), a mink, and an otter. The line above the lower 
row consists of the following animals, reading from the left to right, viz, 
bear, owl, wolf, elk, and deer. 




Fig. 746.— Hunting antelope. Hidatsa. 

Fig. 745 is a copy of a sketch made by Lean-Wolf, second chief of the 
Hidatsa, and shows the manner in which the women carry baskets used 




534 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



in gathering wild plums, bull-berries, and other small fruits. The bas- 
kets are usually made of thin splints of wood, aud very similar in manner 
of construction to the well known bushel-basket of our eastern farmers. 




Fia. 747.— Hunting buffalo. Hidatsa. 



Fig. 746 was also made by Lean- Wolf, aud illustrates the old manner 
of hunting antelope and deer. The hunter would disguise himself by 
covering his head with the head and skin of an antelope, and so be 
enabled to approach the game near enough to use his bow and arrow. 

In a similar manner the Hidatsa would mask themselves with a wolf 
skin to enable them to approach buffalo. This is illustrated in Fig. 
747, which is a reproduction of a drawing made by the above-men- 
tioned chief. 

The next group of figures illustrates the custom of gaining and after- 
wards counting coups or hits, the French expression, sometimes spelled 
by travelers "coo," being generally adopted. This is an honor gained 
by hitting an enemy, whether dead or alive, with an ornamented lance, 
or sometimes a stick, carried for the purpose as part of a warrior's 
equipment. These sticks or wands are about 12 feet long, often of wil- 
low, stripped of leaves and bark, and each having some distinguishing 
objects, such as feathers, bells, brightly-colored cloth, or else painted 
in a special manner. Further remarks on this custom appeal 1 in Chap- 
ter xiii, Section 4. 




F co'ups." Dakotaf g dead enemy's head, b is taken from Bloody-Knife's 
robe and shows an Indian about to strike his prostrate enemy. 



COUNTING COUPS. 



Fig. 749.— Killed-First. lied Cloud's Census. This 
is the case where a warrior struck the enemy with his 
coup stick first iu order, which is the most honorable 
achievement, greater than the actual killing. The 
word translated kill or killed does not always imply 
immediate death, but the infliction of a fatal wound. 

The apparent reason why the striking of the body 
of a dead or disabled enemy, whether or not killed 
or disabled by the striker, is more honorable than 
the actual infliction of the wound, is because the 
attempt to strike is vigorously resisted by the enemy, 
the survivors of which assemble to prevent the suc- 
cessful achievement; mere killing might be at a 
distance in comparative safety. 




Fig. 750. — Enemies-hit-him. Red- 
Cloud's Census. In this case the Da- 
kota has been hit by the enemy's lance 
or coup stick. 





Fig. 750. -Counting coups. Dakota. 

This group refers to the custom, east of the Rocky mountains, of 
exhibiting scalps. 



Fig. 751. — A war party of Oglalas killed one Paw- 
nee; his scalp is on the pole. American-Horses' 
Winter Count, 1855-'56. This and the next figure 
show the custom of a successful war party on return- 
ing to the home village to display the scalps taken. 
This display is the occasion of special ceremonies. 
The marks on the foot signify that on their way 




home the men of the war party froze their feet. riG - 751 ^akota disi ' layed ' 



536 PICTURE-WKITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fig. 752. — Owns-the-Pole, the leader of an Oglala 
war party, brought home many Cheyenne scalps. 
American-Horse's Winter Count, 1798-'99. The 
cross stands for Cheyenne, as explained above. 



Fig. 753. — Black-Bock, a Dakota, was killed by the 
Crows. American-Horse's Winter Count, 1806-'07. 
A rock or, more correctly translated, a large stone 
is represented above his head. He was killed with 
an arrow and was scalped. The figure is intro- 
duced here to show the designation of a scalped 
head, which is colored red — that is, bloody — when 
coloration is possible. It frequently appears in the 
Winter Counts of the Dakotas. 




Fig. 754 was drawn by a Dakota In- 
dian at Mendota, Minnesota, and repre- 
sents a man holding a scalp in one hand, 
while in the other is the gun, the weapon 
used in killing the enemy. The short 
vertical lines below the periphery of the 
scalp indicate hair. The line crossing 
the leg of the Indian is only a suggestion 
of the ground upon which he is supposed 
to stand. 



The following group pictographically expresses the hunting of ante- 
lopes. 



Fig. 755. — They drove many antelope into a cor- 
ral and then killed them. Cloud-Shield's Winter 
Count, 1828-'29. This and the following two fig- 
ures show the old mode of procuring antelope and 
other animals by driving them into an inclosure. 



Fig. 75(3. — They provided themselves with a large 
supply of antelope meat by driving antelope into a 
corral, in which they were easily killed. Ameri- 
can-Horse's Winter Count, 1828-'29. 




DAILY LIFE AND HABITS. 



537 





Fig. 757. — They capture a great many ante- 
lope by driving them into a pen. Cloud- 
Shield's Winter Count, 1860-'61. 



Fig. 758. — A woman who had been given to a white 
man by the Dakotas was killed because she ran away 
from him. Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1799-1800. 
The gift of the woman was in fact a sale, and, in ad- 
dition to the crime of marital infidelity, the tribe was 
implicated in a breach of contract. The union line 
below the figures, mentioned before, means husband 
and wife. This picture illustrates, as far as may be 
done pictorially, a Dakotau custom as regards mar- 
riage and the penalty connected with it. 

The following figures relate to several different form; 



Fig. 759. — They brought in a fine horse : 
with feathers tied to his tail. Cloud- Shield's 
Winter Count, 1810-'ll. White-Cow-Killer 
calls' it "Came-with-inedicine-on-horse's-tail 
winter." This illustrates the ornamentation 
of specially valuable or favorite horses, which, 
however, is not mere ornamentation, but 
often connected with sentiments or symbols 
of a religious character, and as often with 
the totemic, which from another point of view 
may also be regarded as religious. 

Fig. 759.— Decorated horse. 

Fig. 760. — A young man who was afflicted with smallpox and was 
in his tipi by himself sang his death song and shot himself. 
American-Horse's Winter Count, 1784-85. Suicide is more 
common among Indians than is generally suspected, and 
even boys sometimes take their own lives. A Dakota boy /M 
at one of the agencies shot himself rather than face his FlG . 76o.-sui- 
compauions after his mother had whipped him; and a Pai- 0lde " Dakota - 
ute boy at Camp McDermit, Nevada, tried to poison himself with the 
wild parsnip because he was not well and strong like other boys. The 
Paiutes usually eat the wild parsnip when bent on suicide. 

Fig. 761. — A Eee Indian hunting eagles from a hole in .. 
the ground was killed by the Two-Kettle Dakotas. The. 
Swan's Winter Count, 1806-'07. The drawing represents 
an Indian in the act of catching an eagle by the legs in 
the manner that the Arikaras were accustomed to catch 
eagles in their earth-traps. They rarely or never shot war 
eagles. The Dakotas probably shot the Arikara in his 
trap just as he put his hand up to grasp the bird. FlG 761 _ Eao . le 





538 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Iii this connection Fig. 7H2 is properly inset ted. It is a sketch made 
by an Ojibwa hunter to illustrate the manner of catching eagles, the 
feathers of which are highly prized by nearly all 
Indians for personal decoration and for war bon- 
nets. 

rj^ " ^/^/n^N The upper character represents an eagle; the 
J curved line at the right denotes the covering of 
branches and leaves of a temporary structure 
f.g. 762.-Eagie hunting, placed over a hole in the ground in which the 
ojibwa. Indian is secreted. He is depicted beneath the 

covering, while a line, extending toward the eagle, terminates in a 
small oblong object, which is intended to represent the bait placed 
upon the covering to attract the eagle. The bait may consist of a 
young deer, a hare, or some other live animal of sufficient size to 
attract the eagle. When the latter swoops down and seizes the prey 
he is caught by the leg and held until assistants arrive, after which he 
is carried back to cainp and plucked and is then liberated. 

Fig. 763. — A Bee womau is killed by a Dakota while 
gathering pomme-blanche. The-Flame's Winter Count, 
jO 1797-'9S. Pomme-blanche, or navet de prairie, is a 
^ 0 w hit e ro °f > somewhat similar in appearance to a white 
r*\ turnip, botanically Psoralea esculenta (Nuttal) some- 
J\ times P. argophylla. It is a favorite food of the Indi- 
JJ ans, eaten boiled down to a sort of mush or hominy. 

fig. 763.— Gathering A forked stick is nseil in gathering these roots. 

pomme-blanche. 

Fig. 764.— Lodge-Roll. Red-Cloud's Census, No. 10L. This figure 
shows the mode of rolling up the skins forming the 
tipi for transportation. It is attached to four lodge 
■ poles, the ends of which trail on the ground and con- 
no. 764.— Moving tipi. stitute the "travail" which was dragged by dogs. 
Horses are now used for this purpose, and canvas takesthe place of skins. 

Fig. 765. — An enemy came into Lone-Horn's lodge during the medi- 
cine feast aud was not killed. The- Swan's Winter Count, 1852-'53. 

The pipe is not in the man's hand, and the head only 
is drawn with the pipe between it and the tipi. 

An interesting custom of the Indians connected 
with the rite of sanctuary is that called by English 
writers ''running the gauntlet." When captives had 
successfully run through a line of tormentors to a 
post near the council-house they were for the time 
free from further molestation. In the northeastern tribes this was in 
the nature of an ordeal to test whether or not the captive was vigorous 
;iimI brave enough to be adopted into the tribe, but amoug other tribes 
it appears in a different shape. Any enemy, whether a captive or not, 
could secure immunity from present danger if he could reach a central 
post, or if there were no post, the lodge or tipi of the chief. A similar 




CKRKMONIAL PIPES. 



539 



custom existed among the Arikaras, who kept a special pipe in a " bird- 
box.'' If a criminal or enemy succeeded in smoking the pipe contained 
in the box he could not be hurt. This corresponds with the safety 
found in laying hold of the horns of the Israelite altar. 

The position of the pipe is significant. Its mouthpiece points to the 
entrance of the tipi. The visitor does not bring or offer peace, but 
hopes that the tribe visited may grant it to him. 

The four figures next following refer to ceremonies by which a war 
party was organized among some of the tribes of the Plains. A brief 
account of the ceremonies specially relating to the pipe is as follows: 

When a warrior desires to make up a war party he visits his friends 
and offers them a filled pipe as an invitation to follow him, and those 
who are willing to go accept the invitation by lighting and smoking it. 
Among theDakotas this was succeeded by a muster feast and war dance. 
Any man whose courage has been proved may become the leader of 
a war party. The word leader has been generally translated "partisan," 
an expression originally adopted by the French voyageurs. Among the 
Arapahos the would-be leader does not invite anyone to accompany 
him, but publicly announces his intention of going to war. He fixes 
the day for his departure, and states where he will camp the first 
night, naming some place not far off. The morning on which he starts, 
and before leaving the village, he invokes the aid of his guardian totem. 
He rides off alone, carrying his bare pipe in his hand with the bowl 
carefully tied to the stem to prevent it from slipping off. If the bowl 
should at any time accidentally fall to the ground he considers it an 
evil omen and immediately returns to the village, and nothing could 
induce him to proceed, as he thinks that only misfortune would attend 
him if he did. Sometimes he ties eagle or hawk plumes to the stem of 
his pipe, and after quitting the village, repairs to the top of some hill 
and makes an offering of them to the sun, taking them from his pipe 
and tying them to a pole which he erects in a pile of stones. Those 
who intend to follow him usually join him at the first camp, equipped 
for the expedition; but often there are some who do not join him until 
he has gone further on. He eats nothing before leaving the village, 
nor as long as the sun is up; but breaks his fast at his first camp after 
the sun sets. The next morning he begins another fast, to be continued 
until sunset. He counts his party, saddles his horse, names some place 
6 or 7 miles ahead, where he says he will halt for awhile, and again 
rides off alone with his pipe in his hand. After awhile the party follow 
him in single file. When they have reached his halting place he tells 
them to dismount and let their horses graze. They all then seat them- 
selves on the ground on the left of the leader, forming a semicircle 
facing the sun. The leader fills his pipe, all bow their heads, and, 
pointing the stem of the pipe upward, he prays toward the sun, asking 
that they may find an abundance of game,, that dead shots may be made, 
so that their ammunition will not be wasted, but reserved for their 
enemies; that they may easily find their enemies and kill them; that 



540 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

they may be preserved from wounds and death. He makes bis petition 
four times, then lights his pipe, and after sending a few whiffs of smoke 
skyward as incense to the sun, hands the pipe to his neighbor who 
smokes and passes it on to the next. It is passed from one to another 
toward the left, until all have smoked, the leader refilling it as often 
as necessary. They then proceed to their next camp, where probably 
others join them. The same programme is carried out for three or four 
days before the party is prepared for action. 

Fig. 766. — Big Crow and Conquering-Bear had a 
great feast and gave many presents. American- 
Horse's Winter Count, 1846-'47. The two chief- 
tains are easily recognized by the name character- 
istic over their heads. They have between them 
the war eagle pipe — specifically, but erroneously, 
called calumet by some writers. 

Fig. 766;— Raising war party. . . 

Dakota. 




Fig. 767. — Feather-in- the Ear made a feast to 
which he invited all the young Dakota braves, 
wanting them to go with him. The-Swan's Winter 
Count, 1842-'43. A memorandum is added that he 
failed to persuade them. 



Fig. 768. — The Cheyenues carry the pipe around 
to invite all the tribes to unite with them in a war 
against the Pawnees. American- Horse's Winter 
Count, 1852-'53. 



Fig. 768.— Raisingwarparty. 
Dakota. 



Fig. 769. — Danced calumet dance before going to 
war. The-Swan's Winter Count, 1804-'05. The 
specially ornamented pipe becomes the conven- 
tional symbol for the ceremonial organization of a 
war party. 

Fio. 763.— Raining war party. 
Dakota. 





MALLEBY.] 



ALASKAX HABITS. 



541 



dL3 



Fig. 770 represents an Alaskan in the 
water killing a walrus. The illustration ( 
was obtained from a slab of walrus ivory 
in the museum of the Alaska Commer- 
cial Company of San Francisco. fig. 770.— walrus hunting. Alaska. 

The carving, Fig. 771, made of a piece of walrus tusk, was copied 
from the original in the same museum during the summer of 1882. 
Interpretations were verified by Xaumotf, a Kadiak half-breed. 




a is a native whose left hand is resting against the house, while 
the right hangs toward the ground. The character to his right repre- 
sents a " Shaman stick" surmounted by the emblem of a bird, a "good 
spirit," in memory of some departed friend. It was suggested that the 
grave stick had been erected to the memory of his wife. 

b represents a reindeer, but the special import in this drawing is 
unknown. 

e signifies that one man, the designer, shot and killed another with 
an arrow. 

(1 denotes that the narrator has made trading expeditions with a 
dog sledge. 

e is a sailboat, although the elevated paddle signifies that that was 
the manner in which the voyage was best made. 

/. a dog sled, with the animal hitched up for a journey. The radiat- 
ing lines in the upper left hand corner, over the head of the man, are 
the rays of the sun. 

g, a sacred lodge. The four figures at the outer corners of the square 
represent the young men placed on guard, armed with bows and arrows, 
to keep away those not members of the band, who are depicted as hold- 
ing a dance. The small square in the center of the lodge represents 
the fireplace. The angular lines extending from the right side of the 
lodge to the vertical partition line show in outline the subterranean 
entrance to the lodge. 



542 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



h, a pine tree upon which a porcupine is crawling upward. 

i, a pine tree, from which a bird (woodpecker) is extracting larvae 
for food. 

j, a bear. 

k, the designer in his boat holding aloft his clouble-bladed paddle to 
drive fish into a net. 

I, an assistant fisherman driving fish into the net. 
m, the net. 

The figure over the man (I) represents a whale, with harpoon and 
line attached, caught by the narrator. 

Many customs, such, for instance, as the peculiar arrangement of 
hair in any tribe, are embodied in their pictorial designation by other 
tribes and often by themselves. Numerous examples are presented in 
this paper. 

In Lord Kingsborough, Vol. vi, p. 45 et seq., is the text relating to 
the collection of Mendoza, in Vol. I, Pis. lviii, to lxii, inclusive, here 
presented as Pis. xxxiv to xxxviii. The textual language is preserved 
with some condensation. 

PI. xxxiv exhibits the customs of the Mexicans at the birth of a male 
or female infant; the right and ceremony of naming the children and 
of afterwards dedicating and offering them at their temples or to the 
military profession. 

As soon as the mother was delivered of the infant they put it into a cradle and 
when it was 4 days old the midwife took the infant in her arms, naked, and carried 
it into the court of the mother's house, in which court was strewed reeds, or rushes, 
which they call tule, upon which was placed a small vessel of water in which the 
midwife bathed the infant ; and after she had bathed it 3 boys being seated near the 
said rushes, eating roasted maize mixed with boiled beans, which kind of food they 
named yxcue, which provision or paste they set before the said boys in order that 
they might eat it. After the bathing, or washing, the midwife desired the boys to 
pronounce the name aloud, bestowing a new name on the infant which had been 
thus bathed; and the name that they gave it was that which the midwife wished. 
They first carried out the infant to bathe it. If it was a boy they carried him, hold- 
ing his symbol in his hand, which symbol was the. instrument which the father of 
the infant employed either in the military profession or in his trade, whether it was 
that of a goldsmith, jeweller, or any other ; and the said ceremony having been gone 
through, the midwife delivered the infant to his mother. But if the infant was a 
girl the symbol with which they carried her to be bathed was a spinning wheel and 
distaff, with a small basket and a handful of brooms which were the things which 
would afford her occupation when she arrived at a proper age. 

They offered the umbilical cord of the male infant together with the shield and 
arrows, the symbols with which they carried him to be bathed, in that spot and 
place where war was likely to happen with their enemies, where they buried them 
in the earth; and they did the same with that of the female infant, which they in 
the same way buried beneath the metate or stone on which they ground meal. 

After these ceremonies, when twenty clays had expired, the parents of the infant 
went with it to the temple, or mesquita, which they called calmecac, and in the 
presence of their alfaquis presented the infant with its offering of mantles and 
maxtles, together with some provision ; and after the infant had been brought up 
by its parents, as soon as it arrived at the proper age, they delivered him to the 




MEXICAN TREATMENT OF NEW-BORN CHILDREN. 



MEXICAN CUSTOMS. 



543 



superior of the said mezquita, that he might be there instructed in order that he 
might afterwards become an alfaqui; but if the parents resolved that when the 
infant attained a fit age he should go and serve in the military profession, they im- 
mediately offered him to the master, making a promise of him, which master of the 
young men and boys was named Teachcauh or Telpuchtlato ; which offering they 
accompanied with a present of provisions and other things for its celebration; and 
when the infant attained a fit age they delivered him up to the said master. 

In the plate a is awomau lately delivered; the four roses, b, signify 
four days, at the completion of which period the midwife carried forth 
the new born infant to be bathed; c, is the cradle with the infant; d, 
the midwife; e, the symbols; /, y 1 h, the three boys who named the 
new-born infant; i, the rushes, with the small vessel of water; j, the 
brooms, distaff, spinning wheel, and basket; Tc, the father of the infant; 
I, the superior alfaqui; m, the infant in the cradle, whose parents are 
offering it at the mezquita; », the mother of the girl; o, the master of 
the boys and young men. 

Kingsborough's PI. lix — here PI. xxxv, treats of the time and man- 
ner in which the Mexicans instructed their children how they ought to 
live. 

The first section shows how parents corrected their children of 3 
years old by giving them good advice, and the quantity of food which 
they allowed them at each meal was half a roll. 

The three circles, a, indicate 3 years of age; 6, denotes the father of 
the boy; c, the boy; d, the half of a roll; e, the mother of the girl; /, 
the half of a roll ; g, the girl of 3 years of age. 

The second section represents the parents employed in the same way, 
in instructing their children when they attained 4 years of age, when 
they began to exercise them by bidding them to do a few slight things. 
The quantity of food wluch they gave them at each meal was a roll. 

The father of the boy is shown at h; the boy, 4 years of age, at i; j, 
a roll; fc, the mother of the girl; ?, a roll; m, the girl of 4 years. 

The third section shows how the parents employed and exercised 
their sons of 5 years of age in tasks of bodily strength; for example, 
in carrying loads of wood of slight weight, and in sending them with 
light bundles tothetianquez or market place; and the girls of this age 
received lessons how they ought to hold the distaff and the spinning 
wheel. Their allowance of food was a roll. 

In this section, n shows the father of the boy ; o, two boys of 5 years 
of age; p, a roll; q, a roll; r, the mother of the girl; s, a roll; /, the 
girl of 5 years of age. 

The fourth section shows how parents exercised and employed their 
sons of 6 years in personal services, that they might be of some assist- 
ance to their parents; as also in the tianquez, or market places, in pick- 
ing up from the ground the grains of maize which lay scattered about, 
and the beans and other trifling things which those who resorted to 
the market had dropped. The girls were set to spin, and employed in 
other useful tasks that they might hereafter, through the said tasks and 



544 PICTURE-WRITING OP THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



works, sedulously shun idleness in order to avoid the bad habits which 
idleness is accustomed to cause. The allowance of food which was 
given to the boys at each meal was a roll and a half. 

The father of the two boys appears at u; two boys of 6 years old at 
v; ^^, a roll and a half; a?, the mother of the girl: a roll and a half; 
2, the girl of 6 years old. 

PI. lx, here PI. xxxvi, treats of the time and manner in which the 
native Mexicans instructed and corrected their sons, that they might 
learn to avoid all kinds of sloth and to keep themselves constantly 
exercised in profitable things. It is divided into four sections. 

The first section shows how fathers employed their sons of 7 years 
old in giving them nets to 6sh with; and mothers occupied their 
daughters in spinning and in giving them good advice. The allowance 
of food which they gave to their sons at each meal was a roll and a 
half. 

The seven points, «, signify seven years; b, is the father of the boys; 
c, a roll and a half; d, the boy of 7 years old whose father is instruct- 
iug him how to fish with the net which he holds in his hands; e, the 
mother of the girls ; /, a roll and a half; g, the girl of 7 years whom 
her mother is teachiug how to spin. 

The second section declares how fathers chastised their sons of 8 
years of age, threatening them with thorns of the aloe, that in case of 
negligence and disobedience to their parents they should be punished 
with the said thorns. The boys accordingly weep for fear. The quan- 
tity of food which they allowed them consisted of a roll and a half. 

The eight points, h, signify eight years; i, the father of the boys; 
a roll and a half; 7.', the boy of 8 years, whose father threatens him in 
case of ill behavior to inflict public punishment upon him with thorns; 
I, thorns of the aloe; m, the mother of the girls; n, a roll and a half; 
o, the girl of 8 years of age, whose mother threatens her with thorns 
of the aloe in case of ill behavior ; j?, thorns of the aloe„ 

The third section declares how fathers punished with the thorn of 
the aloe their sons of 9 years of age, when they were incorrigible and 
rebellious toward their parents, by running the said thorns into their 
shoulders and bodies. They also corrected their daughters by prick- 
ing their hands with thorns. The allowance of food which they gave 
them was a roll and a half. 

The nine points, signify nine years; r, a roll and a half; s, the 
father of the boys; t, a boy of 9 years old being found to be incorrigi- 
ble, his father runs thorns of the aloe into his body; u, the mother 
of the girls; v, a roll and a half; w, the girl of '.) years old and her 
mother, who corrects her for her negligence by pricking her hands with 
thorns. 

The fourth section shows how fathers chastised their sons of 10 
years of age, when they were refractory, by inflicting blows upon them 
with a stick and threatening them with other punishments. The 




EDUCATION OF MEXICAN CHILDREN, THREE TO SIX YEARS. 



MEXICAN CUSTOMS. 



545 



quantity aud allowance of food which they gave them was a roll and a 
half. 

The ten points, x, signify ten years; y, a roll and a half; z, the father 
of the boys; aa, the boy of 10 years old, whose father is correcting him 
with a stick ; bb, the mother of the girl ; cc, a roll and a half ; dd, the 
girl of 10 years old, whose mother is correcting her with a stick. 

PI. lxi, here PI. xxxvn, is in three sections. 

The first section explains that when a boy of 11 years of age disre- 
garded verbal reproof, his parents obliged him to inhale smoke of axi 
through the nostrils, which was a cruel and severe punishment, that he 
might be sorry for such conduct and not turn out worthless aud aban- 
doned, but on the contrary employ his time in profitable things. They 
gave boys of such an age bread, whieh consisted of rolls, only by 
allowance, that they might learn not to be gormandizers or gluttons. 
Girls received similar discipline. 

The eleven points, a, signify eleven years ; b, a roll and a half; c, the 
father of the boys; d, the boy of 11 years of age, whose father is pun- 
ishing him by obliging him to inhale through the nostrils the smoke of 
dried axi; e, the smoke or vapor of axi; /, the mother of the girls; g, 
the girl of 11 years, whose mother is punishing her by making her 
breathe smoke of axi; h, a roll and a half; i, the smoke of axi. 

The second section represents that when boys or girls of 12 years of 
age would not submit to the reproof or advice of their parents, the 
father took the boy aud tied his hands and feet and laid him naked on 
the ground in some damp and wet place, in which situation he kept hiin 
for a whole day, in order that by this punishment he might amend and 
fear his displeasure. And the mother obliged the girl of the said age 
to work by night before break of day, employing her in sweeping the 
house and the street and continually occupying her in personal tasks. 
They gave them food likewise by allowance. 

The points, j, indicate twelve years; h, a roll and a half; I, the 
father of the boys; m, the boy of 12 years of age, stretched upon the 
wet ground, with his hands and feet tied, for a whole day; the paint- 
ing at n signifies the night; o, the mother of the girls; p, a roll and a 
half; </, the girl of 12 years of age, who is employed by night in sweep- 
ing. 

The third section of this plate represents that boys and girls of 13 
years of age were occupied by their parents, the boys in fetching wood 
from the mountains and in bringing reed grass and other litter in 
canoes for the use of the house ; and the girls in grinding meal and 
making bread, and preparing other articles of food for their parents. 
They gave the boys for their allowance of food two rolls each at each 
meal. 

The father of the boys is represented at r; the points, s, indicate 
thirteen years; f, two rolls; the boy of 13 years old, who brings a 
load of reed grass; v, the boy in a canoe, with bundles of canes; tv, the 
10 eth 35 



546 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



mother of the girls; x, the girl of 13 years of age, who makes 
cakes and prepares articles of food- y, two cakes; z, a bowl; aa, the 
comali; bb : a pot for boiling provisions in aud two cakes. 

The fourth section of this plate represents how their parents employed 
and occupied a boy or girl of 14 years of age, the boy in going in a 
canoe to fish in the lakes, and the girl in the task of weaving a piece of 
cloth. Their allowance of food was two rolls. 

The fourteen points, cc, represent fourteen years; dd, two rolls; ee, 
the father of the boys; jff, the boy of 14 years of age, who goes out 
fishing with his canoe; gg, the mother of the girls; hh, two rolls; ii, 
the giri of 14 years, who is occupied in weaving; jj, the web itnd occu- 
pation of weaving. 

The figures of PI. lxii, here PI. xxxvin, are in two sections. 

Those contained in the first section signify that the father, who had 
sons nearly grown up, carried them to the two houses represented in 
the plate; either to the house of the master, who taught and instructed 
the young men, or to the mezquita, accordingly as the lad was himself 
inclined, and committed him to the care of the superior Alfaqui or to 
the master of the boys, to be educated, which lads it was fit should 
have attained the age of 15. 

In this section a is a youth of 15 years of age, whose father delivers 
him up to the superior Alfaqui, that he might receive him as an Alfaqui; 
b is the Tlamazqui, who is the superior Alfaqui ; c, the mezquita, named 
Calmecac; </, the father of these two youths; e, a young man of 15, 
whose father delivers him up to the master that he might teach aud 
instruct him; /, the teachcauh or master; g, the seminary where 
they educated and taught the young men, which was called cuincacali ; 
h, fifteen years. 

The second sectiou of the plate signifies the laws and usages which 
they followed and observed in marriages. The ceremony consisted in 
the female negotiator, who arranged the nuptials, carrying on her back 
on the first night of the wedding the betrothed woman, accompanied 
by four women with blazing torches of resinous fir, who attended to 
light her on the way ; and having arrived at the house of the man to 
whom she was engaged, the parents of the betrothed man went out to 
receive her in the court of the house and conducted her to an apartment 
where the man expected her; and seating the betrothed couple on a 
mat on which were placed seats, near a hearth of fire, they took them 
and tied tnem to each other by their clothes and offered inceuse of copal 
to their gods. Two old men and two women afterward delivered a 
separate discourse to the newly married couple and set food before 
them, which they presently ate; and after their repast was over, the 
two old men and women gave good advice to the married pair, telling 
them how they ought to conduct themselves and to live, and by what 
means they might pass their lives in tranquillity. 

The square inclosure, i, is the apartment; j, the old man; Jc 7 the 




EDUCATION OF MEXICAN CHILDREN, SEVEN TO TEN YEARS. 



GAMES. 



547 



hearth of fire; 7, the wife; m, copal (the latter is not shown in the draw- 
ing, but the copal is between the marrying couple); n, the husband; o, 
the old woman; the old man; g, food; r, a mat; s, food; t, an old wo- 
man; u, a pitcher of pulque; v, a cup; to, x, the women lighting the 
bride on her way with torches, when on the first night of the wedding 
they accompany her to the house of the bridegroom ; y, the female nego- 
tiator; z, the bride; aa, b~b, women lighting the bride and bridegroom 
on the first night of their wedding. 

SECTION 3. 
GAMES. 

Many accounts of the games of the Indians have been published, but 
they are not often connected with pictography. Those now presented 
refer to the picturing connected with only three games. 

Fig. 772. — A dead man was used in the 
ring-and-pole game. American -Horse's 
Winter Count, 1779-'80. 

The figure represents the stick and ring- 
used in the game of haka, with a human 
head in front to suggest that the corpse FKi . 772—Haka game. Dakota, 
took the place of the usual stick. This and the next figure illustrate 
the game. 

Fig. 773. — It was au intensely cold winter and a /rrmrrrrr^ 
Dakota froze to death. American-Horse's Winter 
Count, 1777-'78. 

The sign for snow or winter, i. e., a cloud with snow 
falling from it, is above the man's head. A haka-stick, 
which is used in playing that game, is represented in 
front of him. 

Battiste Good's record further explains the illustra- 
tion by the account that the Dakota was killed in a 
fight with the Pawnees, and his companions left his 
body where they supposed it would not be found, but 
the Pawnees found it, and, as it was frozen stiff, they 
dragged it into their camp and played haka with it. FlG - 773 D 7^ a game - 

The characters a and b, Fig. 774, represent one point of view of two 
of a set of Haida gambling sticks, real size. They are made of juniper 
or some other similar wood, and neatly carved with diverse figures. 
The game is played by any number of persons, and it would seem with 
any number of marked sticks. A dealer sits on the ground with a pile 
of shredded cedar bark in front of him, and with much ceremony draws 
out the sticks one by one without looking at them and passes them to 
the players, in turn, who sit in front of him. 

Each device counts a certain number, in a manner similar to the 
devices on ordinary playing cards, and the winning is by the high and 





548 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



low or the definite and specific values of the sticks decided upon in 
variations of the games. These sticks are cylindrical, and to illustrate 
the characters on them, c is presented, which shows the whole round 
of the character b. This exhibits the typical Haida style. An excel- 
lent collection of these pictured sticks is in the U. S. National Museum, 
No. 73552. 

Dr. Fewkes (c) reports as follows: 

Among the very interesting games played by the Hopi Indians is one of ethnolog- 
ical interest, which is allied to a game described by the early Spanish historians 
of the Mexicans. This game, to-to-los-pi, resembles some what the game of checkers 




a h 

Fig. 774.— Haida gambling stick. 

and can be played by two persons or by two parties. In playing the game a rect- 
angular figure, divided into a large number of squares, is drawn upon the rock, either 
by scratching or by using a different colored stone as a crayon. (Figures of this 
game formerly existed on the rocks near the village of Wad-pi.) A diagonal line, 
tuh-ki-o-ta, is drawn across the rectangle from northwest to southeast, and the play- 
ers station themselves at each end of this line. 

When two parties play, a single person acts as player and the other members of 
the party act as advisers. The first play is won by tossing up a leaf or corn husk 
with one side blackened. The pieces which are used are bean or corn kernels, stones, 
and wood, or small fragments of any substance of marked color. The players were 
stationed at each end of the diagonal line, tiih-ki-o-ta. They move their pieces upon 
this line, but never across it. The moves which are made are intricate and the 
player may move one or more pieces successively. Certain positions entitle hiin to 
this privilege. He may capture or, as he terms it, kill one or more of his opponent's 




EDUCATION OF MEXICAN CHILDREN, ELEVEN TO FOURTEEN YEARS. 



MALLERY. | 



GAMES. 



549 



pieces at one play. In this respect the game is not unlike checkers, and to capture 
the pieces of the opponent seems to he the main ohject of the game. The checkers, 
however, must be concentrated and always moved towards the southeast corner. 

This game is now rarely played on the East Mesa, hut is still used at O-rai-be. It 
is said to have been played in ancient times by the sun and moon or by other myth- 
ical personages. 

Turning now to old Mexico, we find that the Spanish chronicles give an account 
of a Mexican game called patolli, which was played with colored stones. The 
squares were made of a cross-shaped figure, and the stones were moved according to 
the throws of beans which were marked upon one side. 

A discussion of the " ghost gamble," with many illustrations, some 
of which show marks which, in a broad sense, may be classed as pic- 




Yio. 775.— Pebbles from Mas d'Azil. 



tographic, is published in the paper u Study of the mortuary customs 
of the North American Indians," by Dr. H. C. Yarrow (a), TJ. S. Army. 

Colored pebbles found in the grotto of Mas d'Azil, in the department 
of the Ariege, France, have lately awakened some discussion. These 
pebbles were selected as being narrow and flat, and, with rare excep- 
tions, are no more than 9 centimeters in length. They were colored 
with red oxide of iron. Many of the designs could have been made by 
the end of a finger anointed with the coloring matter, but others would 
have required a small pencil. Tbe coloring matter was thick and prob- 
ably fixed by grease or glue, which time has destroyed. The color now 
disappears on the least rubbing. Its preservation until now has been 
owing to the fact that the pebbles were left undisturbed in the cindery 
layer where they were deposited. Only one of the faces of the pebbles 
bears a design, and generally their border is ornamented by a narrow 
band of red, resembling a frame to the design, the color being applied 



550 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

in the same manner as to the latter. Fig. 775 gives examples though 
without color of these pebbles. They are selected from a plate in 
L' Anthropologic (d) illustrating the text by Emile Cartailhac, who 
declines to offer any hypothesis concerning the use of these objects. 
But to an observer familiar with the gambling games of the North 
American Indians in which marked plum stones, and similar objects 
are employed, these stained flat pebbles at once suggest their use to 
decide the values in a game by the several designs and by the pebbles 
falling on the figured or on the unmarked side. 




ADOPTION OF PROFESSION AND MARRIAGE, MEXICAN. 



CHAPTER XVI. 



HISTORY. 

It is seldom possible to distinguish by pictographs, or indeed to 
decide from oral accounts obtained from Indians, whether those pur- 
porting to be historical have a genuine basis or are merely traditions 
connected with myths. This chapter may therefore be correlated with 
Chapter ix, section 5, which has special relation to traditions as mne- 
monically pictured. The notes now following are considered to refer 
to actual events or to explain the devices used in the record of such 
events. 

The account by Dr. Brinton (c) of the Walum-Olum or bark record 
of the Lenni-Lenape, as also some of Schoolcraft's pictographic illus- 
trations, may with some propriety be regarded as historic, but are so 
well known that their specific citation is needless. 

The American Indians have not produced detailed historic pictures, 
such as appear on the Column of Trajan and the Bayeux tapestry, with 
such excellence in art as to be self interpreting. Neither do they equal 
in this respect the Egyptian and Assyrian sculptures, which portray 
the ordering of battle, the engineering work of sieges, the plan of 
camps, and the tactical moves of chieftains. Those sculptures also 
depict the whole civil and domestic lives of the peoples of the several 
nations. In some of these particulars the Mexicans approached these 
graphic details, as is shown below, but, as a rule, in the three divisions 
of America, history was noted and preserved by ideographic methods 
supplementing the incompleteness of artistic skill. 

With regard to the advance gained by the Mexicans reference is 
made, with regret that copious quotation is impossible, to the essay of 
Henry Phillips, jr. (a), and to the monumental work of Eugene Boban, 
before cited. It will be noticed by students that ideography and its 
attendant conventionalism continually appear in the pictographic his- 
tories mentioned. The original authors had not advanced very far in 
art, but they had not lost the thought-language, which preceded art. 

The subject is here divided into: (1) Record of expedition; (2) Record 
of battle; (3) Record of migration; (4) Record of sociologic events. 

551 



552 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



SECTION 1. 
RECORD OF EXPEDITION. 

The following account from Lafitan (a) explains the device for pris- 
oner, under the heading of marked sticks, in Chapter ix, section 2, 
supra : 

The most grievous time for them is at night; for every evening they are extended 
on their backs almost naked, with no other bed than the earth, in which four stakes 
are driven for each prisoner; to these their arms and legs are attached, spread apart 
in the form of a St. Andrew's cross. To a fifth stake a halter is tied, which holds 
the prisoner by the neck and is wound around it three or four times. Finally, he is 
bound around the middle of the body by another halter or girdle, the two ends of 
which are taken by the person in charge of the captive and placed under his head 
while he sleeps, so that he will he awakened if the prisoner makes any movement 
to escape. 

With the same object of explaining pictographic devices, the follow- 
ing is extracted from James's Long (h) : 

Returning war parties of the Omaha peel oft" a portion of the hark from a tree, and 
on the trunk thus denuded and rendered conspicuous, they delineate hieroglyphics 
with vermilion or charcoal, indicative of the success or misfortune of the party, in 
their proceedings against the enemy. These hieroglyphics are rudely drawn, but 
are sufficiently significant to convey the requisite intelligence .o another division of 
the party, that may succeed them. On this rude chart the combatants are generally 
represented by small straight lines, each surmounted by a head-like termination, 
and are readily distinguishable from each other; the arms and legs are also repre- 
sented when necessary to record the performance of some particular act or to exhibit 
a wound. Wounds are indicated by the representation of the dropping of blood 
from the. part; an arrow wound, by adding a line for the arrow, from which the 
Indian is able to estimate with some accuracy its direction, and the depth to which 
it entered. The killed are represented by prostrate lines; equestrians are also par- 
ticularized, and if wounded or killed they are seen to spout blood or to he in the act 
of falling from their horses. Prisouers are denoted by their being led, and the num- 
ber of captured horses is made known by the number of lunules representing their 
track. The number of guns taken may he ascertained by bent linos, on the angle of 
which is something like the prominences of the lock. Women are portrayed with 
short petticoats and prominent breasts, and unmarried females by the short queues 
at the ears. 

In Margry (e) there is an account of La Salle's finding in 1683 on the 
bark of a tree a record of the party of Tonty's pilot. The picture was 
that of a man with the costumes and general appearance of the pilot who 
had deserted, another man tied as a captive, and four scalps. This cor- 
responded with the facts afterwards learned. The pilot had been left 
free, another man kept alive, and four killed, thus accounting for the 
lost party of six. The record had been made by the captors. 

The figures in the following group, taken from several of the Winter 
Counts of the Dakotas, picture a number of important expeditions, all 
of which are independently known. Some of them are narrated in the 
official documents of the United States. 



MALLEEY.] 



EXPEDITIONS. 



553 



Fig. 776. The Oglalas, Brules, Minneconjous, San Arcs, and Chey- 
ennes united in an expedition against the Crows. They 
surprised and captured a village of thirty lodges, killed all - 
the men and took the women and children prisoners. Ameri- 
can-Horse's Winter Count, 1801-'02. fig. 770. 

The three tipis stand for thirty ; the spots in the original are red for 
blood. 

Fig. 777. The Oglalas and Minnecoiijous took the war-path $$ff<S 
against the Crows and stole three hundred horses. The ^4&%$ 
Crows followed them and killed eight of the party. Ameri- ^,^1^0? 
can-Horse's Winter Count, 1863-'64. Eight scalped heads ^ 
are portrayed. 



Fig. 778. The Dakotas assaulted and took a Crow village 
of a hundred lodges. They killed many and took many 
prisoners. American-Horse's Winter Count, 1820-'21. 




Fig. 779. The Oglalas helped Gen. Mackenzie to whip the Cheyennes. 
American-Horse's Winter Count, 1876-'77. The 
head of the Indian on which is the ornamented 
war bonnet represents the man who was the 
first to enter the Cheyenne village, which is 
figured by the tipis in a circle. The hatted, i. e., 
white man holding up three fingers is Gen. 
Mackenzie, who, as was explained by the inter- 
preter, is placed upon the head of the Dakota to 1? ig. 779. 
indicate that the Dakotas backed or assisted him, but it may mean that 
he commanded or was at the head of the party. The other white man 
is Gen. Crook, or Three Stars, as indicated by the three stars above 
him, and as he is called in another record. This designation might be 
suggested from the uniform, but it is not accurate. Gen. Crook's rank 
as major-general of volunteers, or as brevet major-general in the Army, 
did not entitle him to more than two stars on his shoulder straps. It is 
possible that one of the stars in this figure belongs to Gen. Mackenzie 




Fig. 780. The Dakotas joined the whites in an expe 
dition up the Missouri river against the Eees. Cloud- 
Shield's Winter Count, 1823-'24. 

White-Cow- Killer calls it " Old-corn-plenty- winter." 

The union line between the Indian and the white 
soldier shows that on this occasion they were allies. 



5f)4 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




ig. 781. United States troops fought Ree 
ans. The-Swan's Winter Count, 1823-'24. 



Fig. 781. 



This and the preceding figure are signs of a specially interesting ex- 
pedition, a condensed account of which follows taken from the annual 
report of J. C. Calhoun, Secretary of War, November 29, 1823: 

Gen. William H. Ashley, a licensed trader, was treacherously attacked by the 
Arickaras at their village on the west bank of the Missouri river, about midway be- 
tween the present Fort Sully and Fort Rice. Twenty-three of the trading party 
were killed and wounded, and the remainder retreated in boats and sent appeals for 
succor to the commanding officer at Fort Atkinson, the present site of Council Bluffs. 
This officer was Col. H. Leavenworth, Sixth United States Infantry, Avho marched 
June 22, with 220 men of that regiment, 80 men of trading companies, and two 
6-pound cannon, a 5i-inck brass howitzer, and some small swivels, nearly 700 miles 
through a country tilled with hostile or unreliable Indians, to the Ree villages, 
which he reached on the 9th of August. The Dakotas were at war with the Arickara 
or Rees, and 700 to 800 of their warriors had joined the United States forces on the 
way; of these Dakotas 500 are mentioned as Yanktons, but the tribes of the remainder 
are not designated. The Rees were in two villages, the lower one containing seventy- 
one dirt lodges and the upper seventy, both being inclosed with palisades and a 
a ditch and the greater part of the lodges having a ditch around the bottom on 
the inside. The enemy, having knowledge of the expedit ion, had fortified and made 
every preparation for resistance. Their force consisted of over 700 warriors, most 
of whom were armed with rifles procured from British traders. On the 9th of Au- 
gust the Dakotas commenced the attack and were driven back until the regular 
troops advanced, but nothing decisive resulted until the artillery was employed on 
the 10th, when a large number of the Rees, including their chief, Gray Eyes, were 
killed, and early in the afternoon the survivors begged for peace. They were much 
terrified and humbled by the effect of the cannon, which, though small, answered the 
purpose. During the main engagement the Dakotas occupied themselves in gath- 
ering and carrying off all the corn to be found. 

See also the record of Lean- Wolf s expedition in Fig. 452. 



Lafitau (b) gives the following account, translated with condensation, 
of the records of expedition, battle, etc., made by the Iroquois and 
northeastern Algonquins : 

The designs which the Indians have tattooed on their faces and bodies are employed 
as hieroglyphics, writing, and records. When an Indian returns from war and 
wishes to make his victory known to the neighboring nations through whose country 
he passes, when he has chosen a hunting ground and wishes it to be known that he 
has selected it for himself and that it would be an affront to him for others to estab- 
lish themselves there, he supplies the lack of an alphabet by those characteristic 
symbols which distinguish him personally; he paints on a piece of bark, which is 
raised on a pole by a place of passage [trail], or he cuts away some pieces from a 
tree trunk with his hatchet, and, after having made a smooth surface, traces his 
portrait and adds other characters, which give all the information that he desires to 



SECTION 2. 



RECORD OF BATTLE. 



BATTLES. 



555 



When I say that he draws his portrait, it will be understood that he is not skillful 
enough to delineate all the features of his face in such a manner that it would be 
recognized. They have, indeed, no other way of painting than that monngraminatic 
or linear painting, which consists of little more than the mere outlines of the shadow 
of the body rather than of the body itself — a picture so imperfect that it was often 
necessary to add below the name of the object which was intended to lie represented 
in order to make it known. 

The Indian then, to represent his portrait, draws a simple outline in the form of a 
head, adding scarcely any marks to indicate the eyes, nose, ears, or other features 
of the face. In place of these he draws the designs which are tat toed upon his own 
face, as well as those upon his breast, and which are peculiar to him and render him 
recognizable not only to those who have seen him, but even to all who, knowing 
him only by reputation, are acquainted with his hieroglyphic symbol, as formerly 
in Europe an individul was distinguished by his device and as we to-day know a 
family by its armorial bearings. About his head he paints the object which ex- 
presses his name ; the Indian, for example, called the Sun paints a sun; at the right 
he traces the animals which are the symbols of the nation and family to which he 
belongs. That of the nation is above the one representing the family, and the beak 
or muzzle of the former is so placed that it corresponds to the place of his right ear, 
as if this symbolic figure of his nation represented its spirit, which inspires him. If 
this Indian is returning from Avar, he represents beneath his portrait the number of 
warriors composing the party which he leads, and beneath the warriors the number 
of prisoners made and those whom he has killed by his own hand. At the left side 
are indicated his expeditions and the prisoners or scalps taken by those of his party. 
The warriors are represented with their weapons or simply by lines; the prisoners 
by the stick decorated with feathers and by the chichikoue or tortoise-shell rattle, 
which are the marks of their slavery; the scalps or the dead by the figures of men, 
women, or children without heads. The number of expeditious is designated by 
mats. He distinguishes those which he has accompanied from those which he has 
commanded by adding strings [of wampum] to the latter. If the Indian goes as an 
ambassador of peace all the symbols are of a pacific nature. He is represented be- 
low his portrait with the calumet in his hand; at the left is seen an enlarged figure 
of the calumet, the symbolic figure of the nation with which he goes to treat, and 
the number of those who accompany him on the embassy. 

The same author, ou page 194 of the same volume, explaius how the 
mat or mattress came to mean war: 

The Iroquois and the Hurons call war n'ondoutagette and gaskenrhagette. The 
final verb gagetton, which is found in the composition of these two words, and which 
signifies to bear or to carry, shows, verily, that heretofore something was borne to 
it [i. e., to war], which was a symbol of it [i. e., of war] to such a degree that it 
[war] had assumed its [the symbol's] designation. The term ondouta signifies the 
down [the wool-like substance] which is taken from the ear [cat-tails] of marsh 
reeds, and it also denotes the entire plant, which they use in making the mattresses 
[nattes] upon which they lie; so that it appears that they applied this term to war 
because every warrior in this kind of expeditions carried with him his own mattress ; 
in fact, the mattress is still to-day the symbol employed in their hieroglyphic pic- 
ture-writing to denote the number of their campaigns. 

Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, in Science, April 1, 1892, has gone deeper into 
the etymology of the words quoted, but coincides generally with Father 
Lafltau in the explanation that they were denotive of the custom of the 
Iroquoian warrior to carry his mattress when on the warpath. 

Figs. 782 and 783 are reproductions of Lafitau's (c) illustrations, 
which were explained as follows by him : 



556 



PICTURE- WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fig. 7S2 shows that the Indian called Two-Feathers, a 1>, of the Crane 
nation c, and the Buffalo family d, accompanied by fifteen warriors h, 
has made one prisoner /, and taken three scalps g, on his sixth expe- 
dition Tc, and on the fourth, when lie commanded it, i. 

Fig. 783 relates that the Indian named Two- Arrows a, of the nation 
of the Deer c, and the Wolf family d, has gone as an ambassador bear- 
ing the calumet of peace to the Bear nation e; accompanied by thirty 
persons h. In both figures the Indian is not only represented by his 
''hieroglyph," but he is also pictured at full length in the first with his 
arms, and in the second holding the calumet and the rattle. 

A historical record relating to a fight between the Ojibwa and the 
Dakota ninety-one years ago is given in Fig. 784. The following nar- 
rative was given by the draftsman of the record, an Ojibwa: 




FlG. 782.— Kecord of battle. Fig. 783 — Record of battle. 



Ninety-one winters ago (A. D. 1797) twenty-five Ojibwa were en- 
camped on a small lake, o, called Zi'zabe'gamik, just west of Mille Lacs, 
Minnesota. The chief's lodge, «, was erected a short distance from the 
lake, »t, where the Indians had been hunting, and as he felt unsafe on 
account of the hostile Sioux he directed some of his warriors to recon- 
noiter south of the lower lake, where they soon discovered a body of 
three hundred of their enemies. The chief of the reconnoitering party, 
6, sent back word for the women and children to be removed to a place 
of safety, but three of the old women refused to go. Their lodges are 
represented in c, d, and e. Five Ojibwa escaped through the brush, in 
a northwest direction (indicated in /). 

The Sioux surrounded the lake and the fight took place on the ice. 
Twenty of the Ojibwa were killed, the last to die being the chief of the 
party, who, from appearances, was beaten to death with a tomahawk; 
g represents three bearskins; /;, /, and,/, respectively, deer, grouse, and 
turtle, the kinds of game hunted there during the several seasons. 



BATTLES. 



557 



The canoe A; indicates the manner of hunting along the shore and the 
stream connecting the lakes, ?, m, and o. 

The Ojibwa frequently spent part of a season at the middle lake, m, 
and at another time had been engaged in a skirmish with the Sioux 
farther north, on the small lake indicated at o. The Ojibwa had been 
scattered about, but when the attack was made by the Sioux the former 





Fig. 784. -Battle of 1797. Ojibwa. 



rapidly came to the rescue both by boat, p, and on foot, q, so that the 
enemy was gradually driven off. 

In the first mentioned battle 70 Sioux were killed, their bodies being 
subsequently buried in the lake by cutting holes through the ice. The 
openings are shown at r, the lines representing bodies ready to be cast 
down into the water. 

Baron Lahontan (b) says: 

When a Party of ( Algonkin i Savages have routed their enemies in any Place what- 
soever, the Conquerors take care to pull the Bark off the Trees for the height of five 
or six Foot in all Places where they stop in returning to their own Country ; and in 
honour of their Victory paint certain images with Coal pounded and beat up with 



558 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fat and Oyl. These Pictures continue upon the peel'd Tree for ten or twelve Years, 
as if they were Grav'd, without being defae'd by the Rain. 

The same author, on page 8G, et seq., of the same volume, gives an illus- 
tration, with descriptive explanation, of a pictographic record supposed 
to be made by the Canadian Algonquins. The explanation is useful as 
indicating the principles of pictography adopted by the North Ameri- 
can Indians for a record of that character, but it is not deemed proper 
to reproduce the illustration here. It has often been copied, but it is 
misleading in its artistic details. It is obviously drawn by a European 
artist as his own interpretation of a verbal description of the record. 

The more valuable parts of the explanation are condensed as follows, 
the quaint literati on of the early translation being retained: 

The Arms of France, with an Ax above. Now the Ax is a Symbol of War among 
the Savages as the Calumet is the. Bond of Peace: So that this imports that the 
French have taken up the Ax, or have made a Warlike. Expedition with as many 
tens of Men as there are Marks or Points Round the Figure. These marks are eighteen 
in number and so they signiiie an Hundred and eighty Warriors. 

A Mountain that represents the City of Monreal and the Fowl upon the Wing at 
the top signifies Departure. The Moon upon the Back of the. Stag signifies the first 
Quarter of the July Moon which is call'd the Stag-Moon. 

A Canow, importing that they have travel'd by Water as many Days as you see 
Huts in the Figure, i, e., 21 Days [the huts undoubtedly mean stopping places for 
night shelters]. 

A foot, importing that after their Voyage by Water they march' d on Foot as many 
Days, as there are Huts design'd; that is, seven Days .Journeys for Warriors, each 
Days Journey being as much as five common French Leagues, or five of those which 
are reckon'd to be twenty in a Degree. 

A Hand and three Huts, which signifie that they are got within three Days 
Journey of the Iroquese Tsonuontouans [Senecas], whose Arms are a Hut with two 
trees leaning downwards, as you see them drawn. The Sun imports that they were 
just to the Eastward of the Village. 

Twelve marks, signifying so many times ten Men like those last mentioned. The 
Hut with two Trees being the Arms of the Tsonnontouans, shows that they were of 
that Nation ; and the Man in a lying posture speaks that they were surpris'd. 

In this row there appea is a Club and eleven Heads, importing that they had kill'd 
eleven Tsonnontouans, and the five men standing upright upon the five Marks signifie 
that they took as many times ten prisoners of War. 

Nine Heads in an Arch [i. e., Bow] the meaning of which is, that nine of the 
Aggressors or of the Victorious side were kill'd; and the twelve Marks underneath 
signiiie that as many were Wounded. 

Arrows flying in the air, some to one side and some to the other, importing a 
vigorous Defence on both sides. 

The arrows all point one way, which speaks the worsted Party either flying or 
fighting upon a Retreat in disorder. 

The meaning of the whole is: A hundred and eighty French soldiers 
set out from Montreal in the first quarter of the month of July and 
sailed twenty-one days; after which they inarched 35 leagues over laud 
and surprised 120 Senecas on the east side of their village, 11 of whom 
were killed and 50 taken prisoners; the French sustaining the loss of 
9 killed and 12 wounded, after a very obstinate engagement. 

Fig. 785 is a reproduction of a drawing by a Winnebago Indian of 



MALLERT.] 



BATTLES. 



559 



the battle of Hard river, fought against a large force of Sioux by 
Gen. Sully's command, with which was a company of Winnebagos. 




FIG. 785.— Battle of Hard river, Winnebago. 



a. Gen. Sully's camp, on the left bank of Hard river, from which camp the company 
of Winnebagos were sent across the river. 

6. The Winnebagos skirmishing with a party of hostile Sioux. Two Winnebagos, 
having gone ahead of the main party, came first npon about thirty Sioux, who imme- 
diately gave chase. The two Winnebagos are represented endeavoring to escape 
arrows from pursuing Sioux flying about them, and the blood from the horse of on e 
of them flowing over the ground. The rest of the Winnebagos are coming to rescue 
their companions. 

c. Gen. Snlly's entire force, after crossing Hard river, were assailed by a number of 
Sioux. Gen. Sully's forces formed in hollow square to repulse the Sioux, who with 
loud yells went galloping about them, trying to stampede horses or throw his men 
into confusion. 

d. The camp of the Sioux, the women and children escaping over the hills. Oue 
squaw was left in the camp and with her papoose is seen. One of the Sioux pre- 
viously wounded was found dead and was scalped, a representation of which opera- 
tion the artist has given. 




Fig. 786.— Battle between Ojibwa and Sioux. 



Fig. 786 is a copy of a bixch-bark record made and also explained by 
the leader of the expedition referred to. 



560 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Ill 1858 a war party of Mille Lacs Ojibwa Indians, a, under the 
leadership of Shahash'king, b, went to attack Shakopi's camp, c, of 
Sioux at St. Peter's river, d. Shakopi is represented at e. The Ojibwa 
lost one man,/, at the St. Peter's river, while the Ojibwa killed five 
Sioux, but succeeded in securing only one arm of an Indian, g. 




FiG. 787.— Mcgaque'a last battle. 



The line h is the trail followed between Mille Lacs, «, and Shakopi's 
camp, c. The spots at c designate the location of lodges, while the 
vertical line with short ones extendiug from it, i, signifies the prairie 
with trees growing near camp. 

Fig. 787 is the pictorial story of Megaque's last battle, drawn on birch 
bark by the Passamaquoddy chief, Sapiel Selmo, with his interpreted 
description. 



megaque's last battle. 



561 



la the old times there was a certain Indian chief and hunter. Ho was so cruel 
and brave in time of war and his success in conquering his enemies and taking so 
many scalps was so great that he was called Megaque, or the Scalping Man. In hunt- 
ing seasons he always went to his hunting grounds with his warriors to defend and 
guard their hunting grounds from the trespassing of other hunters. He was well 
known by other Indians for his bravery and his cruelty to his prisoners. He con- 
quered so many other warriors and tortured them that he was hated, and they tried 
to capture him alive. Some of the warriors from other tribes gathered an army and 
marched to his hunting grounds when they knew that he could not escape from their 
hands. When they come near where he is they send messengers to him and notify 
him of the approaching army ; he is out hunting when they reach his camp, but they 
make marks on a piece of birch bark, a figure of an Indian warrior with tomahawk 
in one hand and spear in the other, similar to that seen in g, which is put up in a 
village of wigwams, i. When Megaque returned from his huut and found someone 
had visited him during his absence, he also found the pieces of bark which read to 
mean a band of warriors. He has no time. He was so brave and proud he did not 
try to escape. In a day or two the band of warriors had reached him. After fight- 
ing, when ho killed many as usual, he was finally captured and taken to the enemy's 
country to be tortured. He can stand all the usual tortures bravely and sing his 
usual war songs while he is tormented. Finally he was killed. 

The following is the explanation of the details: a, Megaque; b, his braves; c, the 
course by which the enemy comes ; d, e, f, Megaque's rivers and lakes ; g, the enemy ; 
h, their warriors; i, their village; j, river boundary line. 

The figures now following are those notices of battle pictured in the 
several Winter Counts which have been selected as being of more than 
ordinary interest either from the importance and notoriety of the events 
or from their mode of delineation : 



Fig. 788.— The Oglalas killed three 
lodges of Omahas. Cloud Shield's Win- 
ter Count, 1785-'86. The Omaha is 
prostrate and scalped. 



Fig. 789. — The Omahas made an as- 
sault on a Dakota village. Cloud- 
Shield's Winter Count, 1802-'03. Bul- 
lets are flying back and forth. The 
single rider represents the whole of the 
troop. He is partially covered by the 
shield and the horse's neck, behind 
which he hangs in a manner common 
among the Indian horsemen. The or- 
namented shield with its device of a 





!>>;. 7*9. 



10 ETH 36 



562 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



displayed eagle, and the lam 
the equipments of chivalry. 




marks and the arrows. 



> with eagle feather for a pennon, recalls 

Fig. 790— The Dakotas and Pawnees 
fought on the ice on the North Platte 
river. American-Horse's Winter Count, 
1836-37. The Dakotas were on the 
north side (the right-hand side in the 
figure), the Pawnees on the south side 
(the left in the figure). Horsemen and 
» footmen on the left are opposed to 
footmen on the right. Both sides have 
guns and bows, as shown by the bullet- 
Blood-stains are on the ice. 




Fig. 791.— The Dakotas fought the 
Pawnees across the ice on the North 
Platte, Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 
1836-'37. The man on the left is a 
Pawnee. This is a variant of the pre- 
ceding figure, far less graphically ex- 



Fig. 792.— The Dakotas fought with 
the Cheyennes. Cloud- Shield's Winter 
Count, 1834-'35. The stripes on the 
arm are for Cheyenne, as before ex- 
plained. 




Fig. 793.— White -Bull and thirty 
other Oglalas were killed by the Crows 
and Shoshoni. American-Horse's Win- 
ter Count, 1845-'46. 

Fig.794.— Mato-wayuki,Conqueriug- 
Bear, was killed by white soldiers, aud 
thirty white soldiers were killed by 
the Dakotas, 9 miles below Fort Lara- 
mie. American-Horse's Winter Count, 
1854-'55. The thirty black dots in three 
lines stand for the soldiers, and a red 
Fie.m. stain at the end of the line, starting 

e pictured discharge of a gun, moans killed. The head covered 



MALLERY.] 



BATTLES. 



563 



with a fatigue .cap further shows the soldiers were white. Indian sol- 
diers are usually represented in a circle or semicircle. The gesture- 
sign for white soldier means "all in line/' and is made by placing the 
nearly closed hands, with palms forward and thumbs near together, in 
front of the body and then separating them laterally about 2 feet. 

Fig. 795. — The Dakotas killed one w u L 

hundred white men at Fort Phil. Kear- v ^ j ^ •* Jj) 

ny. American-Horse's Winter Count, Jjj ± ^ ^ 

1866-'67. The hats and the cap-covered i^r -f^^'Z - 

head represent the whites; the red "* -\u||tf^. ^ 

spots, the killed ; the circle of charac- '% ~r -r * J* 

ters around them, rifle or arrow shots; ' ' • 1 

the black strokes, Dakota footmen; 

and the hoof-prints, Dakota horsemen. The Phil. Kearny massacre oc- 
curred December 21, 1866, and eighty-two whites were killed, including 
officers, citizens, and enlisted men. Gapt. W. J. Fetterman was in com- 
mand of the party. 

THE BATTLE OF THE LITTLE BIGHORN. 

Dr. Charles E. McChesney, acting assistant surgeon, U. S. Army, has 
communicated a most valuable and unique account, both in carefully 
noted gesture-signs and in pictographs, of the battle, now much dis- 
cussed, which was fought in Montana on June 25, 1876, and is popularly 
but foolishly styled "Custer's massacre." If the intended surprise, 
with the object of killing as many Indians as possible, had been suc- 
cessful instead of being a disastrous defeat, any surviving Indians 
might with some propriety have spoken of " Custer's massacre." The 
account now presented in one of its forms, was given by Eed-Horse, 
a Sioux chief and a prominent actor in the battle. The form which gives 
the relation in gesture-signs and shows the syntax of the sign-lan- 
guage perhaps better than any published narrative, will be inserted in 
a work now in preparation by the present writer to be issued by the 
Bureau of Ethnology. The narrative, closely translated into simple 
English, is given below. Accompanying the record of signs are forty- 
one sheets of manila paper, besides one map of the battle ground, all 
drawn by Bed-Horse, wliich average 24 by 26 inches, most of them 
being colored. These may either be considered as illustrations of the 
signs or the signs may be considered as descriptive of the pictographs. 
It is impossible to reproduce now this mass of drawing on any scale 
which would not be too minute for appreciation. It has been decided 
to present, with necessary reduction from the above-mentioned dimen- 
sions, the map and nine of the typical sheets in Pis. xxxix to xlviii. 
Indeed, without considering the space required, there would be small 
advantage in reproducing all of the sheets, as they are made objection- 
able by monotonous repetitions. 

Here follows the story of Bed-Horse. PL xxxix is the map of the 



564 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Little-Bigliorn battlefield and adjacent territory, embracing part of 
Montana and tbe Dakotas, drawn at Cheyenne Eiver agency, South 
Dakota, in 1881. The map as now presented is reduced to one-sixteenth 
from the original, which is drawn in colors on a sheet of manila paper. 
The letters were not on the original and are inserted only for reference 
from tbe descriptive text, as follows: 

a, Wind Eiver mountains, called m, Little Missouri river. 

by the Sioux " the Enemies' moun- n, Cheyenne river, called by the 
tains." Sioux Good river. The North and 

b, Bighorn mountains. South Forks are drawn but not 

c, Missouri river. lettered. 

d, Yellowstone river. o, Bear butte. 

e, Bighorn river. Jh Black hills. 

/, Little Bighorn river, called q, Cheyenne agency, 
by the Sioux Greasy Crass creek r, Moreau or Owl creek, 
and Grass Greasy creek. s, Thin butte. 

g, Indian camp. /, Eainy butte. 

h, battlefield. u, White butte. 

i, Dry creek. v. Grand or Eee river. 
j, Eosebud river. w, Eee village. 

I; Tongue river. ,r, White Earth river. 

l y Powder river. y 7 Fort Buford. 

Five springs ago I, with many Sioux Indians, took down and packed up our tipis 
and moved froin Cheyenne river to the Rosebud river, where we camped a few days ; 
then took down and packed up our lodges and moved to the Little Bighorn river 
and pitched our lodges with the large camp of Sioux. 

The Sioux were camped on the Little Bighorn river as follows: The lodges of the 
Uncpapas were pitched highest up the river under a bluff. The Santee lodges were 
pitched next. The Oglala's lodges were pitched next. The Brul6 lodges were 
pitched next. The Minneconjon lodges were pitched next. The Sans Arcs' lodges 
were pitched next. The Blackfeet lodges were pitched next. The Cheyenne lodges 
were pitched next. A few Arikara Indians were among the Sioux (being without 
lodges of their own). Two-Kettles, among the other Sioux (without lodges). [PI. 
XL shows the Indian camp.] 

I was a Sioux chief in the council lodge. My lodge was pitched in the center of 
the camp. The day of the attack I and four women were a short distance from the 
camp digging wild turnips. Suddenly one of the women attracted my attention to 
a cloud of dust rising a short distance from camp. I soon saw that the soldiers were 
charging the camp. [PI. xli shows the soldiers charging the Indian camp.] To 
the camp I and the women ran. When I arrived a person told me to hurry to the 
council lodge. The soldiers charged so quickly we could not talk (council). We 
came out of the council lodge and talked in all directions. The Sioux mount horses, 
take guns, and go fight the soldiers. Women and children mount horses and go, 
meaning to get out of the way. 

Among the soldiers was an officer who rode a horse with four white feet. [From 
Dr. McChesney's memoranda this officer was Capt. French, Seventh Cavalry.] The 
Sioux have for a long time fought many brave men of different people, but the Sioux 
say this officer was the bravest man they had ever fought. I don't know whether 
this was Gen. Custer or not. Many of the Sioux men that I hear talking tell me it 
\\ :is. I saw this officer in the fight many times, but did not see his body. It has 





1 :;1 ■ .;;X"* | 








X X X^ X iX 


























x==-v^ . I 










^^^^^^ I JJx • . 



BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. 



565 



been told me that he was killed by a Santee Indian, who took his horse. This offi- 
cer wore a large-brimmed hat and a deerskin coat. This officer saved the lives of 
many soldiers by turning his horse and covering the retreat. Sioux say this officer 
was the bravest man they ever fought. I saw two officers looking alike, both hav- 
ing long yellowish hair. 

Before the attack the Sioux were camped on the Rosebud river. Sioux moved 
down a river running into the Little Bighorn river, crossed the Little Bighorn 
river, and camped on its west bank. 

This day [day of attack] a Sioux man started to go to Red Cloud agency, but when 
he had gone a short distance from camp he saw a cloud of dust rising and turned 
back and said he thought a herd of buffalo was coming near the village. 

The day was hot. In a short time the soldiers charged the camp. [This was Maj. 
Reno's battalion of the Seventh Cavalry.] The soldiers came on the trail made by 
the Sioux camp in moving, and crossed the Little Bighorn river above where the 
Sioux crossed, and attacked the lodges of the Urn-papas, farthest up the river. The 
women and children ran down the Little Bighorn river a short distance into a 
ravine. The soldiers set fire to the lodges. All the Sioux now charged the soldiers 
[PI. xlii] and drove them in confusion across the Little Bighorn river, which was 
very rapid, and several soldiers were drowned in it. On a hill the soldiers stopped 
and the Sioux surrounded them. A Sioux man came and said that a different party 
of soldiers had all the women and children prisoners. Like a whirlwind the word 
went around, and the Sioux all heard it and left the soldiers on the hill and went 
quickly to save the women and children. 

From the hill that the soldiers were on to the place where the different soldiers 
[by this term Red-Horse always means the battalion immediately commanded by 
General Custer, his mode of distinction being that they were a different body from 
that first encountered] were seen was level ground with the exception of a creek. 
Sioux thought the soldiers on the hill [i. e., Reno's battalion] would charge them in 
rear, but when they did not the Sioux thought the soldiers on the hill were out of 
cartridges. As soon as we had killed all the different soldiers [PI. xliii shows the 
fighting with Custer's battalion] the Sioux all went back to kill the soldiers on the 
hill. All the Sioux watched around the hill on which were the soldiers until a Sioux 
man came and said many walking soldiers were coming near. The coming of the 
walking soldiers was the saving of the soldiers on the hill. Sioux can not fight the 
walking soldiers [infantry], "oeing afraid of them, so the Sioux hurriedly left. 

The soldiers charged the Sioux camp about noon. The soldiers were divided, one 
party charging right into the camp. After driving these soldiers across the river, 
the Sioux charged the different soldiers [i. e., Custer's] below, and drove them in 
confusion; these soldiers became foolish, many throwing away their guns and raising 
their hands, saying, " Sioux, pity us; take us prisoners." The Sioux did not take a 
single soldier prisoner, but killed all of them ; none were left alive for even a few 
minutes. These different soldiers discharged their guns but little. I took a gun 
and two belts off two dead soldiers ; out of one belt two cartridges were gone, out 
of the other five. 

The Sioux took the guns and cartridges off the dead soldiers and went to the hill 
on which the soldiers were, surrounded and fought them with the guns and cartridges 
of the dead soldiers. Had the soldiers not divided I think they would have killed 
many Sioux. The different soldiers [i. e., Custer's battalion] that the Sioux killed 
made five brave stands. Once the Sioux charged right in the midst of the different 
soldiers and scattered them all, fighting among Hie soldiers hand to hand. 

One band of soldiers was in rear of the Sioux. When this band of soldiers charged, 
the Sioux fell back, and the Sioux and the soldiers stood facing each other. Then 
all the Sioux became brave and charged the soldiers. The Sioux went but a short 
distance before they separated and surrounded the soldiers. I could see the officers 
riding in front of the soldiers and hear them shouting. Now the Sioux had many 



566 pictOre-writing of the American Indians. 




tilled. [Pis. xliv and Xlv show the dead Sioux.] The soldiers killed 136 and 
wounded 160 Sioux. The Sioux killed all these different soldiers in the ravine. 
[PI. xlvi shows the dead cavalry of Custer's battalion.] 

The soldiers charged the Sioux camp farthest up the river. A short time after the 
different soldiers charged the village below. While the different soldiers and Sioux 
were righting together the Sioux chief said, " Sioux men, go watch the soldiers on the 
hill and prevent their joining the different soldiers." The 
Sioux men took the clothing off the dead and dressed them- 
selves in it. Among the soldiers were, white men who were 
not soldiers. The Sioux dressed in the soldiers' and white 
men's clothing fought the soldiers on the hill. 

The hanks of the Little Bighorn river were high, and 
the Sioux killed many of the soldiers while crossing. The 
soldiers on the hill dug up the ground [i. e., made earth- 
works], and the soldiers and Sioux fought at long range, 
sometimes the Sioux charging close up. The fight contin- 
ued at long range until a Sioux man saw the walking sol- 
diers coming. When the walking soldiers came near the 
Sioux became afraid and ran away. [Pis. Xlvii and xlviii 
show the Indians leaving the battle ground.] 

SECTION 3. 

RECORD OF MIGRATION. 

Fig. 790 is a pictorial account of the migrations 
of the Ojibwa, being a reduced copy of a drawing 
made by Sika'ssige'. The account, especially in 
its commencement, follows the rule of all ancient 
history in being mixed with religion and myth. 
The otter was the messenger of Mi'nabo'zho and 
led the Ani'shinabe'g, who were the old or origi- 
nal people, the ancestors of the Ojibwa, and also of 
some other tribes which they knew, from an island, 
which was the imagined center of the world as 
bounded by the visible horizon, to the last seats 
of the tribe before interference by Europeans. 
The details of the figure were thus explained by 
the draftsman : 

a. The circle signifies the earth's surface, bounded by 
the horizon, as before described, and the dot in the cen- 
ter is the imagined island or original home of the human 
race, h, A line separating the history of the Mide'wiwin, 
that is, the strictly religious tradition from that of the 
actual migration as follows : When the Otter had offered 
four prayers, which fact is referred to by the spot c, he dis- 
appeared beneath the surface of the water and went to- 
ward the west, in which direction the Ani'shinabe'g fol- 
migra t k)D° J lowed him, and located at Ottawa island, <f. Here they 
erected the Mide'wigan and lived for many years. Then the Otter again disappeared 
beneath the water, and it a short time reappeared at A'wiat'ang («), when the Mide'- 
wiwin was again erected and the sacred rites conducted in accordance with the teach- 



NOTABLE EVENTS. 



567 



ings of Mi'nabo'zho. Afterwards an interrupted migration was continued, the several 
resting places being given below in their proper order, and at each of thern the rites 
of the Mide'wiwin were conducted in ajl their purity. The next place to locate at 
was Mi'shenaina»'kinagung — Mackinaw (/); then Ne'mikung (g) ; Kiwe'winang' (//) ; 
Ba'wating — Sault Ste. Marie (i); Tskiwi'towi' (j); Nega'wadje'u — Sand mountain 
(k), northern shore of Lake Superior; Mi'nisa'wik [Mi'nisa'bikkang] — Island of 
Eocks(/); Kawa'sitshluwongk' — Foaming rapids (m) ; Mush'kisi'wi [Mash'ki'si'bi] — 
Bad river («); Slia'guwa'niikongk — "Long sand bar beneath the surface" (o) ; 
Wikwe'da n wong'ga n — Sandy bay (p) ; Nea'shiwikongk' — Cliff point (q) ; Neta-wa- 
ya-sink — Little point of sand bar (?•); A n 'nibis— Little elm tree («); Wikup'bi"- 
mi"sh — Little island basswood(i); Makubi n '-mi"sh — Bear island (u); Shage'skike'- 
dawan'ga (v) ; Ne'wigwas'sikongk — The place where bark is peeled (w) ; Ta'pakwe'- 
ikak [Sa'apakwe'skkwa'okongk] — The place where lodge-bark is obtained (x); 
Ne'uwesak'kudeze'bi [Ne'wisak udOsi bi] — Point dead wood timber river (y); 
A"ibi'kauzi'bi [modern name Ashkiba'gisi hi] rendered by dilYcrnit authorities both 
as Fish Spawn river, and " Green Leaf river" (z). 

This locality is described as being at Sandy lake, Minnesota, "where the Otter 
appeared for the last time, and where the Mide'wigan was finally established. The 
Ojibwa say that they have dispersed in bands from La Pointe, as well as from 
Sandy lake, over various portions of Minnesota and into Wisconsin, which final 
separation into distinct bodies has been the chief cause of the gradual changes 
found to exist in the ceremonies of the Mide'wiwin. 

Eeference may be made to a highly interesting record of migration 
in Kingsborough, Codex Boturini, being a facsimile of an original 
Mexican hieroglyphic painting from the collection of Boturini, in twenty- 
three plates. 



SECTION .4. 
RECORD OF NOTABLE EVENTS. 

In this group are presented some figures from the Dakota Winter 
Counts, which record events of tribal or intertribal importance not in- 
cluded under other heads. 

Fig 797. — The-people-were-burnt winter. Battiste Good's Winter 
Count 1762-'63. He explains the origin of the title 
"Brule " Dakota as follows : 

Some of the Dakotas were living east of their 
present country, when a prairie fire destroyed their 
entire village. Many of their children and a man 
and his wife, who were on foot some distance away 
from the village, were burned to death. Many of 
their horses were also burned to death. All the 
people that could get to a long lake which was near 
by saved themselves by jumping into it. Many of 
these were badly burned about the thighs and legs, and this circum- 
stance gave rise to the name, si-can- gu, translated properly in to English 
as Burnt Thigh and by the French abbreviated as Brule, by which lat- 
ter name they have since been geuerally known. 




568 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




Fig. 798. — The Oglalas engaged in a drunken brawl, 
which resulted in a division of the tribe, the Kiyuksi 
(Out-Offs) separating from the others. American- Horse's 
'I- VT 4 , Winter Count, 1841-'42. 



*. Fig. 799. — Nine white men came to trade with the 

L Dakotas. American- Horse's Winter Count, 1800-01. 
I The hatted head stands for a white man and also indi- 

\ cates that the eight dots over it are for white men. Ac- 
cording to this count the first whites came in 1794-95, 
Trailer*, and the party now depicted succeeded them and were the 
first traders. 



Fig. 800.— The Good-White-Man came. Cloud-Shield's 
Winter Count, 1800-'01. 

He was the first white man to trade and live with that 
division of the Dakotas of which Cloud-Shield's chart 
gives the early records. 



Fig. 801. — A trader brought the Dakotas their first guns. 
Cloud- Shield's Winter Count, 1801-'02. 




Fig. 802. — The Dakotas saw wagons for the first time. 
Bed-Lake, a white trader, brought his goods in them. 
American-Horse's Winter Count, 1830-'31. 

The earliest traders came by the river, in boats. 




Fig. 803. — Some Crows caine to the Dakota 
camp and scalped a boy. Cloud-Shield's "Win- 
ter Count, 1862-'G3. 

This is represented also in the next figure. 




10 r\ ' 



o 



1 r f 



n 



^ c 



w - nor 
n/ ^ On . r N 



MALLERY.] 



NOTABLE EVENTS. 



569 




Fig. 89L— The Crows scalped an Oglala boy alive. Ameri- 
can-Horse's Winter Connt, 1862-'63. 

This unusually cruel outrage renewed the violence of war - 
fare between Dakota and Absaroka. 

Fig. 804.— Boy scalped alive. 

Fig. 805.— All of Standing Bull's horses were killed. Cloud- Shield's 
Winter Count, 1832-'33. 

Hoof-prints, blood-stains, and arrows are 
shown under the horse. It may be remarked 
with regard to the name-device for Stand- 
ing-Bull, that the quadruped can stand on 
two legs, but cannot run or even walk with 
that limitation, so that the exhibition of two << 
legs only may properly signify standing, 
though for convenience the fore legs are de- 
picted. Fig. 805.- 

Fig. 806. — They received their first annuities at the 
mouth of Horse creek. American-Horse's Winter 
Count, 1851-'52. 

A one-point blanket is depicted and denotes dry 
goods. It is surrounded by a circle of marks which 
represent the people. 

Fig. 807. — Many goods were issued to the Dakotas at Fort Laramie. 
Cloud- Shield's Winter Count, 1851-'52. 

The goods were the first they received from the 
United States Government. The blanket which is 
represented stands for the whole issue. 

White-Cow-Killer calls it " Large-issue-of-goods-on- 
the-Platte-river- winter." 

This is a more conventionalized form of the preceding 
figure. 

Fig. 808. — The Dakotas received annuities at Raw- 
Hide Butte. American-Horse's Winter Count, 1856-'57. 

The house and the blanket represent the agency and 
the goods. 



?IG.806.— Annuities 




Fig. 809.— The Dakotas bought Mexican blankets of 
John Richard, who bought many wagon-loads of the 
Mexicans. Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1858-'59. 



570 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




Fig. 810. — They captured a train of wagons near 
f- Tongue river. The men who were with it got away. 
American-Horse's Winter Count, 1867-'68. 
y e C The blanket protruding from the front of the wagon 
fO represents the goods found in the wagons. 



Fig. 810.— Wagon 

a 



Fig. 811. — The Oglalas killed the Indian agent's 
a p— « i (Seville's) clerk inside the stockade of the Red Cloud 
jj^_^^ 3 agency at Fort Robinson, Nebraska. American-Horse's 



PiG.sii.-cierkkiiied.Winter Count, 1873-'74. 

Fig. 812. — The Oglalas at the Red Cloud agency, near Fort Robin- 
son, Nebraska, cut to pieces the flagstaff which 
had been cut and hauled by order of their agent, 
but which they would not allow him to erect, as 
they did not wish to have a flag flying over 
I their agency. American-Horse's Winter Count, 
• 1874-'75. 

This was in 1874. The flag which the agent 
intended to hoist was lately at the Pine ridge 




C C 



%. 

I 



Tig. 812.-Flag staff cut dowi 

agency, Dakota. 

Fig. 813. — Horses taken by United States government. The-Flame's 
Winter Count, 1876-'77. 

This figure refers to the action of the military 
authorities of the United States toward the 
Indian tribes which had been connected with or 
suspected of favoring the outbreak which resulted 
the defeat of the force under Gen. Custer. 
A body of troops swept the reservations on the 
Missouri river and took away all the ponies of 
the tribes, thereby depriving them of their means 
of transportation for hostile purposes. The hatted man with a star 
above his head is the brigadier-general in command of the United 
States forces. The hoof prints without marks of horseshoes indicate 
the Indian ponies as usual. The black blurs among them probably 
refer to the considerable number of the ponies that fell and died before 
they reached Bismark and other points of sale to which they were 
driven. It was promised that the amount realized from the sale of the 
drove should be returned to the owners, but the latter received little. 



1 



CHAPTER XVII. 



BIOGRAPHY. 

Pictographs under this head may be grouped as: 1st. Continuous 
record of events in life. 2d. Particular exploits or events. Pictographs 
of both of these descriptions are very common. An excellent collection 
is published in the George Catlin Indian Gallery in the U. S. National 
Museum, with memoir and statistics by Thomas Donaldson, a part of 
the Smithsonian Report for 1885, Pis. 100 to 110. 

SECTION 1. 
CONTINUOUS RECORD OF EVENTS IN LIFE. 

An authentic and distinct example of a continuous record is the fol- 
lowing " autobiography," which was prepared at Grand River, Dakota, 
in 1873, in a series of eleven drawings, by Running- Antelope, chief of 
the Uncpapa Dakotas. Seven of these, regarded as of most interest, 




F ia. 814.— Killed two Arikara. 



are now presented. The sketches were painted in water colors and 
were made for Dr. W. J. Hoffman, to whom the following interpreta- 
tions were given by the artist. 

The record comprises the most important events in the life of Run- 
ning-Antelope as a warrior. Although frequently more than one per- 
son is represented as slain, it is not to be inferred that all included in 
the same figure were killed at one time unless it is so specified, but 
that thus they were severally the victims of one expedition, of which 
the warrior was a member or leader. The bird {Falco cooperi f) upon the 

571 



572 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



shield always borne by him, refers to the clan or band totem, while the 
antelope always drawn beneath the horses, in the act of running, iden- 
tifies his personal name. 

Fig. 814. — Killed two Arikara Indians in one day. The lance held in 
the hand, thrusting at the foremost of the enemy, signifies thai, Running- 




Fig. 815.— Shot and scalped an Arikara. 

Antelope killed him with that weapon; the "left-hand figure was shot, 
as is shown by the discharging gun, and afterwards struck with the 
lance. This occurred in 1853. 

Fig. 815. — Shot and scalped an Arikara Indian in 1853. It appears 
that the Arikara attempted to inform Running- Antelope of his being 




unarmed, as the right hand is thrown outward with distended fingers, 
in imitation of making the gesture for negation, having nothing. 

Fig. 816. — Killed ten men and three squaws in 1856. The grouping 
of persons strongly resembles the ancieut Egyptian method of drawing. 



mallery.] RUNNING ANTELOPE BIOGRAPHY. 573 

Fig. 817. — Killed two Arikara chiefs in 1856. Their rank is shown by 
the appendages to the sleeve and coat, which are made of white weasel 
skins. The arrow in the left thigh of the victor shows that he was 




Pig. 817.— Killed two chiefs. 



wounded. The scars remained distinct upon the thigh of Bunning- 
Antelope, showing that the arrow had passed through it. 

Fig. 818. — Killed one Arikara in 1857. Striking the enemy with a 
bow is considered the greatest insult that can be offered. See for a 




similar concept among the eastern Algonquians (Leland, b). The act 
entitles the warrior to count one coup when relating his exploits in the 
council chamber. 



574 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fig. 819. — Killed two Arikara hunters in 1859. Both were shot, as 
is indicated by the figure of a gun in contact with each Indian. The 
cluster of lines drawn across the body of each victim represents the 




Fig. 819.— Killed two Arikara hunters. 



discharge of the gun, and shows where the ball took effect. The up- 
per one of the two figures was in the act of shooting an arrow when he 
was killed. 




Fig. 820.— Killed five Arikara. 



Fig. 820.— Killed five Arikara in one day in 1863. The dotted line 
indicates the trail which Running-Antelope followed, and when the 
Indians discovered that they were pursued, they took shelter in an iso- 




BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. THE DEAD SIOUX. 



MAIXERY.] 



PERUVIAN BIOGRAPHY. 



575 



lated copse of shrubbery, where they were killed at leisure. The five 
guns within the inclosure represent the five persons armed. 

The Arikara are nearly always delineated in these pictures wearing 
the topknot of hair, a fashion specially prevalent among the Absaroka, 
though as the latter were the most inveterate enemies of the Sioux, and 
as the word Pallani for Arikara is applied to all enemies, the Grow 
custom may have been depicted as a generic mark, 

Wiener (e) gives the following account of the tablet found at Mau- 
siche, reproduced as Fig. 821, one-fifth actual size: 

It gives all the descriptive elements of the life of the deceased; in fact his biogra- 
phy. He -was a chieftain of royal blood (vide 
the red planache with five double plumes). 
He commanded an entire tribe. He had a I 
military command ( c. the mace which he holds 1 
in his right hand). He had taken part i 
three battles (v. the three arms which three {, 
times proved his strength). He was a judge 
in his district (v. the sign of the speaking- 
trumpet in the center). He had under him | 
four judges (r. the four signs of the speaking- 
trumpet in the corners). He had during his 
administration irrigated the country {v. the 
designs which surround the painting) ; and he 
had constructed great buildings (r. the check- 
ers surrounding the meanders). He had ' 
busied himself besides all that in the raising 
of cattle (v. the indications of llamas). He 
bad lived 42 years (v. the blocks, which indi- 
cate years, just as the rings indicate the age 
of trees). He had had five childreu, three sons and two daughters (indicated by 
the little drops of sperm). Such is the life of this person, written by ideography on 
a tablet, which at first would be taken as a fantasy of an infant painter. 




SECTION 2. 
PARTICULAR EXPLOITS OR EVENTS. 

In the Doc. Hist. N. Y. (b) is an illustration, presented here as Fig. 
822, of an Iroquois "returning from hunting, who has slept two nights 




Fig. 822.— Hunting record. Iroquois. 

on the hunting ground and killed three does; for when they are bucks 
they add their antlers." 



576 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



From the same volume, page 9, the following extract is made, describ- 
ing Fig. S23 : > « 

b. This is the way they mark when they have been to war, and when there is a 
bar extending from one mark to the other it signifies that, after having been in bat- 
tle, be did not come back to his village, and that be returned with other parties 
whom he met or formed. 

c. This arrow, which is broken, denotes that they were wounded in this expedi- 

(1. Thus they denote that the belts which they gave to raise a war party and to 
avenge the death of some one, belonging to them or to some of the, same tribe. 

e. He has gone back to fight without having entered his village. 

/'. A man whom be killed on the field of battle, who had a bow aud arrow. 

y. These are two men, whom he took prisoners, one of whom had a hatchet and 
the other a, gun in his hand. 




Fig. 824 is taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the 
year 1853-'54. 

He calls the year Cross- Bear-died-on-the-hunt winter. 
The character on the extreme left hand is a "travail," and means 
«u they moved ; the buffalo, to hunt buffalo ; the bear with 
^5^C~ mouth open and paw advanced, cross-bear. The invo- 
^ lute character frequently repeated in Battiste's record 
j " ! t m i\ i\ signifies pain in the stomach and intestines, resulting 
'j^KKtsm in death. Iu this group of characters there is not only 
Ora^ the brief story, an obituary notice, but an ideographic 

fig 824 —Cross- m ark for a particular kind of death, a noticeable name- 
Bear's death. totein, and a presentation of the Siouan mode of trans- 
portation. 

The word "travail" may require explanation. It refers to the pecu- 
liar sledge which is used by many tribes of Indians for the purpose of 
transportation. It is used on the surface of the ground when not cov- 
ered with snow even more than when snow prevails. In print the 
word is more generally found in the plural, where it is spelled "tra- 



Bureau of Ethnology. Tenth Annual Report. Plate XLV 




BATTLE OF LITTLE BIG HORN. The Dead Sioux. 



A TRADING TRIP. 



577 



vaux" and sometimes "travois." The etymology of this word has been 
the subject of much discussion. It is probably one of the words which 
descended in corrupted form from the language of the Canadian voy- 
ageurs, and was origiually the French word " traineau," with its mean- 
ing of sledge. The corrupt form " travail" was retained by English 
speakers from its connection with the sound of the word "travel." 

Fig. 825 is taken from a roll of birch bark, known to be more than sev- 
enty years old, obtained in 1882 from the Ojibwa Indians at Eed Lake, 
Minnesota. The interpretation was given by an Indian from that 
reservation, although he did not know the author nor the history of 
the record. With one exception, all of the characters were understood 
and interpreted to Dr. Hoffman, in 1883, by Ottawa Indians at Harbor 
Springs, Michigan. 




a represents the Indian who visited a country supposed to have been 
near one of the great lakes. He has a scalp in his hand which he ob- 
tained from the head of an enemy, after having killed him. The line 
from the head to the small circle denotes the name of the person, and 
the line from the mouth to the same circle signifies (in the Dakota 
method), "That is it," having reference to proper names. 

b, the enemy killed. He was a man who held a position of some con- 
sequence in his tribe, as is indicated by the horns, marks used by the 
Ojibwas among themselves for shaman, wabeno, etc. It has been sug- 
gested that the object held in the hand of this figure is a rattle, though 
the Indians, to whom the record was submitted for examination, are in 
doubt, the character being indistinct, 

c, three disks connected by short lines signify, in the present instance, 

10 eth 37 



578 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



three nights, i. e., three black suns. Three days from home was the 
distance the Indian a traveled to reach the country for which he started. 

d represents a shell, and denotes the primary object of the journey. 
Shells were needed for making ornaments and to trade, and traffic be- 
tween members of the different and even distant tribes was common, 
although attended with danger. 

e, two parallel lines are here inserted to mark the end of the present 
record and the beginning of another. 

The following narrative of personal exploit was given to Dr. W. J. 
, Hoffman by "Pete," a Shoshoni chief, during a visit of the latter to 
Washington, in 1880. The sketch, Fig. 826, was drawn by the narrator, 
who also gave the following explanation of the characters: 




Fig. 82C— Slioshuni l aid fur lu 



a, Pete, a Shoshoni chief; b, a Nez Perces Indian, one of the party 
from whom the horses were stampeded, and who wounded Pete in the 
side with an arrow ; c, hoof-marks, showing course of stampede ; d, lance, 
which was captured from the Nez Percys; e, e, e, saddles captured; 
/, bridle captured; g, lariat captured; h, saddle-blanket captured; i, 
body-blanket captured; j, pair of leggings captured; 7c, three single 
legs of leggings captured. 

The figures in the following group represent some of the particular 
exploits and events in life which have been considered by the recorders 
of the Winter Counts of the Dakotas to be specially worthy of note : 

Fig. 827. — While surrounded by the enemy (Man- 
fy dans) a Blackfeet Dakota indian goes at the risk of his 

f Vwi. life for water for the party. The-Flame's Winter Count, 

II B§ 1795-'96. The interpreter stated that this was near 
no. 827—Life risked tne present Cheyenne agency, Dakota. In the original 
for water. character there is a bloody wound at the shoulder. 




BATTLE OF LITTLE BIG HORN. Custer's Dead Cavalry. 



lip 



MALLEBY.] 



EVENTS NOTED. 



579 



showing that the heroic indian was wounded, 
a water vessel. 

Fig. 828.— Euns-by-the-Enemy. Red-Cloud'i 



0 



0 
0 

1 



Census. This figure sug- 
gests a feat of special cour- 
age and fieetnessin making 
a circuit of a hostile force. 

Fig. 829. — Runs- Around. 
Red-Cloud's Census. This 
figure seems to indicate a 
warrior surrounded and 
shot at by a number of ene- 




FlG. 829.— Runs around. 



mies, who yet escapes by his swiftness. 
Fig. 830. — Goes - through - the - Camp. 



Red- 




Cloud's Census. This figure //- fk s-f 
notes the successful passage of v- . |r C- v. CT 
a spy through the enemy's 



Fid. 831.— Cut through. 




camp. 

Fig. 831. — Cut - Through. 
r,G - 83 th7^ brough Red-Cloud's Census. Here a 
footman cuts his way through a line of hostile horsemen. 

Fig. 832. — Paints-His-Face-Red, a Dakota, was 
killed in his tipi by the Pawnees. Cloud-Shield's 
Winter Count, 1837-'38. The right to paint the 
face red was sometimes gained by providing the 
ceremonial requirements for a commemoration 
of the dead, which were very expensive. There 
are two facts depicted by the figure. The man 
tig. 832.-Kiiiea in tipi. an( j tipi are surrounded by a ring of enemies, 
who are shooting him, and, touched by the upper part of the ring, is 
the bottom of another and more minute tipi, marked with the sign of 
a fatal shot. 
Fig. 833. — Paints-His-Cheeks-Red and his fam- 
ily, who were camping by them- 
Mjf selves, were killed by Pawnees. 

u]y American-Horse's Winter Count, 
7rtV 1837-'38. This character tells 
N / Jjj Vv- the same story as the one pre- 
ceding, but is more conventional. 
fig. 833.-KiUe<i in j^g. 834.— Spotted-Horse car- 
P ' ried the pipe around and took ± 

the warpath against the Pawnees to avenge the death of his uncle, 
Paints-His-Cheeks-Red. American-Horse's Winter Count, 1838-'39. 
This figure is the sequel to those immediately preceding. 




r Fig. 834.— Took the warpath. 



580 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 





id killed him. 




Fig. 835. — White-Bull and many others were killed in a fight with 
the Shoshoni. Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1845-'4G. 

This warrior seems to have lost 
more than the normal quantity 
of scalp. 

Fig. 83G.— Brave - Bear was 
killed in a quarrel over a calf. 
Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 
1854-'55. He was killed by ene- 
mies; hence his scalp is gone. 

Fig. 837.— The - Brave - Man 
was killed in a great fight. 
fiu. 835.-wMte-Buii killed. Cloud- Shield's Winter Count, 
1817-'18. The fight is shown by the arrows flying F " 
to and from him. He is also scalped. 

Fig. 83S. — A soldier ran a bayonet into Crazy-Horse ft 
American-Horse's Winter Count, 1877-'78. This 
was done in the guard house 
at Fort Robinson, ^Nebraska, 
September 5, 1877. The horse 
in this instance does not dis- 
tinctly exhibit the wavy lines 
shown in several other repre- 
sentations of the chief which 
A^ wJ appear among the illustrations 
of this paper. This omission 
ig. 837— Brave-Man is doubtless due to careless- 
killed - ness of the Indian artist, 

-Striped-Face stabbed and killed his 
daughter's husband for whip- 
ping his wife. American- 
Horse's Winter Count, 1829- 
'30. 

Fig. 840. — Spotted -Face 
stabs his daughter's husband 
for whipping his wife. Cloud- . 
Shield's Winter Count, 1829-'30. This is another 
form of the preceding figure. 

Fig. 841. — Kaglala-kutepi, Shot-Close. The Oglala Roster. This may 
refer to an incident in the warrior's life in which he had a narrow escape, 
or may, on the other hand, refer to his stealing upon and shooting 
from near by at an enemy. The design, as often occurs, allows of dou- 
ble interpretation. The close shooting is not accurate markmanship, 
but with proximity as suggested by the arrow touching the head while 
still near the bow. This figure may receive some interpretation from 
the one following. 



Fig. 839.- 



Yv\. KM!).— Killed l'i 




FlG. 840.— Killed 



fj! 




EVENTS NOTED. 



581 



Fig. 842.— The- Swan's Winter Count, lS35-'36. A Minneeonjou chief 
named Lame-Deer shot an Assiniboin 
three times with the same arrow. He 
T'\ kept so close to his enemy that he never , 
, l<g — v\ Lk | let the arrow slip away from the bow 
^V^^ / Polled it out and shot it in again. 

/ ^jk jf\ Fig. 843 consists of two stories pic- hM g49 
* ) tured by Lean- Wolf a Hidatsa chief 
v "j i showing the attack made by Sioux Indians in search 

l^nHnk 0I " horses and the result of the raid. In the upper flg- 
,.. urc at The left t-iid. i> shown the Sioux camp from 

which the trail of the horse thieves extends to near 
the camp of the Hidatsa, at Fort Berthold, North Dakota. This 



> 

(3r 



'7^ ^ j> 




0 



Fig. 843.— Lean-Wolf 



dirt lodges within 



village is indicated by the circular dirt lodges within a square 
inclosure. The Sioux captured some Indian horses and rode away, as 
indicated by the prints of horse hoofs. A series of short lines from the 



Fig. 844.— Record of hca 



Hidatsa village indicates that Lean-Wolf and his companions followed 
on foot, subsequently overtaking the Sioux, killing one and taking his 



582 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



scalp. The scalp is shown above the figure of the human head, while 
the weapon with which he struck the Sioux is also shown. This is the 
war club. The lower division of the figure is similar to the upper. 
In the pursuit of the Sioux, who had come to Fort Berthold on another 
occasion to steal horses, Lean- Wolf assisted in capturing and killing- 
three of the marauders. In the left-hand group of the three human 
heads he is shown to have killed an enemy ; in the second he was the 
third to strike a Sioux after he was shot, but took his scalp, and in the 
third, or right hand, he was the fourth to strike the fallen enemy. 

A record on ivory shown as Fig. 844 was obtained by Dr. Hoffman 
in San Francisco, California, in 1882, and was interpreted to him by an 
Alaskan native. The story represents the success of a hunt; the 
animals desired are shown, as well as those which were secured. 

The following is the explanation of the characters: 

a, b, deer; c, porcupine; d, winter, or permanent, habitation. The 
cross-piece resting upon two vertical poles constitutes the rack, used 
for drying fish ; e, one of the natives occupying the same lodge with the 
recorder; /, the hunter whose exploits are narrated; g, h, i, beavers; 
j, 1c, ., m, n, martens; o, a weasel, according to the interpretation, 
although there are no specific characters to identify it as different 
from the preceding; land otter; a bear; r, a fox; s, a walrus; t, 
a seal ; u, a wolf. 

By comparing the illustration with the text it will be observed that 
all the animals secured are turned toward the house of the speaker, 
while the heads of those animals desired, but not obtained, are turned 
away from it. 

■The following is the text in the Kiatexamut dialect of the Innuit 
language as dictated by the Alaskan, with his own literal translation 
into English: 

Hui-nu-na-gahui-pii-qtu-api-cu-qu-lu-amus'-qu-ll-qnut. Pa-mii-qtu-lTt' 

I, (from) my plnce. I went hunting (for) skins. martens 

(settlement.) (animals) 

ta-qi-men, a-mi-da-duk' a-xla-luk', d-qui-a-muk pi-qu-a a-xla-luk'; ku-qu- 

five, weasel one, land otter caught one ; 

lu-hu-nu-muk' a-xla-luk', tun'-du-muk tii-gu qli-u-gu ine-lu-ga-nuk', 

wolf one, deer (I) killed two, 

pe-luk pi-nai-u-nuk, nu-nuk pit' -qu-ni, ma-klak-muk' pit'-qu-ni, a-ci-a- 

beaver three, porcupine (1) caught none, seal (I) caught none, 

na muk pit'-qu-ni, ua-qi-la-muk pit'-qu-ni, ta-gu-xa-muk pit'-qu-ni. 

walrus (I) caught none, fox (I) caught none, bear (I) caught none. 



OHAPTEE XVIII. 



IDBOGRAPHY. 

The imagination is stimulated and developed by the sense of sight 
more than by any other sense, perhaps more than by all of the other 
senses combined. The American Indians, and probably all savages, 
are remarkable for acute and critical vision, and also for their retentive 
memory of what they have once seen. When significance is once 
attached to an object seen, it will always be recalled, though often with 
false deductions. Therefore, like deaf-mutes, who depend mainly on 
sight, the American Indians have developed great facility in com- 
municating by signs, and also in expressing their ideas in pictures 
which are ideographic though seldom artistic. This tendency has 
likewise affected their spoken languages. Their terms express with 
wonderful particidarity the characters and relations of visible objects, 
and their speeches, which are in a high degree metaphoric, become so 
by the figurative presentation in words of such objects accompanied 
generally by imitative signs for them, and often by their bodily exhi- 
bition. 

The statement once made that the aboriginal languages of North 
America are not capable of expressing abstract ideas is incorrect, 
but the tendency to use tangible and visible forms for such ideas is 
apparent. This practice was most marked in reference to religious 
subjects, which were often presented under the veil of symbols, as has 
been the common expedient of most peoples who have emerged from 
the very lowest known stages of human culture, but have not attained 
the highest. 

Many instances appear in this work in which pictures expressive 
of an idea present more than mere portraitures of objects, which latter 
method has been styled imitative or monographic writing. 

It is, however, impossible to classify with scientific precision the 
pictured ideograms collected, for the reason that many of them occupy 
intermediate points in any scheme that would be succinct enough to 
be practically useful. In the arrangement of the present chapter the 
division is made into: 1st. Abstract ideas expressed pictorially. 2d. 
Signs, symbols, and emblems. 3d. Significance of colors. 4th. Gesture 
and posture signs depicted. When any of the graphic representations 
of ideas have become .successful, i. e., commonly adopted, it soon becomes 

583 



584 PICTUKE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



more or less conventionalized. Chapter XIX is devoted specially to 
that branch of the general subject. 

SECTION 1. 
ABSTRACT IDEAS EXPRESSED PICTORIALLY. 

The first stage < »f picture-writing, as considered in the present chapter, 
was the representation of a material object in such style or connection 
as determined it not to be a mere portraiture of that object, but figura- 
tive of some other object or person. This stage is abundantly exhibited 
among the American Indians. Indeed, their personal and tribal names 
thus objectively represented constitute the largest part of their picture- 
writing so far thoroughly understood. 

The second step was when a special quality or characteristic of an 
object, generally an animal, became employed to express a general 
quality, i.e., an abstract idea. It can be readily seen how, among the 
Egyptians, a hawk with bright eye and lofty flight might be selected 
to express divinity and royalty, and tbat the crocodile should denote 
darkness, while a slightly further advance in metaphors made the ostrich 
feather, from the equality of its filaments, typical of truth. All peoples 
whose rulers used special objective designations of their rank, made 
those objects the signs for power, whether they were crowns or um- 
brellas, eagle feathers, or colored buttons. A horse meant swiftness, 
a serpent life — or immortality when drawn as a circle — a dog was 
watchfulness, and a rabbit was fecundity. It is evident from examples 
given in the present paper that the American tribes at the time of the 
Columbian discovery had entered upon this second step of picture- 
writing, though with marked inequality between tribes and regions in 
advance therein. None of them appear to have reached such profi- 
ciency in the expression of connected ideas by picture, as is shown in the 
sign-language existing among some of them, which may be accounted 
for by its more frequent use required by the constant meeting of many 
persons speaking different languages. There is no more necessary con- 
nection between abstract ideas and sounds, the mere signs of thought 
that strike the ear, than there is between the same ideas and signs ad- 
dressed only to the eye. The success and scope of either mode of 
expression depends mainly upon the amount of its exercise, in which 
oral language undoubtedly has surpassed both sign-language and pic- 
ture-writing. 

The examples now following in this chapter are by no means all the 
graphic representations of abstract ideas collected. Indeed many 
others are contained in the work under other headings, but the follow- 
ing are selected for gr ouping here with an attempt at order. In the 
popular definition, or want of definition, some of them would be classed 
as symbols. 



SIALLERY.J 



AGE OLD AND YOUNG. 



585 




Fig. 845.— Charge after ; Red-Cloud's Census. 
Here is suggested the order in a charge upon an enemy, 
apparently a Crow. The concept is not the general charge 
of a number of warriors upon the Crows, but the succession 
between themselves of the men who made that charge. The 
person whose name is represented probably followed in 
but did not lead some celebrated charge. 

Fig. 846. — John Richard shot and killed an 
Oglala named Yellow-Bear, and the Oglalas 
killed Richard before he could get out of the 
lodge; American-Horse's Winter Count, 1871- 
'72. This occurred in the spring of 1872. 
As the white man was killed after the Indian, 
he is placed behind him in the figure. The 
bear's head is shown. 




AGE— OLD AND YOUNG. 




Fig. 847.— Old -Horse j 
Red-Cloud's Census. Here 
the old age is shown by 
the wrinkles and project- 
ing lips. 

Fig. 848. — Old-Mexican ; 
Red-Cloud's Census. The 
man in European dress is bent and supported 
by a staff, thus depicting the gesture-sign men- 
tioned in connection with Fig. 994. The Dakota FlG . 8 48.-oid-Mexi 
had probably received his name from killing an aged Mexican. 



Fig. 847.— Old -Hurst . 






Fig. 850.— Had-Uoy. 



586 



PICTURE : WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fig. 851.- 



Fig. 849. — Young-Rabbit, a Grow, was killed in battle by Red-Cloud. 
Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1861-'62. Here the youth of the Rabbit 
is expressed by diminutive size and short legs. 

Fig. 850. — Bad-Boy. Red-Cloud's Census. The boyhood is expressed 
by the short hair and short scalp lock. 

BAD. 

Bad-Horn. Red-Cloud's Census. The bad quality of the 
horn is expressed by its decayed and broken condition 
and its distorted curve. 

Fig. 852. — Bad-Face, a Dakota, was shot in the face. 
Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1794-95. The bad face 
may have been broken out with blotches of disease before 
the shot, or the scars may have been the result of the shot, 
which gave occasion for a new name, as is common. 
The idea of "bad" is often 
fig. 852.— Bad-Face, especially one which disfigures. 

Fig. 853, taken from Copway (<?), repre- 
sents "bad." The concept appears to be 
the preponderance of "below" to "above." 




by an abnormality, 



Fig. 854.— Got there first. 
Red-Cloud's Census. The 
figure portrays a successful 
escape of an unmounted 




( 



to. 854.— Got there first. 

Indian from a chase by enemies on horseback. The chased man gets 
home to his tipi before being overtaken by his pursuers, 
Avhose horses' tracks are shown. 



Fig. 855.— Big-Turnip. Red -Cloud's Census. The 
plant is also known as the navet de prairie. The large 
size of the specimen, as compared with the human head, 
is apparent. 

Fig. 85G. — A Minneconjou Dakota, named Big-Crow, 
was killed by the Crow Indians. Swan's Winter Count, 
1859-'60. He had received his name from killing 
Crow Indian of unusual size. The bird 
is portrayed much larger than similar 
objects in the Winter Count, from which 
it is taken. 

Fig. 857. — Grasp. Red-Cloud's Cen- 
sus. Here the indication of size and y 
strength of the hand is suggested by one 




from killing a 



ABSTRACT IDEAS PICTURED. 



587 



hand growing out from another, a species of duplication. To have 
drawn two distinct hands would only have been \UM 
normal and not suggestive of unusual power of grip. \ 





Fig. 857.— Gi 



l.-Big-Hand. 



Fig. 859.— Big-Thunder. 



Fig. 858. — Big-Hand. From Bed-Cloud's Census. Here the fingers 
are widely separated and displayed. 

Fig. 859.— Big-Thunder. From Bed Cloud's Cen- 
sus. Here the size or power is suggested by impli- 
cation. The double or two-voiced thunder is big 
thunder. 

Fig. 860. — Big- Voice. From Bed-Cloud's Census. 
In this figure there are still more voices than in the 
preceding. 




Fig. 861.— Upi-Yaslate. Center-Feather. The 
' Oglala Boster. This is the indication of a par- 
ticular feather, i. e., the middle tail feather of a 
bird, probably of an eagle, the tail feathers of 
which bird are represented in many pictographs 
in this paper. There was some reason for the 
selection of the center feather for 
the name, and to indicate the 
center three feathers were de- 
picted with a line touching the 
middle one. 

J! ig. »B2.— Jjeai- 
Woman. 

DEAF. 

Fig. 862.— Wi-nugin-kpa, Deaf- Woman. The Oglala Boster. The 
ears are covered by a line, i. e., are closed, and the ear most in view is 
connected with the crown of the bead, to show that the name is ex- 
pressed. 



Fig. 861.— Center-Feather. 



588 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 





DIRECTION. 

This title has beeu selected as being the most comprehensive one for 
the five following figures. The first shows a moccasin with a serpentine 
track, at the farthest end of which is an 
angular design, indicating leadership i 
well as the direction taken. This suggests " 
the leader of a war party conducting his 
band over an uncertain trail. The second 
is explanatory of the first. That the chief 
goes in front is indicated in a manner the 
reverse of that which would appear in the 
designs common in our military text-books. 
He is supposed to be in the opening in the 
angle of the advance and not at its apex, 
v The third figure show a steadfast leadership 
in the determined straight direction of at- Front""" 
tack against the enemy. This is still more ideographic- 
ally represented by the single strong straight line show- 
FiG^TlDirectioiiing' that ne "Don't turn" in the fourth figure of this group. 
Fig. 863.— Warrior. Eed - Cloud's 
Census. The name does not give any 
idea of the design. 

Fig. 864. — Goes - in - Front. Eed- 
Cloud's Census. 

Fig. 865. — Don't - turn. Bed- 
Cloud's Census. This means that 
the warrior don't — that is, won't — 
■ turn from his direct course. 

Fig. 866. — Don't - turn. Eed 
i Cloud's Census. This figure is a 
variant of the last, and a body of 
fig. 865.— Don't-turn. mounted men following the leader, 
all on horseback as shown by the lunules. 

Fig. 867. — Tunweya-gli, Eeturning - Scout. The <■ 
Oglala Eoster. The returning is ingeniously repre- 
sented by the line curving backward and returning to the point of 
starting. The two balls above the head are simply two fixed points, 
which establish the course of the line. 



Fig. 868. — Many had the whooping- 
cough. American-Horse's Winter Count, 
1813-'14. The cough is represented by 
the lines issuing from the man's mouth, 
but the characteristics of the disease Fl 







of the Lone-Dog system, Figs. 196, 197, and 198. 



DISEASE PICTURED. 



589 



Swan's Winter 



- Measles >n 




Fig. 872.- Died of "wliis- 



-All the Dakotas bad measles, very fatal. 
Count, 1818-'19. a Battiste Good says : 
" Smallpox-used - them - up - again win- 
ter." They, i. e., the Dakotas, at this 
time lived on the Little White river, 
about 20 miles above the Eosebud 
fig. 869.— Measles, agency. The character in Battiste 
Good's chart is presented here in Fig. 870 as a variant. 

Fig. 871. — Dakota war party ate a buffalo and all 
died. Swan's Winter Count, 1826-'27. Battiste Good 
j-\ calls the same year, "Ate-a-whis- 

/■» tle-and-died winter," Fig. 872, and 

[ / explains that six Dakotas on the 

' / warpatb had nearly perished with 

FlG ' ^nldied* 11 ^ 10 hunger, when they found and ate 
the rotting carcass of an old buffalo, on which the 
wolves had been feeding. They were seized soon after 
with pains in the stomach, their bellies swelled, and 
gas poured from the mouth and the anus, and they 
"died of a whistle," or from eating a whistle. The Fl 
sound of gas escaping from the mouth is illustrated in the figure. The 
character on the abdomen and on its right may be considered to be the 
ideograph for pain in that part of the body. 

Fig. 873. — Many people died of smallpox. Cloud-Shield's Winter 
Count, 1782-'83. The charts all record two successive winters of 

t smallpox, but American-Horse 
makes the first year of the epidemic %M 
one year later than that of Battiste /j V\ 

Good, and Cloud-Shield makes it \ 

Fig. 873—Smallpox. tWO years later. FlG . 874.-Sniallpox. 

Fig. 874. — Many died of smallpox. American-Horse's Winter Count, 
1780-81. Here the smallpox marks are on the face and neck of a Da- 
kota, as indicated by the arrangement of the hair. 

Kingsborough (e) explains Fig. 875 by these words in 
the text: "In the year of Seven Babbits, or in 1538, 
many of the people died of the smallpox." This may be 
compared with the two preceding figures. 

Fig. 876. — Many died of the cramps. American-Horse's 
Winter Count, 1849-'50. The cramps 
were those of Asiatic cholera, which 
was epidemic in the United States at 
that time, and was carried to the plains 
* bytheCaliforniaaudOregon emigrants. 
The position of the man is very sug- 
gestive of cholera. 

Fig. 877. — Many women died in child- 
birth. Cloud- Shield's Winter Count,FiG.876.-Died of cramps. 
1798-'99. 





590 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fig. 878. — Many women died in childbirth. American-Horse's 
Winter Count, 1792-'93. , 

Fig. 879, from Oopway (e), represents sickness. 

It evidently refers to the loss of 
flesh consequent thereon. The sick 
man is a European. 




a r 



Edkins (a) gives Fig. 880 as "sickness," and calls it a picture of a . 
sick man leaning against a support. All words connected with diseases 
are arranged under this head. 



The following figures (dearly indicate rapidity of motion : 




Fig. 881.— Fast-Horse. Red-Cloud's Census. 
Fig. 882.— Fast-Elk. Red-Cloud's Census. 



The following ideograms for the concept of fear show respectively 
an elk, a bear, and a bull surrounded by a circle of hunters. It would 
seem that the latter were supposed to be afraid to attack the animals 
when at bay in hand-to-hand fight, but stood off in a circle until they 
had killed the enraged beast, or at least wounded it sufficiently to 
allow of approach without danger. 



FEAE FRESHET. 



591 



Fig. SS3.— Afraid-of-Elk. Bed-Cloud's Census. 
Fig. S84.— Afraid-of-Bull. Bed-Cloud's Census. 





FIG. 883. -Afraid-of-Hfc. ^a. 8S4.-Afraid.of.BxU]. Jfto. 885-Afraid-of-Bear. 

Fig. 885.— Afraid-of-Bear. Bed-Cloud's Census. 
v \^-' '-tt Fi »- 886.— Matokinajin, The-Bear-Stops. The 

Oglala Boster. The bear is surrouuded by a cir- 
cle of hunters, so is forced to stop. This figure 
» is in no essential respect different from the one 
« preceding, yet the name is suggestive of the con- 
* verse of the fact expressed. In this case the bear 
is forced to stop, and doubtless fear is exhibited 
by that animal and not his hunters. Each of the 
ideas is appropriately expressed, the point of 
consideration being changed. 

Fig. 887 is taken from Copway, 
loc. cit. It probably represents 
••fear." the concept being the un- 
ite. sse.-The-Bear-stops. agined sillking or depression of the KG ' 887 ' 
heart and vital organs, as is correspondingly expressed in several lan- 
guages. 




This small group shows the Dakotan modes of portraying the 
freshets of the rivers on the banks of which they lived, which were 
often disastrous. Each of the three figures pictures differently the 
same event. 

Fig. 888.— -Many-Tanktonais-drowned winter." The river bottom 
on a bend of the Missouri river, where they were 
encamped, was suddenly submerged, when the 
ice broke and many women and children were 
drowned. Battiste Good's Winter Count 
1825-26. 



Fig. 888.— Riv 



592 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fig. 889. — Many of the Dakotas were drowned in a flood caused by 
\ a rise in the Missouri river, in a bend of which 
J they were encamped. Cloud-Shield's Winter 
, Count, 1825-'26. The curved line is the bend 
V. in the river; the waved line is the water, above 



FIG. 889.— River freshe 



which the tops of the tipis are shown. 



Fig. 890. — Some of the Dakotas were living on 
the bottom lands of the Missouri river, below 
the Whetstone, when the river, which was filled 
with broken ice, rose and flooded their village. 
Many were drowned or else killed by the float- 
ing ice. Many of those that escaped climbed on 
cakes of ice or into trees. American-Horse's 
Winter Count, 1825-'26. 




GOOD. 

—Good- Weasel. Red -Cloud's Census. The character is 
represented with tw o waving lines passing 
upward from the the month in imitation of 
the gesture sign, good talk, as made by 
passing two extended and separated fingers 
i (or all fingers separated) upward and for- 
ward from the mouth. This gesture is 
made when referring either to a shaman 
or to a Christian clergyman. It is con- 
nected with the idea of u mystic" fre- 
quently mentioned in this work. 

Fig. 891.— Good weasel. 

HIGH. 




Various modes of delineating this idea are represented as follows : 

Fig. 892. — Top-man. Red-Cloud's Census. 
This character for Top-man, or more properly 
" man above," is drawn a short distance above 
a curved line, which represents the character 
for sky inverted. The gesture for sky is some- 
times made by passing the hand from east to 
west, describing an arc. Other pictographs 
for sky are shown in Fig. 
1117. 

Fig. 893. — High - Cloud, j 
Red-Cloud's Census. The 
light and horizontal char- 



acter 




sts that it i 



i of those classed by meteor- 



MALLERY.] 



HIGH LEAN. 



593 





ologists as belonging to the higher regions of the atmosphere. This 
differs from all the 
varieties of clouds 
depicted in the Da- 
kotan system. 

Fig. 894. — High- 
Bear. Bed- Cloud's 
Census. The length 
of the line and the i 
animal's stretch ofL 
attitude suggest the 
altitude- 
Fig. 895. — High- 
Eagle. Bed-Cloud's 
Census. Here there 

4. -High-Bear. ig au additional SUg- FlG ' ^.-High-Eagle. 

gestion of elevation from the upward angle or pointer delineated 
below the eagle's body and in front 
of its legs. 

Fig. 896.— Wolf-stands-on-a-kill. Bed- < 
Cloud's Census. This and the following 
representation of the same name show 
variation in execution. The first, which 
is faint, as if distant vertically, is con- 
nected with a straight line. The second I 
shows the hill, appearing from vertical [ 
distance too small to be the support of 
the wolf, which requires an imaginary 
support for its hind legs. 
Fig. 897.— Wolf-stands ou-hill. Bed- 1 '" 5 ' 
n Cloud's Census. 





LEAN. 



In the five figures next following the leanness of the several 
is objectively portrayed. In Fig. 903 the idea is conveyed of " 
inside." 

Fig. 898. — Lean-Skunk. Bed-Cloud's 
Census. 

Fig. 899.— Lean-Dog. 
Bed-Cloud's Census. 
Fig. 900.— Lean-Bear. 
Bed -Cloud's Census. 
This bear being ex- 
FiG.898.-i>an-skurik. ce ssively hungry is 
rendered ferocious by devouring unaplatable provender 
10 eth 38 



animals 
nothing 





Fig. 899.— Lean-Dog. 



594 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

Fig. 901.— Lean-Elk. Red-Cloud's Census. 




Fig. 902. — Lean-Bull. Red-Cloud's Census. 

The original of Fig. 903 was made by Lean- Wolf, second chief of the 
Hidatsa, in 1881, and represents the method 
which he had employed to designate himself 
for many years past. During 
his boyhood he had another 
name. This is a current, or 
perhaps it may be called 
cursive, form of the name, 
which is given more elaborate- 
ly in Fig. 548. 

Fig. 902.— Lean-Bull. 

LITTLE. 





Fig.'JW.— Lean -Wolf. 



Fig. 904.— Little-Ring. Red-Cloud's Census. 
This and the six following figures express small- 
ness by their minute size relative to the other 
characterizing figures among nearly three hundred 
in the census. 

Fig. 905.— Little- Ring. 
Red-Cloud's Census. 



O 



Fig. 906. 
Fig. 907. 



Fig. 905.— Little-Ring. 

-Little-Crow. Red-Cloud's Census.* 
-Little- Cloud. Red-Cloud's Census. 

Fig. 908.— Little-Dog. Red- 
Cloud's Census. 



Fig. 906.— Little-Urn 




LITTLE — LOAN. 



595 





Fig-. 909.— Little- Wolf. Bed-Cloud's Census. 
Fig. 910. — Little-Bear. Red-Cloud's Census. 



Fig. 910.— Little-Bear. 

Fig. 911.— Little-Elk. Red-Cloud's 
Census. Here there is an ideogram ex- 
plained by the sign-language for small, 
little, as follows : 

Hold imaginary object between left 
thumb and index ; point (carrying right 
index close to tips) to the last. In the 
fig. 909.-Littie-woif. original appears a small round spot F^ii—Littie -Eik. 
over the back of the deer representing the imaginary point made in the 
gesture. 

Fig. 912. — Little -Beaver and three 
other white men came to trade. Ameri 
can-Horse's Winter Count, 1797 '98. In 
this figure the man is small and the 
beaver abnormally large. 
Fig. 913. — Little - Beaver's trading- 
house was burned down. American-Horse's Winter Count, 1808-'09. 
The beaver is not comparatively so large as in the preceding figure, 
but still much too large for a proper 
proportion with the human head. It is 
indicated that the man is small. 

Fig. 914. — Little-Beaver's house was 
burned. Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 
1809-'10. White-Cow-Killer says, "Lit- 
tle-Beaver's (the white man) house- 
burned-down winter." This is a third 
method of representing the same name. 

Fig. 915.— Little-Moon. Red-Cloud's 
Census. This figure shows a phase of ' 
the moon when the bright part of its 
disk is small. 




Fin. 912.— Little- 





LONE. 



Fig. 916.— Lone- 



man. The Oglala Roster. It is possible that the single straight line 
above the woman's head shows unity, loneliness, or independence, as it 
may be interpreted. 



596 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fig-. 017.— Lone-Bear was killed in battle. Cloud-Shield's Winter 
Count, 1866-'67. This figure is perhaps to be ex- 
plained by the one preceding. The bear is drawn 
sitting upright and solitary, not standing as it would 
be with the device turned, feet to ground, as might 

Ibe suspected to be the intended attitude 
instead of that here shown. 



MANY, MUCH. 





In the two following figures the idea 
of "many" is conveyed by repetition. 

In the third, Fig. 920, the representa- 
tion is that of a heap, for much. 

Fig. 918.— Many-Shells. Eed Cloud's 

Fig. 917.-Lone-Bear. CenSUS. 

Fig. 918 - 

Fig. 010. — General Maynadier made peace with the 
Oglalas and Brules. American-Horse's Winter Count, 
1865-'66. The general's name (the sound of which 
resembles the words "many deer") is indicated by the 
two deer heads connected with his mouth by lines. The 
pictographers represented his name in the same manner 
as they do their own. It is not an example of rebus, 
but of misunderstanding the significance of the word 
as spoken and heard by such Indians as had some FlG - 919 — Man J" deer - 
knowledge of English. The official interpreters would be likely to 
commit the error as they seldom understand more than the colloquial 
English phrases. 

Fig. 020 is taken from the winter count of Battiste Good for the year 
l841-'42. He calls the year "Pointer-made-a-commemoration-of-the- 
dead winter." Also "Deep-snow winter." 

The extended index denotes the man's name, 
"Pointer," the circular line and spots, deep snow. 

The spots denoting snow occur also in other portions 
of this count, and the circle, denoting much, is 

in Fig. 260 connected with a forked 

stick and incloses a buffalo head to 

signify "much meat." That the circle ! 

is intended to signify much is made kig. 921. -Great, much. 
fig. 92o.-Muchsnow. probable, by the fact that a gesture for " much" is made 
by passing the hands upward from both sides and together before the 
bodv, describing the upper half of a circle, i. e., showing a heap. 

Fig. 021, from Copway, gives the character meaning "great," really 
"much." See the above mentioned gesture. 




OBS( JURE — OPPOSITION. 



597 



OBSCURE. 

Fig. 922.— Ring-Cloud. Red-Cloud's Census. The semicircle for 
cloud is the reverse in execution to 
that shown in Fig. 893. The ring is \) 
§| partially surrounded by the cloud. fig. 923.— cioud -Ring. 

!2.— Ring-Cloud. 




Fig. 924.- 

57 



|1 Fig. 923.— Cloud-Ring. Red-Cloud's Census. Here 
v the outline of the ring is intentionally contorted and 

blurred, thus becoming obscure. 
Fog. Red-Cloud's Census. The obscurity here can only 
be appreciated by comparison with the other figures of 
the chart. The outline is drawn broad and with a blurred 
and in part double line, and there is no distinguishing 
mark of identity, as if to suggest that the man was so 
much obscured in the fog as not to be recognizable. 

FiG.924.-Fog. OPPOSITION. 

The following two figures, 925 and 926, are introduced to show the 
opposition in attitude, which would not be understood without knowl- 
edge of the fact that these are perhaps the only instances in a collection 
of nearly three hundred in which the characterizing faces are turned 
to the right, all others being turned to the left. This shows the oppo- 
site of normality, i. e., opposition, as suggested in each case, with a 
different shade of meaning. 

Fig. 925.— Kills-Back. Red-Cloud's Census. 
Here the backward concept is presented by the 
unusual attitude. The coup stick or lance is 
supposed to be wielded in the reverse manner. 

Fig. 926.— Keeps-the- 
Battle, Red - Cloud's 
Census. The concept is 
that of stubborn retreat 
while fighting against 
the advancing foe. 
fig. 925.— Kills-Back. Fig. 927. — Keeps-the- 
Battle. Red-Cloud'sCensus. This is the same 
name as the preceding, 
but the opposition sug- 
gested is that which is 
usual in pictographs of a 
battle, with the impor- 
tant addition of the op- 
posed arrow points being 
attached together by 

Fig. 927.-Keeps-the-Battle. striking the game Object, 

and possibly being connected by an imaginary 
knot. This keeps or continues the struggle. 
Fig. 928.— Okicize-tawa, His-Fight. The Og- 






598 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



4-4- 



lala Roster. The opposed guns and tracks indicate the fight in which 
this warrior was conspicuous and probably victorious. This figure is 
introduced here as typical of simple opposition in battle, 

Fig. 929.— Battiste Good's Winter Count, 
i836-'37. An encounter is represented between 
two tribes, separated by the banks of a river, 
from which arrows are fired across the water at Fl0 . 929— itiver fight, 
the opposing party. The vertical lines represent the banks, while the 
opposing arrows denote a fight or an encounter. 

POSSESSION. 

Fig. 930. — Owns -the -Arrows. Red- 
Cloud's Census. This is a common mode 
of expressing possession by exhibition 
in hand. 

Fig. 931. — Pesto-yuha, Has-something- 
sharp (weapon). Oglala Roster. The 
weapon or sharp utensil is held in front 
to denote its possession. Fls 'tMngsba?p° me ' 

PRISONER. 

This group shows the several modes of expressing the idea of a 
prisoner. 

Fig. 932. — The Ponkas attacked two lodges of Oglalas, killed some 
of the people, and made the rest prisoners. The Oglalas went to the 
Ponka village a short time afterward and took their people from the 
Ponkas. American-Horse's Winter 
Count, 1802-'03. 

In the figure an Oglala has a prisoner 
by the arm leading him 
/ away. The arrow in- 
--i — , Jft dicates that they were 
L m ready to fight. T1ip 





The 

and grasping the fore 
arm is the ideogram of 




prisoner. 

Fig. 932. — Prisoner. Fig. 933. — TakeS- 

Dakota Enemy. Red -Cloud's 

Census. This man is represented as not killed nor even wounded. 
He is touched by the coup stick or feathered lance, when he can 
not escape, and becomes a prisoner. 

Lafitau (d) gives the following account descriptive, of Fig. 934, which 
reminds of the classic Roman parade of prisoners in triumph: 

Those who have charge of the prisoners prepare them for this ceremony, which is 
a sort of triumph, having for them something of glory and of sorrow at the same 
time; for, whether it is desired to do them honor or to enhance the triumph of the 
conquerors, they paint their faces black and red as on a solemn feast day. Their 



POSSESSION PRISONER. 



599 



heads are decorated with a crown embellished with feathers; in the left hand is 
placed a white stick covered with swan skin, which is a sort of commander's baton 
or scepter, as if they represented the chief of the nation [sic] or the nation itself 
which had been vanquished; in the right hand is placed the rattle, and around the 
neck of the most prominent of the slaves the wampum necklace which the war chief 
has given or received when he raised the party and on which the other warriors 
have sealed their engagement. But if on one hand the prisoners are honored, on 
the other, to make them feel their miserable situation, they are deprived of every- 
thing else ; so that they are left entirely naked and made to walk with the arms tied 
behind the back above the elbow. 



- 

1%M 



Fig. 935 is taken from Mrs. Eastman (d), and shows a Dakota method 
of recording the taking of prisoners. 
a and c are the prisoners, a being 
a female as denoted by the presence 
of mammae, and c a male; b is the 
person making the capture. It is 
to be noted that the prisoners are 
without hands, to signify their help- 
lessness. 

In Doc. Hist. New York (c) is the 
following description of Fig. 936: 

On their return, the Iroquois, if they have prisoners or scalps, paint the animal of 
the tribe to which they beloug rampant (debout), with a staff on the shoulder along 
which are strung the scalps they may have and in the same number. After the ani- 
mal are the prisoners they have made, with a chichicois (or gourd filled with beans 
which rattle) in the right hand. If they be women, they represent them with a 
cadenette or queue and a waistcloth. 




600 



PICTURE-WKITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



a. This is a person' returning from war who has taken a prisoner, killed a man 
and woman, whose scalps hang from the end of a stick that he carries, b. The 
prisoner, c. Chichicois (or a gourd), which ho holds in the hand. d. These are 




cords attached to his 




leek, arms, and girdle, e. This is the scalp of a man; what 
the scalp-lock. /. This is the scalp of a woman; they paint 



The expression prisoner and slave are often 
convertible. The following from Kingsborough 
(/), explaining this illustration reproduced as 
Fig. 937, refers in terms to slavery. "The figures 
are those of the wife and son of a cacique ayIio 
rebelled against Montezuma, and who, having 
been conquered, was strangled. The 'collars' 
upon their necks show that they have 
reduced to slavery." 



Fig. 938.— Short-Bull. Eed- 
Gloud's Census, No. 1G. The 
buffalo is markedly short even 
to distortion. 




Fig. 939. — Sees-the-Enemy. Red-Cloud's Census. In this collection the 
eye is not indicated except where that organ is directly connected with 
the significance of the name. Here 
its mere presence suggests that vision 
is the subject matter. But, in ad- 
dition, the object above the head is 
probably a hand mirror, which by its 
reflection is supposed to "see" the 
objects reflected. The plains Indians 
make use of such mirrors not only 
in their face painting but in flash 
signaling. 

Fig. 940. — In a fight with the Mandans, Crier was shot in the head 
with a gun. Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1827-'28. This figure is 



Fn;.!i39.— Sees-tlm- 




1. 940— Crier. 



MALLERY.] 



SIGHT TALL. 



601 




introduced to present another rare 
^ «* ^ instance in which the eye is delineated. 
Here the act is that of weeping. 
F,G - 94 s^ht omes ' il " Fig. 941.— Comes -in -Sight. Red- 
Cloud's Census, No. 235. Distant objects, probably 
buffalo or other animals of the chase, are observed 
coming into the line of vision. 

Fig. 942. — Bear - comes - out. Red- Cloud's Census. 
Here the bear is supposed to come into sight through a 
hole in the tipi. F 
Fig. 943. — Bear- comes - out. Red -Cloud's Census. 

This figure is explained by the one preceding. Only 
half of the bear — the fore part — is to be seen as if 
emerging through some orifice. Heads and other 
parts of animals are frequently portrayed as signifying 
the whole, by synechdoche, but in this case the presen- 
tation of the head and forequarters has special signifi- 
cance. 

Fig. 944. — Taken from Copway, p. 
136, is the character which is em- 
ployed to represent "see." 

SLOW. 

Fig. 945. — Slow -Bear. Red -Cloud's Census. In 
this figure the bear seems to be in backing or retro- 
grade motion, which is slower than any normal 
advance, and is therefore 
ideographically suggestive 
of slowness. 






Fig. 947.— Tall- White- 



Fig. 946.— Tall-Man. Red- 
Cloud's Census. This and 
the five following animal 
figures show length and in- 
dividual height objectively. FlG - 946 -mi-mm. 
Fig. 947.— Wasicun-wankatuya, Tall- White -Man. 
The Oglala Roster. The hat shows 
the man of European origin, but his 
figure is large in the face and short 
in the legs; so not tall in a usual 
sense. He was probably killed by 
the Oglala. 

Fig. 948.— Tall -White-Man. Red- 
Cloud's Census. This expresses the 
height much more graphically than 
the one preceding. fig. 948.-Ta.i-wint< 



602 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

Fig. 949.— Long- - Panther. Red - Cloud's 
Census. 

Fig. 950.— Tall-Panther. Ped-Cloud's Cen- 
sus. 





T .-til-Panther. 



Fig. 951. — Tall-Bull was killed by white soldiers and 
Pawnees on the south side of the South Platte river. 
American-Horse's Winter Count, 1869-'70. The com- 
bined arrangement of the human head and the buffalo 
so as to produce the effect of abnormal height in the 
latter is ingenious. The plan of this chart did not 
allow of long lines above the head, so the effect is at- 
tained by comparison of the standing buffalo with the 
height of the man. 

Fig. 952.— Tall -Pine. Red -Cloud's 
Census. In this as in the two next 
figures the length of the trunk of the 
tree is apparent. 



Fig. 951 .—Tall-Bull. 

Fig. 953. — Long-Pine was killed in a fight with the 
Crows. American-Horse's Winter Count, 1879-'80. 

of his scalp denotes that he was killed by 
The fat al wound was made with the bow 
and arrow. 

Fig. 954. — Long-Pine, a Dakota, was 
killed by Dakotas, perhaps accidentally 
or perhaps in a personal quarrel. Cloud- 
Shield's Winter Count, 1846-'47. He 
was not killed by a tribal enemy, as he 
has not lost his scalp. 






Fig. 953 —Long Pine. 



Fig. 954.— Long-Pine. 



TRADE UNION. 



603 



% 



Fig. 955. — They were compelled to sell many mules and horses to en- 
able them to procure food, as they were in a starving condition. They 
willingly gave a mule for a sack of flour. American- 
Horse's Winter Count, 1868-'69. The mule's halter is 
connected with two sacks of flour. 

Fig. 956 is taken from Prince Maximilian, of Wied's 
(h) Travels. The cross signifies, I will barter or trade. 
Three animals are drawn on the right hand of the cross; 
one is a buffalo (probably albino); the two others, a 
weasel {Mustela Canadensis) and an otter. The picto- 
grapher offers in exchange for the skins of these animals n G . 955—Trade. 
the articles which he has drawn on the left side of the cross. He has 
there, in the first 
place, depicted a 
beaver very plain- 
ly, behind which 
there is a gun; 
to the left of the 
beaver are thirty 
strokes, each ten 
separated by a 
longer line; this 
means: I will give 
thirty beaver 

skins and a gun for the skins of the three animals on the right hand of 
the cross. 

The ideographic character of the design consists in the use of the 
cross — being a drawing of the gesture-sign for "trade" — the arms being 
interchanged in position. Of the two things each one is put in the 
place before occupied by the other thing, the idea of exchange. 

UNION. 

The Dakotas often express this concept by uniting two or more fig- 
ures by a distinct inclusive line below the figures. This sometimes 
means family relationship and sometimes com- 
mon membership in the same tribe. 

Fig. 957. — Antoine Janis's two boys were killed 
by John Eichard. Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 
1 872-'73. The line of union shows them to be in- 
timately connected; in fact, they were brothers. 

Fig. 958.— The Oglalas got drunk 
at Chug creek and engaged in a - I 
quarrel among themselves, in - r ~ 
which Red-Cloud's brother was 
killed and Red-Cloud killed three 

F!G. 957.-Brothers. meil _ cw . Winter 958,-Same tribe. 

Count, 1841-'42. The union line shows that the quarrel was in the tribe. 





304 PICTURE-WRTTING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




' Fig. 959. — Torn-Belly and his wife were killed by some of tbeir own 
people in a quarrel. Cloud Sbield's Winter Count, 1855-'56. Here tbe 
man and wife are united by tbe inclusive line. 

Fig. 900. — Eigbt Minneconjou Da- 
kotas were killed by Crow Indians at 
the mouth of Powder river. The- fig. 96o.-same 
Swan's Winter Count, 1805-'06. This tribe ' 
device is very frequently used to denote the 
death of the Dakotas. The black strokes indi- 
cate the death of persons of the number delinea- 
fig. 959.— Man and wife, ted and the union line shows that they were of 
the same tribe. 

Fig. 901.— Blackfeet Dakotas kill three Bees. The-Flame's Winter 
Count for 1798-'99. Here the uniting line of death refers to others than 
k Dakotas, which does not often appear, 
but the principle is maintained that the 
dead are of the same tribe. 

Fig. 961.-Same WHIRLWIND. 

Fig. 902. — Mato-wamniyomni, Bear- Whirl wind. 
The Oglala Boster. This figure shows over the bear's 
head a variant of the character given in Bed Cloud's 
Census, Fig. 903. The figure appears, according to the 
explanation given by several Oglala Dakota Indians, 
to signify the course of a whirlwind with the trans p 
verse lines in imitation of the circular movement of 

the air, conveying dirt and leaves, observed during 



M yM=^ suc jj aer i a i disturbances. 




Fig. 903. — Bepresents White- 
Whirlwind, above referred to, from 
A, I Bed-Cloud's Census. In this the des- 

/ ignating character is more distinct. 

y \ Fig. 904.— Leafing. Bed-Cloud's 

fig. 963 .-White-whirl- Census. This seems to be of the 
wind " same description. It is said to be 

drawn in imitation of a number of fallen leaves packed fig. 9G4.-Leanng. 
against one another and whirled along the ground. It also has re- 
ference to the season when leaves 
: fall — autumn. 

Mr. Ream's MS. describing Fig. 
905, says: 
It is a decoration of great frequency and 
insisting of tbe single and double spirals, 
be single spiral is tbe symbol of Ho-bo- 
bo, the twister, who manifests his power by 
Fig. 965.— Whirlwind. the whirlwind. It is also of frequent occur- 

a rock etching in the vicinity of ruins, where also the symbol of the Ho- 




MALLEBY.] 



WHIRLWIND WINTER. 



605 



be-bo is seen. But the figure does not appear upon any of the pottery . The myth ex- 
plains that a stranger came among the people, when a great whirlwind blew all 
the vegetation from the surface of the earth and all thte water from its courses. With 
a flint he caught these symbols upon a rock, the etching of which is now in Ream's 
Canon, Arizona Territory. It is 17 inches long and 8 inches across. He told them 
that he was the keeper of breath . The whirlwind and the air which men breathe 
comes from this keeper's mouth. 

Fig. 966 is a copy of part of the decoration on a pot 
taken from a niound in Missouri, published in Second 
Annual Beport of the Bureau Ethnology, PI. liii, fig. 
11. On the authority of Eev. S. D. Hinman, it is the 
conventional device amoug the Dakotas to represent 
a whirlwind. 

Fig. 966.— Whirwind. 




WINTER — COLD — SNOW. 



Fig. 967. — Glue, an Oglala, froze to death on his way to a Brule vil- 
lage. American-Horse's Winter Count, 1791-'92. A glue-stick is rep- 
resented back of his head. Glue, made from 
the hoofs of buffalo, is used to fasten arrow- 
heads to the sh aft and is carried about on sticks. 
The cloud from which hail or snow is falling 
represents winter. 
^'Vdeath'; 1 "' Fig. 968. — A Dakota, named Glue, froze to 
death. Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1820-'21. This figure 
is introduced to corroborate of the preceding one as re- 
gards the name Glue. It gives another representation of riG to 6 (k'7th!" z ' 
the glue stick. 

Fig. 969. — A Dakota named Stabber froze to death. American- 
Horse's Winter Count, 1782-'83. The sign for 
^ winter is the same as before, but doubled, as 
if of twofold power or excessively severe. 

Fig. 970. — The winter was so cold that many 
crows froze to death. Cloud- Shield's Winter 
"Count, 1788-'89. White-Cow-Killer says 
"Many-black-crows-died winter." 
FIG - 9 fro7e Cr ° ws The crow falling stiff and motionless is a FlG t 9 0 7 J le lf h roze 
good symbol for the effect of excessive cold. 

Fig. 971. — The snow was very deep. American-Horse's 
Winter Count, 1827-'28. The piled-up snow 
around the bottoms of the tipis is graphic ; 
no other material than snow could make that 
kind of surrounding heap. 

Fig. 972. — From Copway, page 135, is the fig. 972.-C0W, 
Fig. 971. representation of " cold," " snow. 1 ' 




American- 

i 




606 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The Shoshoni and Banak sign for cold, winter, is: Clinch both hands 
and cross the forearms before the breast with a trembling motion. It 




is represented in Fig. 973. Of. Battiste Good's Winter count for 1747- 
'48 and 1783-'84. 

In Kingsborough (g) is the painting reproduced in 
Fig. 974 with this description: "In the year of seven 
Canes and 1447 according to our calculation, it 
snowed so heavily that lives were lost." 

In the same work and volumes, p. 140 and PI. 26, is 
the original of Fig. 975, with the explanation that: 
"In this year of seven Flints, or 1512, there were 
heavy falls of snow." 

Wiener, op. cit., p. 702, gives the following descri- 
ption (condensed) of Fig. 970, a remarkable example ot'ideography: 

This is on a cloth on which the eight fortresses of Paramonga were presented. 
Between these bridges are drawn; these forts are of three stages and on each stage 
is a representation of a man or of two men. The men who are down on the plain 
had clothing of another color and even another colored face from those who appear 
on the different stages. Those who are on the plain at the foot of the fortress have 
no arms, but they have highly developed ears. The same is true of those who appear 
on the first stage. Those of the following stage are provided with arms, and the 
ears are of normal size. On the highest platform appear individuals with arms and 
they have ears like those on the second stage. In the middle a figure is provided 
with one arm aiul only one developed ear, which are on opposite sides. The men 
without arms are also without weapons. Those of the second stage carry at the 
height of the belt a kind of hatchet and those of the upper platform have each a club. 

Considering the character of the locality where this cloth was found, the number 
of forts there, the marshy land which prevented dry-shod communication between 
them, it can not be doubted that the subject matter was the representation of that 
region, but this representation is not a drawing on a plan, but is a description which 
does not only treat of the nature of the place and of the work that man raised there, 
but it also indicates the role that the inhabitants played there. 

The function of the men with exaggerated ears and no arms was that 
of scouts. The armed men with normal ears were guards or warriors 




SIGNS, SYMBOLS, AND EMBLEMS. 



607 



bearing different weapons, ax and club, and differently uniformed. 
The highest figure with one large ear was the chief of the garrison. 

It will be noticed that the scouts have enormous feet which do not 
rest on the ground. This in connection with their exaggerated ears 
implies that their duty is to listen and when they hear the enemy not 
to engage him, as they have no arms or weapons, but to fly to the head- 
quarters and make the report. The duty of the warriors is not to listen, 
so their ears are not abnormal, but to fight, and therefore they have 
arms, one of which is exposed and the other holds a weapon. Their 
feet are attached to their several stations. The chief must both listen 
and direct, wherefore he is drawn with one exaggerated ear and one 




Fig. 976.— Peruvian garrison. 

arm. His feet do not touch the platform, which signifies that he has 
no special station, but must move wherever he is most needed. 

SECTION 2 . 
SIGNS. SYMBOLS, AND EMBLEMS. 

The terms sign, symbol, and emblem are ofteu used interchangeably 
and therefore incorrectly. Many persons ascribe an occult and mystic 
signification to symbols, probably from their general religious and 
esoteric employment. All characters in Indian picture-writing have 



G08 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



been loosely styled symbols, and, as there is no logical distinction 
between the, characters impressed with enduring form and when merely 
outlined in the ambient air, all Indian gestures, motions, and attitudes, 
intended to be significant, might with equal appropriateness be called 
symbolic. But an Indian sign-talker or a deaf-mute represents a person 
by mimicry, and an object by the outline of some striking part of its 
form, or by the pantomime of some peculiarity in its actions or relations. 
Their attempt is to bring to mind the person or thing through its 
characteristics, not to distinguish the characteristics themselves, which 
is a second step. In the same manner a simple pictorial sign attempts 
to express an object, idea, or fact without any approach to symbolism. 
Symbols are less obvious and more artificial than mere signs, are not 
only abstract, but metaphysical, and often need explanation from 
history, religion, and customs. They do not depict, but suggest sub- 
jects ; do not speak directly through the eye to the intelligence, but pre- 
suppose in the mind knowledge of an event or fact which the sign 
recalls. The symbols of the ark, dove, olive branch, and rainbow would 
be wholly meaningless to people unfamiliar with the Mosaic or some 
similar cosmology, as would the cross and the crescent be to those 
ignorant of history. 

The loose classification by which symbols would include every ges- 
ture or pictorial sign that naturally or conventionally recalls a cor- 
responding idea, only recognizes the fact that every action and object 
can, under some circumstances, become a symbol. And indeed lovers of 
the symbolic live in, on, and by the symbols which they manufacture. 

A curious instance of the successful manufacture of a symbol by the 
ingenuity of one man is in the one now commonly pictured of a fish to 
represent Christ. The fish for obvious reasons has been connected 
with Eurasian mythology, and therefore was a heathen symbol many 
centuries before the Christian era; indeed, probably before the creed 
of the Israelites had become formulated. It was used metaphorically 
or emblematically by the early Christians without the apparent pro- 
priety of the lamb-bearing shepherd, the dove, and other emblems or 
symbols found in the catacombs, and Didron (b) says that only in the 
middle of the fourth century Optatus, bishop of Milesia, in Africa, de- 
clared the significance of the letters of the Greek word for fish ; IXdYS, 
to be the initials of Ur ) aoT><; Xpiazbq 8sod 'Ytos Iwzrjp, which acrostic Avas 
received with acclamation, and new characteristics were from time to 
time invented, adding force to the thenceforth commonly displayed 
symbol. It may be noted that when symbols, which were generally 
religious, received acceptance, they were soon used objectively as amu- 
lets or talismans. 

This chapter is not intended to be a treatise on symbolism, but it is 
proper to mention the distinction in the writer's mind between a pic- 
torial sign, an emblem, and a symbol ; though it is not easy to preserve 
accurate discrimination in classification of ideographic characters. To 
partly express the distinction, nearly all of the characters in the Win- 



MALLERY.] 



EMBLEMS. 



609 



ter Counts in this work are regarded as pictorial signs, and the class 
represented by tribal and clan designations, insignia, etc., is considered 
to belong to the category of emblems. There is no doubt, however, 
that true symbols exist among the Indians, as they must exist to some 
extent among all peoples not devoid of poetic imagination. Some of 
them are shown in this work. The pipe is generally a symbol of peace, 
although in certain positions and connections it signifies preparation 
for war, and, again, subsequent victory. The hatchet is a common sym- 
bol for war, and joined hands or approaching palms denote peace. 
The tortoise has been clearly used as a symbol for land, and many 
other examples can be admitted. Apart from the exaggerations of 
Schoolcraft, true symbolism is found among the Ojibwa, of which illus- 
trations are presented. The accounts of the Zuni, Mold, and Navajo, 
before mentioned, show the constant employment of symbolic devices 
by those tribes which are notably devoted to mystic ceremonies. 
Nevertheless the writer's personal experience is that when he has at 
first supposed a character to be a genuine symbol, better means of 
understanding has often proved it to be not even an ideograph, but a 
mere objective representation. In this connection the remarks on the 
circle, in Lone-Dog's Winter Count for 1811-'12, and those on the cross 
infra, may be in point. 

The connection, to the unlettered Indian, between printed words, 
pictures, and signs, was well illustrated through the spontaneous copial, 
by a Cheyenne, of the ornate labels on packages of sugar and coffee, 
which he had seen at a reservation, and the lines of which he rather 
skillfully and very ingeniously repeated on a piece of paper when send- 
ing to a post- trader to purchase more of the articles. The printed 
label was to him the pictorial sign for those articles. 

The following remarks are quoted from D'Alviella (a): 

There is a symbolism so natural, that, like certain implements peculiar to the stone 
age, it does not belong to any particular race, but constitutes a characteristic trait 
of mankind at a certain phase of its development. Of this class are, representations 
of the sun by a disk or radiating face, of the moon by a crescent, of the air by birds, 
of water by fishes or a broken line, of thunder by an arrow or a club, etc. We 
ought, perhaps, to add a few more complicated analogies, as those which lead to 
symbolizing the different phases of human life by the growth of a tree, the genera- 
tive forces of nature by phallic emblems, the divine triads by an equilateral triangle, 
or in general by any triple combination the members of which are equal, and the 
four principal directions of space by a cross. How many theories have been built 
upon the presence of the cross as an object of veneration anioni; nearly all the peo- 
ples of the Old and New Worlds? Roman Catholic writers have justly protested, in 
recent years, against attributing a pagan origin to the cross of the Christians, be- 
cause there were cruciform signs in the symbolism of religions anterior to Christi- 
anity. It is also right, by the same reason, to refuse to accept the attempts to seek 
for infiltrations of Christianity in foreign religions because they also possess the 
sign of redemption. * * * Nearly all peoples have represented the fire from the 
sky by an arm and, sometimes also, by a bird of strong and rapid flight. It was 
symbolized among the Chaldeans by a trident. Cylinders going back to the most 
ancient ages of Chaldean art exhibit a water jet gushing from a trident which 
10 ETH 39 



610 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



is held by the god of the sky or of the storm. The Assyrian artist who first, on the 
bas-reliefs of Nimroud or Malthai, doubled the trident or transformed it into a tri- 
lid fascicle, docile to the refinements and elegancies of classic art, by that means 
secured for the ancient Mcsopotamian symbol the advantage over all the other 
representations of thunder with which it could compete. The Greeks, like the other 
Indo-European nations, seem to have represented the storm-fire under the features 
of a bird of prey. When they received the Asiatic figure of the thunderbolt, they 
put it in the eagle's claws and made of it the scepter of Zeus, explaining the combi- 
nation, after their habit, by the story of the eagles bringing thunder to Zeus when 
he was preparing for the war against the Titans. Latin Italy transmitted the 
thunderbolt to Gaul, where, in the last centuries of paganism, it alternated on the 
Gallo-Roman monuments with the two-headed hammer. 

The emblem writers, so designated, have furnished an immense body 
of literature, and apparently have considered such pictures as those of 
the Winter Counts in the present work and also all symbols to be in- 
cluded in their proper scope. The best summary on the subject is by 
Henry Greene (a), from which the following condensed extract is taken: 

Of the changes through which a word may pass the word emblem presents one 
of the most remarkable instances. Its present signification, type, or allusive repre- 
sentation is of comparatively modern use, while its original meaning is obsolete. 
Among the Greeks an emblem meant something thrown in or inserted after the 
fashion of what we now call marquetry and mosaic work, or in the form of a de- 
tached ornament to be affixed to a pillar, a tablet, or a vase, and put off or on as 
there might be occasion. 

Quintilian (lib. 2, cap. 4), in enumerating the arts of oratory used by the plead- 
ers of his day, describes some of them as in the habit of preparing and committing 
to memory certain highly finished clauses, to be inserted (as occasion might arise) 
like emblems in the body of their orations. Such was the meaning of the term in 
the classical ages of Greece and Rome; nor was its signification altered until some 
time after the revival of literature in the fifteenth century. 

Thus, in their origin, emblems were the figures or ornaments fashioned by the 
tools of the artists, in metal or wood, independent of the vase, or the column, or the 
furniture they were intended to adorn ; they might be affixed or detached at the 
promptings of the owner's fancy. Then they were formed, as in mosaic, by placing 
side by side little blocks of colored stone, or tiles, or small sections of variegated 
wood. Raised or carved figures, however produced, came next to be considered as 
emblems; and afterwards any kind of figured ornament or device, whether carved 
or engraved or simply traced, on the walls and floors of houses or on vessels of wood, 
(day, stone, or metal. 

By a very easy and natural step figures and ornaments of many kinds, when 
placed on smooth surfaces, were named emblems; and as these figures and orna- 
ments were very often symbolical, i. e., signs or tokens of a thought, a sentiment, a 
saying, or an event, the term emblem was applied to any painting, drawing, or 
print that was representative of an action, of a quality of the mind, or of any pecu- 
liarity or attribute of character. Emblems in fact were and are a species of hiero- 
glyphics, in which the figures or pictures, besides denoting the natural objects to 
which they bear resemblances, were employed to express properties of the mind, 
virtues and abstract ideas, and all the operations of the soul. 

The following remarks of the same author (b) are presented in this con- 
nection, though they pass beyond the scope of either symbols or emblems 
into other divisions of pictography, as classified m the present work: 

Coins and medals furnish most valuable examples of emblematical figures; indeed 
some of the emblem writers, as Sambucus, in 1564, were among the earliest to pub- 



EMBLEMS AND SYMBOLS. 



611 



lisli impressions or engravings of ancient Roman money, on which are frequently 
given very interesting representations of customs and symbolical acts. On Grecian 
coins we find, to use heraldic language, that the owl is the crest of Athens, a wolf's 
head that of Argos, and a tortoise the badge of the Peloponnesus. The whole his- 
tory of Louis XIV and that of his great adversary, William III, is represented in 
volumes containing the medals that were struck to commemorate the leading events 
of their reigns, and, though outrageously untrue to nature aud reality by the 
adoption of Roman costumes and classic symbols, they serve as records of remarka- 
ble occurrences. 

Heraldry throughout employs the language of emblems ; it is the picture-history 
of families, of tribes, aud of nations, of princes and emperors. Many a legend and 
many a strange fancy may he mixed up with it, and demand almost the credulity 
of simplest childhood in order to obtain our credence; yet in the literature of chiv- 
alry and honors there are enshrined abundant records of the glory that belonged 
to mighty names. 

The custom of taking a device or badge, if not a motto, is traced to the earliest 
times of history. It is a point not to be doubted that the ancients used to bear 
crests and ornaments in the helmets and on the shields; for we see this clearly in 
Virgil, when he made the catalogue of the nations which came in favor of Turnus 
against the Trojans, in the eighth book of the iEneid; Amphiaraus then (as Pindar 
says), at the war of Thebes, bore a dragon on his shield. Similarly Statius writes 
of Capaneus and of Polinices that the one bore the Hydra and the other the Sphynx. 

Emblems do not necessarily require any analogy between the objects 
representing and the objects or qualities represented, but may arise 
from pure accident. They may bear any meaning that men may choose 
to attach to them, so their value still more than that of symbols 
depends upon extrinsic facts and not intrinsic features. After a scur- 
rilous jest the beggar's wallet became the emblem of the confederated 
nobles, the Gueux of the Netherlands ; and a sling, in the early minority 
of Louis XIV, was adopted from the refrain of a song by the Frondenr 
opponents of Mazarin. 

The several tribal designations for Sioux, Arapaho, Cheyenne, 
etc., are their emblems, precisely as the star-spangled flag is that of 
the United States, but there is no intrinsic symbolism in them. So 
the designs for individuals, when not merely translations of their 
names, are emblematic of their family totems or personal distinctions, 
and are no more symbols than are the distinctive shoulder-straps of an 
army officer. 

The point urged is that while many signs can be used as emblems 
and both can be converted by convention into symbols or be explained 
as such by perverted ingenuity, it is futile to seek for that form of 
psychological exuberance in the stage of development attained by the 
greater part of the American tribes. All predetermination to interpret 
their pictographs on the principles of symbolism as understood or pre- 
tended to be understood by its admirers, aud as are sometimes properly 
applied not only to Egyptian hieroglyphics, but to Mexican, Maya, and 
some other southern pictographs, results in mooning mysticism. 

The following examples are presented as being either symbols or 
emblems, according to the definition of those terms, and therefore 



612 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



appropriate to this section. More will be found in Chapter xx, on 
Special Comparisons, and indeed may appear under different headings; 
e. g., Battiste Good symbolizes hunting by a buffalo head and arrow, 
Fig. 321, and war by a special head-dress, Fig. 395. 

Sir A. Mackenzie (c) narrates that in 1793 he found among the Athabas- 
cans an emblem of a country abounding in animals. This was a small 
round piece of green wood chewed at one end in the form of a brush, 
which the Indians use to pick the marrow out of bones. 

Mr. Frank H. Cashing, in notes not yet reduced to final shape for 
publication, gives two excellent examples of symbols among the Zuhi : 

(1) The circle or halo around the sun is supposed to be and is called by the Zuni 
the House of the Sun-God. This is explained by analogy. A man seeks shelter on 
the approach of a rainstorm. As the sun circle almost invariably appears only with 
the coming of a storm, the Sun, like his child, the man, seeks shelter iu his house, 
which the circle has thus come to be. 

The influence of this simple inference myth on the folklore of the Zuni shows itself 
in the perpetuation, until within recent generations, of the round sun towers and 
circular estufas so intimately associated with sun worship, yet which were at first 
but survivals of the round medicine lodge. 

(2) The rainbow is a deified animal having the attributes of a human being, yet 
also the body and some of the functions of a measuring worm. Obviously, the 
striped back and arched attitude of the measuring worm, its sudden appearance and 
disappearance among the leaves of the plants which it inhabits, are the analogies 
on which this personification is based. As the measuring worm consumes the 
herbage of the plants and causes them to dry up, so the rainbow, which appears 
only after rains, is supposed to cause a cessation of rains, consequently to be the 
originator of droughts, under the influence of which latter plants parch and wither 
away as they do under the ravages of the measuring worms. Here it will be seen 
that the visible phenomenon called the rainbow gets by analogy the personality of 
the measuring worm, while from the measuring worm in turn the rainbow gets its 
functions as a god. Of this the cessation of rain on the appearance of the rainbow 
is adduced as proof. 

The following is reported by Dr. W. H. Dall (e), and explains how 
the otter protruding his tongue is the emblem of Shaman: 

The carvings on the rattles of the Tlinkit are matters belonging particularly to 
the shaman or medicine man, and characteristic of his profession. Among these 
very generally, if not invariably, the rattle is composed of the figure of a bird, from 
which, near the head of the bird or carved upon the back of the bird's head, is rep- 
resented a human face with the tongue protruding. 

This tongue is bent downward and usually meets the mouth of a frog or an otter, 
the tongue of either appearing continuous with that of the human face. In case it 
is a frog it usually appears impaled upon the tongue of a kingfisher, whose head and 
variegated plumage are represented near the handle in a conventional way. It is 
asserted that this represents the medicine man absorbing from the frog, which has 
been brought to him by the kingfisher, either poison or the power of producing evil 
effects on other people. 

In case it is an otter the tongue of the otter touches the tongue of the medicine 
man, as represented on the carving. * * * 

This carving is represented, not only on rattles, hut on totem posts, fronts of 
houses, and other objects associated with the medicine man, the myth being that 
when the young aspirant for the position of medicine man goes out into the woods 
after fasting for a considerable period, in order that his to be familiar spirit may 



MEXICAN SYMBOLS. 



613 



seek him, and that he may become possessed of the power to communicate with 
supernatural beings ; if successful he meets with a river otter, which is a super- 
natural animal. The otter approaches him and he seizes it, kills it with the blow 
of a club, and takes out the tongue, after which he is able to understand the 
language of all inanimate objects, of birds, animals, and other living creatures. 

This ceremony or occurrence happens to every real medicine man. Consequently 
the otter presenting his tongue is the most universal type of the profession as such, 
and is sure to be found somewhere in the, paraphernalia of every individual of that 
profession. 

With this account from the Pacific coast a similar determination of 
emblems by the Indians in the northeastern parts of the United States 
may be compared. The objects seen by them in their fasting visions 
not only were decisive of their names but were held to show the course 
of their lives. If a youth saw an eagle or bear he was destined to be 
a warrior; if a deer he would be a man of peace; and a turkey buzzard 
or serpent was the sign that he would be a medicine man. The figures 
of those animals therefore were respectively the emblems of the quali- 
ties and dispositions implied. See Fig. 159, supra, for a drawing of the 
Sci-Manzior " Mescal Woman " of the Kaiowa as it appears on a sacred 
gourd rattle used in the mescal ceremony of that tribe, with description. 

In Kingsborough (h) is the record that "in the year of Ten Houses, 
or 1489, a very large comet, which they name Xihuitli, appeared." 

The comet is represented in the 
plate by the symbol of a caterpillar, 
in allusion, perhaps, to its supposed 
influence in causing blights. This 
maybe compared with the measuring fig. 977.— Comet. Mexican, 

worm, symbol of the rainbow, supra. The character is reproduced in 
Fig. 977. 

In the same work and Codex, Pis. 10, 12, and 33, are three charac- 
ters, somewhat differing, representing earthquakes, which, according 
to the text in Vol. vi, p. 137, et seq., occurred in Mexico in the years 
A. D. 1461, 1407, and 1542. The concept appears to be that of the 
disruption and change of the position of the several strata of soil, which 
are indicated by the diverse coloration. These characters are repro- 
duced in the present work in PI. xlix as the three on the right hand in 
the lower line. 

Fig. 978 is from the same work (i), Codex Mendoza, 
and is the symbol for robbery, in allusion to the pun- 
ishment of the convicted robber. 

In the same work (it), Codex Yaticanus, is the fol- 
lowing description, in quaint language, of the plate 
now reproduced in PI. xlix: 

These are the twenty letters or figures which they employed in 978.— Robbery, 

all their calculations, which they supposed ruled overmen, as Mexican, 
the figure shows, and they cured in a corresponding manner those who became ill or 
suffered pains in any part of the body. The sign of the wind was assigned to the 





614 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



3 to the breast ; the earthquake to the tong 
to the ri"ht ear- the rabbit to the left " 




reotyped frill si 



979.— Guatemalan 01 
^rounding' the forehead, the oul 



the eagle to the right 
the flint to the teeth; 
.... to the breath; the monkey 
to the left arm ; the cane to the 
heart ; the herb, to the bowels ; the 
lizard to the womb of women ; the 
tiger to the left foot; the serpent 
to the male organ of generation, as 
that from which their diseases pro- 
ceeded in their commencement; 
for in this manner they considered 
the serpent, wherever it occurred, 
as the most ominous of all their 
signs. Even still physicians con- 
tinue to use this figure when they 
perform cures, and, according to 
the sign and hour in which the 
patient became ill, they examined 
whether the disease corresponded 
with the ruling sign; from which 
it is plain that this nation is not 
as brutal as some persons pretend, 
since they observed so much meth- 
od aud order in their affairs and 
employed the same means as our 
astrologers and physicians use, as 
this figure still obtains amongst 
them and may be found in their 
repertoires. 

a, deer or stag; b, wind; c, 
rose; d, earthquake ; e, eagle ; 
/, eagle of a different species ; 
g, water; h, house; i, skull or 
death; j, rain; Jc, dog; I, rab- 
bit; m, flint; n, air; o, mon- 
key ; p, cane ; q, grass or herb ; 
r, lizard; s, tiger; t, serpent. 

Dr. S. Habel (d) gives the 
description concerning Fig. 
979, which is presented here 
on account of the several sym- 
bols and gestures exhibited : 
This is a block of dark gray 
porphyry (vulcanite) 12 feet long 
3 feet broad and 2 feet thick, the 
upper left corner of which is 
slightly broken off. The sculpture 
occupies 9 feet of its upper part. 
The upper portion represents the 
head and breast of a female, sur- 
rounded by a circle, from which 
the arms project. Besides the ste- 
>rnament of the head consists of two 



Bureau of Ethnology. Tenth Annual Report. Plate XLI X 




MEXICAN SYMBOLS. 



COLOMBIAN SYMBOLS. 



615 



entwined rattlesnakes. The hair is of medium lengt h and descends in tresses to the 
shoulders and breast. The ear is ornamented with circular disks inclosing smaller 
ones. Around the neck is a broad necklace of irregularly-shaped stones of extra- 
ordinary size. Below the necklace the breast is covered with a kind of scarf or tex- 
tile fabric, the upper ends of which are fastened by buttons. To the center of this 
scarf seems to be attached a globe, the upper part of which is adorned by a knotted 
band from which four others ascend. From the lower part of the globe descends 
another band, with incisions characteristic of Mexican sculpture, while its sides arc 
adorned by wreaths like wings. The wrists of both hands are covered with strings 
of large stones perforated in the center. From the semicircular bands emanate two 
of the twining staves; to the staves are attached knots, leaves, flowers, and various 
other emblems of a mythical character. The most conspicuous of these is the repre- 
sentation of a human face in a circle resembling the ordinary pictures of the full 
moon. The two central staves, originating from the neck, pass downward, and are 
differently ornamented. The fact that the head and part of the breast are surrounded 
by a circle, and that the image of the moon forms one of its ornaments, induces us 
to believe that this is the figure of the moon goddess. In the lower part of the 
sculpture appears, again, an individual imploring the deity with face upturned and 
elevated hand. The supplication is indicated by a curved staff knotted on the sides. 
Excepting a circular disk attached to the hair, the head is without ornament; the 
long hair hangs down to the. breast and back, ending in a complicated ornament 
extending below the knees. In the lobe of the ear is a small ring from which a larger 
one depends. The breast is adorned with a globe similar to that on the breast of 
the goddess, only it is smaller. Around the wrist of the right hand is a plain cuff, 
while the left hand is covered by a skull; a stiff girdle, with a boar's head orna- 
menting its back part, surrounds the waist. This girdle differs from the previous 
ones by being ornamented with circular depressions. From the front of the girdle 
descend two twisted cords surrounding the thigh, and a band tied in bow and ends. 
Below the right knee is a kind of garter with a pear-shaped pendant. The left foot, 
with the exception of the toes, is inclosed in a sort of shoe. 

In front of the adorer is a small altar, the cover of which has incisions similar to 
those in the pendant of the globe on the breast of the deity. On the altar is a human 
head, from the mouth of which issues a curved staff, while other staves in the shape 
of arrows appear on the side of the head. 

Fig. 980 is reproduced by permission from Lieut. H. E. Lemly (a), 
TJ. S. Army, who calls it a "stone calendar." It is the work of the 
Chibcha Indians of the United States of Colombia, and its several 
parts, some of which are to be compared with similar designs in other 
regions, are explained as follows: 

a, Ata, a small frog in the act of leaping. This animal was the base of the system, and 
in this attitude denoted the abundance of water. 6, Bosa, a rectangular figure with 
various divisions, imitating cultivated fields, c, Mica, a bicephalous figure, with the 
eyes distended, as if to examine minutely. It signified the selection and planting of 
seed, d, Muihica, similar to the preceding, but with the eyes almost closed. It rep- 
resented the dark and tempestuous epoch in which, favored by the rain, the seed 
began to sprout, e, Hisca, resembling c and d of the stone, but larger, with no divi- 
sion between the heads. It was the symbol of the conjunction of the sun and moon, 
which the C'hibchas considered the nuptials or actual union of these celestial spouses — 
one of the cardinal dogmas of their creed. /, Ta, almost identical with b. It repre- 
sented the harvest month, g, Cuhupcua, an earless human head upon one of the 
lateral faces of the stone. It was the symbol of the useless or so-called deaf month 
of the Chibchan year, h, Suhuza, perhaps a tadpole, and probably referred to the 
generation of these animals, i, Aca, a figure of a frog, larger than a, but in a simi- 
lar posture. It announced the approach of the rainy season. Ulchihica, two 
united rhomboids— a fruit or seed, and perhaps an ear. It referred to their invitations 



616 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




rectangular oblong 



and feasts. 1-, Guesa, a human figure in an humble attitude, the hands folded, and a 
halo about the head. It is supposed to represent the unfortunate youth selected as the 
victim of the sacrifice made every twenty Chibchau years to the god of the harvest. 

The characters b and /below, markedly resemble one given by Pipart 
(a), with the same signification. It referred to the preparation of the 
ground for sowing. 

Wiener (/) gives the 
following summary of 
prominent Peruvian 
symbols : 

In the conventional sys- 
tem of the Peruvians a bird 
indicates velocity, a lion 
strength, the lion and the 
bird united in one figure 
strength and velocity to- 
gether, and, deductively, 
power. The meander indi 
cates fertility and the pyra 
mid with degrees or steps in 
dicates defense. A bird com- 
bined with the meander in 
—Chibcha symbols, dicates rapid production. A 

:ire (the mouth ) indicates speech and discourse. A circle with 
a depression almost in the form of a heart means a female child, a circle with a small 
blade or stalk a male child. The circle with two stalks is the symbol of a man — 
the worker. The circle with four stalks means a married couple, marriage, etc. 

Pig. 981 is presented to show another collection of engraved sym- 
bols, some of which with different execution resemble some found in 
North America. It is a bronze 
tablet found in Syria in the 
collection of M. Peretie, and is 
described by Maj. Claude R. Con- 
der, R. F. (a) : 

It measures i4, inches in height by 
in width. The design is supposed to 
represent the fate of the soul according 
to Assyrian or Phenician belief. The 
tablet is divided into four compartments 
horizontally, the lowest being the largest 
and highest the most narrow. In the 
top compartment various astronomical 
symbols occur, many of which, as M. 
Canneau points out, occur on other 
Assyrian monuments. On the extreme 
right are the seven stars, next to these 
the crescent, next the winged solar disk, 
then an eight-rayed star in a circle. 
The remaining symbols are less easily 
explained, but the last is called by M. 
Canneau a " cidaris" or Persian tiara, 
while another appears to approach most 
nearly to the Trisul, or symbol of 
"lire," the emblem of the Indian Siva. 




MALLEBY.] 



SYRIAN SYMBOLS. 



617 



Below these symbols stand seven deities facing to the right, with long robes, and 
the heads of various animals. The first to the left resembles a lion, the second a 
wolf or hound, the fourth a ram, the sixth a bird, the seventh a serpent, while the 
third and fifth are less easily recognized. In the third compartment a body lies on 
a bier, with a deity at the head, and another at the feet. These deities have the 
right hand held up, and the left down (a common feature of Indian symbolism also 
observable in the attitude of the Malawlyeh dervishes), and the figure to the left 
appears to hold a branch or three ears of corn. Both are robed in the peculiar fish- 
headed costume, with a scaly body and fish tail, which is supposed to be symbolical 
of the mythical Oannes, who according to Berosus, issued from the Persian gulf and 
taught laws and arts to the early dwellers on the Euphrates. Behind the left-hand 
fish-god is a tripod stand, on which is an indefinite object; to the right of the other 
fish-god are two lion-headed human figures with eagles' claws, apparently contend- 
ing with one another, the right arms being raised, the left holding hand by hand. 
To the right of these is another figure of Assyrian type, with a domed headdress 
and beard. 

In the lowest compartment the infernal river fringed with rushes, and full offish, 
is represented. A fearful lion-headed goddess with eagles' claws kneels on one knee 
on a horse (the emblem of death) which is carried in a kneeling attitude on a boat 
with bird-headed prow. The goddess crushes a serpent in either hand, and two lion 
cubs are represented sucking her breasts. To the left is a demon bearing a close 
resemblance to the one which supports the tablet itself, and which appears to urge on 
the boat from the bank ; to the right are various objects, mostly of an indefinite char- 
acter, among which M. Ganneau recognizes a vase, and a bottle, a horse's leg with 
hoof, etc. ; possibly offerings to appease the infernal deities. The lion-headed goddess 
might well be taken for the terrible infernal deity Kali or Durga, the worship of 
whose consort, Yama, was the original source of that of the later Serapis, whose 
dog was the ancestor of Cerberus. There is also a general resemblance between this 
design and the well-known Egyptian picture representing the wicked soul conveyed 
to hell in the form of a pig. 

The Oannes figures take the place of the two goddesses who in Egyptian designs 
stand at either end of the mummy and who form the prototype of the two angels for 
whom the pious Moslem provides seats at the head and foot of his tombstone. 
Perhaps the miserable horse who stumbles under the weight of the gigantic lion 
goddess may represent the unhappy soul itself, while the three ears of corn remind 
us of the grains of corn which have been found in skulls dug up in Syria by Capt. 
Burton. Corn is intimately connected with Dagou, the Syrian fish-god. 

As a tentative suggestion I may, perhaps, be allowed to propose that the seven 
deities in the second compartment are the planets, and that the symbols above 
belong to them as follows, commencing on the right: 



Planet. 



Assyrian name. 



Head of deity. 



Symbol 



1. Saturn. . 

2. Moon . . . 

3. Sun .... 

4. Mars . . . 

5. Mercury 

6. Venus . . 

7. Jupiter . 



Chiun . . . 
Nannar . . 
Shamash 
Marduk . 
Nebo 
Ishtar . . . 



Serpent . . 

Bird 

Boar ( ? ) . 

Ram 

(?) 

Wolf ( ? ) . 
Lion 



Seven stars. 
Crescent. 
Winged disc. 
Rayed disc. 
Two columns 
Trisul. 
Cidaris (f ). 



The serpent is often the emblem of Saturn, who, 
great serpent father of the gods"), naturally comes 
and has seven stars for his symbol. 



a,s the eldest of the seven ("the 
first and therefore on the right, 



618 PICTURE-WRITING OP THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The moon, according to Leuorrnant, was always an older divinity than the sun. 
The boar is often an emblem of the sun in its strength. 

The disc (litu) was the weapon employed by Marduk, the warrior god, as men- 
tioned by Lenormant. 

The two pillars of Hermes are the proper emblem of the ancient Set or Thoth, the 
planet Mercury. 

The trisul belongs properly to the Asherah, god or goddess of fertility — the planet 
Venus. 

The Cidaris occurs in the Bavian sculptures in connection with a similar emblem. 
In the Chaldean system, Jupiter and Venus occur together as the youngest of the 
planets. 

It should also be noted that the position of the arms and the long robe covering 
the feet resemble the attitudes and dress of the Malawlyeh dervishes in their sacred 
dance, symbolic of the seven plauets revolving (according to the Ptolemaic system) 
round the earth. 

Didron(c) thus remarks upon the emblems in the Roman catacombs: 
The large fish marks the fisher who catches it or the manufacturer who extracts 
the oil from it. The trident indicates the sailor, as the pick the digger. The trade 
of digger in the catacombs was quite elevated; the primitive monuments thus 
represent these men who are of the lower class among us, and who in the beginning 
of the Christian era, when they dug the graves of saints and martyrs, were interred 
side by side with the rich and even beside saints, and were represented holding a 
pickaxe in one hand and a lamp in the other; the lamp lighted them in their sub- 
terranean labors. The hatchet indicates a carpenter, and the capital a sculptor or 
an architect. As to the dove, it probably designates the duties of the mother of a 
family who nourishes the domestic birdlings as would appear to be indicated by a 
mortuary design in Bosis. It is possible, moreover, that it originated from a sym- 
bolic idea, but this idea would be borrowed from profane rather than religious 
sentiments, and I would more willingly see in it the memorial of the good qualities 
of the dead, man or woman, the fidelity of the wife, or of the dove, which returning 
to the ark after the deluge announced that the waters had retired and the land had 
again appeared; from this we can not conclude that the fish filled a role analogous 
to it, nor above all that it is the symbol of Christ ; the dove is in the Old Testament, 
the fish neither in" the old nor in the new. 

Edkins (/>) says respecting the Chinese: 

It is easy to trace the process of symbol-making in the words used for the crene- 
lated top of city walls, which are y.i and c'hi, both meaning '' teeth " and both being 
pictures of the object, and further, when the former is found also to be used for 
"tree buds" and "to hud." Such instances of word creation show how considerable 
hasbeen the prevalence of analogy and the association of ideas. The picture writing 
of the Chinese is to a large extent a continuation of the process of forming analogies 
to which the human mind had already become accustomed in the earlier stages of 
the history of language. 

D'Alviella (b) furnishes this poetical and truthful suggestion: 

It is not surprising that the Hindoos and Egyptians should both have adopted as 
the symbol of the sua the lotus flower, which opens its petals to the dawn and 
infolds them on the approach of night, and which seems to he born of itself on the 
surface of the still waters. 

SECTION 3. 
SIGNIFICANCE OF COLORS. 

The use of color to be considered in studies of pictography is proba- 
bly to be traced to the practice of painting on the surface of the human 
body. This use is very ancient. The Ethiopians in the army of Xerxes 



SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR. 



619 



applied vermillion and white plaster to their skins, and the German 
tribes when first known in history inscribed their breasts with the fig- 
ures of divers animals. The North British clans were so much ad- 
dicted to paint (or perhaps tattoo) that the epithet Picti was applied 
to them by the Romans. In this respect comparisons may be made 
with the Wichita, who were called by the French Pawnees Piques, 
commonly rendered in English Pawnee Picts, and Marco de Niga, in Hak- 
luyt, (e) says that Indians in the region of Arizona and New Mexico were 
called Pintados "because they painted their faces, breasts, and arms." 
The general belief with regard to the employment of paint in the above 
and similar cases is that the colors had a tribal significance by which 
men became their own flags; the present form of flag not having great 
antiquity, as Clovis was the first among western monarchs to adopt it. 
Then the theory became current that colored devices, such as appeared 
on ensigns and on clothing, e. g., tartans, were imitated from the 
painted marks on the skin'of the tribesmen. In this connection remarks 
made supra about tattoo designs are applicable. There is but little 
evidence in favor of the theory, save that fashions in colored decorations 
probably in time became tribal practices and so might have been evolved 
into emblems. But it is proper to regard such colorations as primarily 
ornamental, and to remember that even in England as late as the eighth 
century some bauds of men were so proud of their decorated bodies 
that they refused to conceal them by clothes. 

This topic may be divided into: 1. Decorative use of color. 2. Idi- 
ocrasy of colors. 3. Color in ceremonies. 4. Color relative to death 
and mourning. 5. Colors for war and peace. 6. Colors designating 
social status. 

DECORATIVE USE OF COLOR. - 

The following notes give instances of the use of painting which ap- 
pear to be purely decorative : 

Fernando Alarchon, in Hakluyt, (/) says of the Indians of the Bay 
of California : " These Indians came decked after sundry fashions, some 
came with a painting that couered their face all ouer, some had their 
faces halfe couered, but all besmouched with cole and euery one as it 
liked him best." 

John Hawkins, m Hakluyt, (g) speaking of the Florida Indians, tells 
of " Colours both red, blacke, yellow, and russet, very perfect, wherewith 
they so paint their bodies and Deere skiunes which they weare about 
them, that with water it neither faded away nor altereth in color." 

Maximilian of Wied (/), reports: 

Even in the midst of winter the Mandans wear nothing on the upper part of the 
hody, under their buffalo robe. They paint their bodies of a reddish brown colour, 
on some occasions with white clay, and frequently draw red or black figures on their 
arms. The face is, for the most part, painted all over with vermillion or yellow, in 
which latter case the circumference of the eyes and the chin are red. There are, 



620 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



however, no sot rules for painting, and it depends on the taste of the Indian dandy; 
yet, still, a general similarity is observed. The bauds, in their dances aud also 
after battles, and when they have performed some exploit, follow the established 
rule. In ordinary festivals and dances, and whenever they wish to look particularly 
line, the young Maudans paint themselves in every variety of way, aud each endeav- 
ors to find out some new mode. Should he find another dandy painted just like 
himself, he immediately retires and makes a change in the pattern, which may hap- 
pen three or four times during the festival. If they have performed an exploit, the 
entire face is painted jet black. 

A colored plate in the report of the Pacific Railroad Expedition (/) 
shows the designs adopted by the Mojave Indians for painting the 
body. These designs consist of transverse lines extending around the 
body, arms, and legs, or horizontal lines or different parts may partake 
of different designs. Clay is now generally used. 

Everard F. im Thurn (h) describes the painting of the Indians of 
Guiana as follows : 

The paint is applied either in large masses or in patterns. For example, a man, 
when he wants to dress well, perhaps entirely coats both his feet up to the ankles with 
a crust of red ; his whole trunk he sometimes stains uniformly with blue-black, more 
rarely with red, or covers it with an intricate pattern of lines of either color; he puts 
a streak of red along the bridge of his nose; where his eyebrows were till he pulled 
them out he puts two red lines; at the top of the arch of his forehead he puts a big 
lump of red paint, and probably he scatters other spots and lines somewhere on his 
face. The women, especially among the Ackawoi, who use more body-paint than 
other ornament, are more fond of blue-black than of red ; and one very favorite orna- 
ment with them is a broad band of this, which edges the mouth, and passes from the 
corners of that to the ears. Some women especially affect certain little figures, like 
Chinese characters, which look as if some meaning were attached to them, but which 
the Indians are either unable, or unwilling to explain. 

Kohl (a) says of the Indians met by him around Lake Superior that 
" The young men only paint — no women. When they become old they 
stop and cease to pluck out their beards which are an obstacle in paint- 
ing." It is probable that the custom of plucking the hairs originated in 
the attempt to facilitate face and body painting. 

Herndon (b) gives the following report from the valley of the Amazon : 

Met a Conibo on the beach. This man was evidently the dandy of his tribe. He was 
painted with a broad stripe of red under each eye; three narrow stripes of blue were 
carried from one ear, across the upper lip to the other — the two lower stripes plain, 
and the upper one bordered with figures. The whole of the lower jaw and chin 
were painted with a blue chain-work of figures, something resembling Chinese 
figures. 

According to Dr. J. J. von Tschudi (b) : 

The uncivilized Indians of Peru paint their bodies, but not exactly in the tattoo man- 
ner; they confine themselves to single stripes. The Sensis women draw two stripes 
from the shoulder, over each breast, down to the pit of the stomach ; the Pirras women 
paint a band in a form of a girdle round the waist, and they have three of a darker 
color round each thigh. These stripes, when once laid on, can never be removed by 
washing. They are made with the unripe fruit of one of the Rubiacacea. Some 
tribes paint the face only; others, on the contrary, do not touch that part; but be- 
daub with colors their arms, feet, and breasts. 



COLOR STAMPS. 



621 



F. J. Mouat, M. D., in Jour. Boy. Geogr. Soc, (a) says that Anda- 
man Islanders rub red earth on the top of the head, probably for the 
purpose of ornamentation. This fashion is similar to that of some 
North American Indian tribes which rub red pigment on the parting 
of the hair. 

Marcano (e) says: 

The present Piaroas of Venezuela are in the habit of painting their bodies, hut by 
a different proce: 8. They make stamps out of wood, which they apply to their skins 
after covering them with coloring matter. 

Fig. 982 shows examples of these stamps. The most noteworthy 
thing about them is that they reproduce the types of certain petro- 
glyphs, particularly of those of the upper Cuchivero (see Figs. 152 and 
153, supra). 

The Piaroas either copied the models they found carved on the rocks by peoples 
who preceded them, or they are a ware of their meaning and preserved the tradition of 




Fig. 982.— Piaroa color stamps. 

it. The former hypothesis is the only tenable one. Not being endowed with invent- 
ive faculties, it seems more natural that they should simply have copied the only 
models they found. The Indians of French Guiana paint themselves in order to 
drive away the devil when they start on a journey or for war, whence Crevaux con- 
cludes that the petroglyphs must have been carved for a religious purpose. But 
painting is to the Piaroas a question of ornamentation and of necessity. It is a sort 
of garment that protects them against insects, and which, applied with extra care, 
becomes a fancy costume to grace their feasts and meetings. 

It is to be noted that at least one instance is found of the converse 
of the Piaroa practice, by which the face-marks are used as the designs 
of pictographs on inanimate objects. The Serranos, near Los Angeles, 
California, formerly cut lines upon the trees and posts marking bound- 
aries of land, these lines corresponding to those adopted by the owner 
as facial decorations. 

A suggestion appropriate to this branch of the topic is presented iu 
the answer communicated in a personal conversation of a Japanese 
lady who was asked why she blackened her teeth: "Any dog has white 



(522 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



teeth!" An alteration of the physical appearance is itself a distinc- 
tion, and the greater the difference between the decorated person and 
the want of decoration in others the greater the distinction. Modern 
milliners, dressmakers, tailors and hatters, and their patrons pursue the 
same ends of fashionable distinction which are exhibited in rivalry for 
priority and singularity. These arbitrary fluctuations of fashion, which 
are seen equally in the Maudan and the millionaire, the Pueblan and the 
Parisian, are to be considered with reference to the supposed tribal 
significance of colors before mentioned. So far as they originated in 
fashion they changed with fashion, and the studies made in the prep- 
aration of this paper tend to a disbelief in their distinctness and sta- 
bility. The conservatism of religious and of other ceremonial practices 
and of social customs preserved, however, a certain amount of con- 
sistency and continuity. 

IDEOCRASY OF COLORS. 

It has often been asserted that there was and is an intrinsic signifi- 
cance in the several colors. A traditional recognition of this among 
the civilizations connected with modern Europe is shown by the associ- 
ations of death and mourning Avith black, of innocence and peace with 
white, danger with red, and epidemic disease officially with yellow. 
A comparison of the diverse conceptions attached to the colors will 
show great variety in their several attributions. 

The Babylonians represented the sun and its sphere of motion by 
gold, the moon by silver, Saturn by black, Jupiter by orange, Mars by 
red, Venus by pale yellow, and Mercury by deep blue. Eed was an- 
ciently and generally connected with divinity and power both priestly 
and royal. The tabernacle of the Israelites was covered with skins 
dyed red, and the gods and images of Egypt and Ohaldea were of that 
color, which to this day is the one distinguishing the Roman Pontiff and 
the cardinals. 

In ancient art each color had a mystic sense or symbolism, and its 
proper use was an essential consideration. With regard to early 
Christian art Mrs. Clement (a) furnishes the following account: 

White is worn by the Saviour after his resurrection; by the Virgin in representa- 
tions of the Assumption; by women as the emblem of chastity; by rich men to 
indicate humility; and by the judge as the symbol of integrity. It is represented 
sometimes by silver or the diamond, and its sentiment is purity, virginity, inno- 
cence, faith, joy, and light. 

Red, the color of the ruby, speaks of royalty, fire, divine love, the holy spirit, cre- 
ative power, and heat. In an opposite sense it symbolized blood, war, and hatred. 
Red and black combined were the colors of Satan, purgatory, and evil spirits. Red 
and white roses are emblems of love and innocence or love and wisdom, as in the 
garland of St. Cecilia. 

Blue, that of the sapphire, signified heaven, heavenly love and truth, constancy 
and fidelity. Christ and the Virgin Mary wear the blue mantle; St. John a blue 
tunic. 

Green, the emerald, the color of spring, expressed hope and victory. 



SYMBOLISM OF COLORS. 



623 



Yellow or gold was the emblem of the sun, the goodness of God, marriage and 
fruitfulness. St. Joseph and St. Peter wear yellow. Yellow has also a bad signifi- 
cation when it has a dirty, dingy hue, such as the usual dress of Judas, and then 
signifies jealousy, inconstancy, and deceit. 

Violet or amethyst signified passion and suffering or love and truth. Penitents, 
as the Magdalene, wear it. The Madonna wears it after the crucifixion, and Christ 
after the resurrection. 

Gray is the color of penance, mourning, humility, or accused innocence. 

Black with white signified humility, mourning, and purity of life. Alone, it spoke 
of darkness, wickedness, and death, and belonged to Satan. In pictures of the 
Temptation Jesus sometimes wears black. 

The associations with the several colors above mentioned differ widely 
from those in modern folk-lore; for instance, those with green and yel- 
low, the same colors being stigmatized in the old song that "green's 
forsaken and yellow's forsworn." 

The Hist, de Dieu, by Didrou (d), contains the following: 

The hierarchy of colors could well, in the ideas of the Middle Ages, have been allied 
at the same time to symbolism. The most brilliant color is gold, and here it is given 
to the greatest saints. Silver, color of the moon, which is inferior to the sun, but 
its companion, however, should follow; then red, or the color of fire, attribute of 
those who struggle against passion, aud which is inferior to the two metals, gold 
and silver, to the sun and moon, of which it is but an emanation ; next green, which 
symbolizes hope, and which is appropriate to married people; lastly, the uncertain 
yellowish color, half white and half yellow, a modified color, which is given to saints 
who were formerly sinners, but who have succeeded in reforming themselves and 
are made somewhat bright in the sight of God by penitence. 

A note in the Am. Journal of Psychology, Vol. I, November, 1887, p. 
190, gives another list substantially as follows : 

Yellow, the color of gold and fire, symbolizes reason. 

Green, the color of vegetable life, symbolizes utility and labor. 

Red, the color of blood, symbolizes war and love. 

Blue, the color of the sky, symbolizes spiritual life, duty, religion. 



The colors attributed to the cardinal points have been the subject of 
much discussion. Some of these special color schemes of the North 
American Indians are now mentioned. 

Mr. James Stevenson, in an address before the Anthropological So- 
ciety of Washington, D. C.j Dr. Washington Matthews, U. S. Army, 
in the Fifth Ann. Eep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 449 ; and Mr. 
Thomas V. Keam, in a MS. contribution, severally report the tribes 
mentioned below as using in their ceremonial dances the respective 
colors designated to represent the four cardinal points, viz : 



COLOR IN CEREMONIES. 



Stevenson — Zuni. . 
Matthews — Navaj o 
Keam — Moki 



N. 
Yellow. 
Black. 
White. 



S. 
Red. 
Blue. 
Red. 



E. 
White. 
White. 
Yellow. 



W. 
Black. 
Yellow. 
Blue. 



Mr. Stevenson, in his paper on the Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis, in 
the Eighth Ann. Eep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, agrees with Dr. 



624 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Matthews regarding the ceremonial scheme of the Navajo colors sym- 
bolic of the cardinal points, as follows : "The eagle plumes were laid to 
the east, and near by them white corn and white shell ; the blue feathers 
were laid to the south, with blue corn and turquoise; the hawk feathers 
were laid to the west, with yellow corn and abalone shell ; and to the 
north were laid the whippoorwill feathers, with black beads and corn 
of all the several colors." 

In A Study of Pueblo Architecture, by Mr. Victor Mindeleff, in the 
Eighth Ann. Eep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, the prayers of consecra- 
tion by the Pueblos are addressed thus : 

To the west: Siky'ak onia'uwu Yellow cloud. 

To the south : Sa'kwa oma'uwu Blue cloud. 

To the east: Pal'a oma'uwu Red cloud. 

To the north: Kwetsh oma'uwu White cloud. 

Mr. Frank H. Cushiug, in Zuiii Fetiches, Second Ann. Eep., Bureau 
of Ethnology, pp. 16-17, gives the following: 

In ancient times, while yet all beings belonged to one family, Po-shai-ang-k'ia, the 
father of our sacred hands, lived with his children (disciples) in the City of the 
Mists, the middle place (center) of the medicine societies of the world. When he 
was about to go forth into the world he divided the universe into six regions, 
namely, the North (Direction of the swept or barren place); the West (Direction of 
the Home of the Waters) ; the South (Direction of the Place of the Beautiful Red) ; 
the East (Direction of the Home of Day) ; the Upper Regions (Direction of the 
Home of the High); and the Lower Regions (Direction of the Home of the Low). 

In the center of the great sea of each of these regions stood a very ancient sacred 
place— a great mountain peak. In the North was the Mountain Yellow, in the West 
the Mountain Blue, in the South the Mountain Red, in the East the Mountain 
White, above the Mountain All- color, and below the Mountain Black. 

We do not fail to see in this clear reference to the natural colors of the regions re- 
ferred to — to the barren North and its auroral hues, the West with its blue Pacific, 
the rosy South, the white daylight of the east, the many hues of the clouded sky, 
and the black darkness of the " caves and holes of earth." Indeed these colors are 
used in the pictographs and in all the mythic symbolism of the Zunis to indicate the 
directions or regions respectively referred to as connected with them. 

Mr. A. S. Gatschet (a), in Proc. Am. Philos. Soc, gives the symbolic 
colors of the Isleta Pueblo for the points of the compass, as " white for 
the east; from there they go to the north, which is black; to the west, 
which is blue; and to the south, which is red." 

Mr. James Mooney, in Seventh Ann. Rep., Bureau Ethnology, p. 342, 
says that the symbolic color system of the Cherokees is: 

East — red — success; triumph. 

North — blue— defeat; trouble. 

West — black — death . 

South — white — peace ; happiness. 

In the ceremonies of the Indians of the plains it is common that the 
smoke of the sacred pipe should be turned first directly upward, second 
directly downward, and then successively to the four cardinal points, 
but without absolute agreement among the several tribes as to the 
order of that succession. In James' Long (£), it is reported that in a 
special ceremony of the Omaha regarding the buffalo the first whiff of 



COLORS OF CARDINAL POINTS. 



625 



smoke was directed to thein, next to the heavens, next to the earth, 
and then successively to the east, west, north, and south. The rather 
lame explanation was given that the east was for sunrise, the west for 
sunset, the north for cold country, and the south for warm country. 

The Count de Charencey, in Des Couleurs consideres comme sym- 
boles des Pointes de I'Hcrizon, etc., and in Ages on Soleils, gives as 
the result of his studies that in Mexico and Central America the orig- 
inal systems were as follows: 

Quaternary system. Quinary system. 

East — Yellow. South — Blue. 

North— Black. East— Red. 

West— White. North— Yellow. 

South — Red. West — White. 

Center— Black. 

Mr. John Crawfurd (a) says: 

In Java the divisions of the horizon and the corresponding colors were named in 
the following order: first, white and the east; second, red and the south; third, 
yellow and the west: fourth, black and the north; and fifth, mixed colors and the 
focus or center. 

Boturini (a) gives the following arrangement of the ''symbols of the 
four parts or angles of the world," comparing it with that of Gemelli : 

Gemelli. Boturini. 

1. Tochtli— South. 1. Tecpatl— South. 

2. Acatl— East. 2. Calli— East. 

3. Tecpatl— North. 3. Tochtli— North. 

4. Calli— West. 4. Acatl— West. 

SYMBOLS OF THE FOUR ELEMENTS. 

Gemelli. Boturini. 

1. Tochtli— Earth. 1. Tecpatl— Fire. 

2. Acatl— Water. 2. Calli— Earth. 

3. Tecpatl— Air. 3. Tochtli— Air. 

4. Calli— Fire. 4. Acatl— Water. 

Herrera (a) speaks only of the year symbols and colors, and, although 
he does not directly connect them, indicates his understanding in re- 
gard thereto by the order in which he mentions them : 

They divided the year into four signs, being four figures; the one of a house, 
another of a rabbit, the third of a cane, the fourth of a flint, and by them they 
reckoned the year as it passed on. * * * They painted a sun in the middle from 
which issued four lines or branches in a cross to the circumference of the wheel, and 
they turned so that they divided it into four parts and the circumference and each 
of them moved with its branch of the same color, which were four — green, blue red 
and yellow. 

From this statement Prof. Cyrus Thomas, in JTotes on certain Maya 
and Mexican Manuscripts, Third Ann. Eep., Bureau of Ethnology, 
concludes that Herreras arrangement would presumably be as follows: 

CaUi— Green. 
Tochtli— Blue. 
Acatl— Red. 
Tecpatl— Yellow. 

10 ETH iO 



626 PICTUEE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Combining these several lists it would appear that Calli, color green, 
was Fire and West or Earth aud East; Tochtli, color blue, was Earth 
and South or Air and North; Acatl, color red, was Water and East or 
Water and West; Tecpatl, color yellow, was Air and North or Fire 
and South. 

The foregoing notes leave the symbolic colors of the cardinal points 
in a state of confusion, and on calm reflection no other condition could 
be expected. Taking the idea of the ocean blue, for instance, and recog- 
nizing the impressive climatic effects of the ocean, the people exam- 
ined may be in any direction from the ocean and to each of them its 
topographic as well as color relation differs. If it shall be called blue, 
the color blue may be north, south, east, or west. So as to the con- 
cepts of heat and cold, however presented in colors by the fancy, heat 
being sometimes red and sometimes yellow, cold being sometimes con- 
sidered as black by the manifestation of its violent destruction of the 
tissues and sometimes being more simply shown as white, the color of 
the snow. Also the geographic situation of the people must determine 
their views of temperature. The sun in tropical regions may be an 
object of terror, in Arctic climes of pure beneficence, and in the several 
seasons of more temperate zones the sun as fire, whether red or 
yellow, may be destructive or life-giving. Regarding the symbols 
of the cardinal points it seems that there is nothing intrinsic as to col- 
ors, but that the ideograms connected with the topic are local and va- 
riant. As the ancient assignments of color to the cardinal points are 
not established and definite among people who have been long settled 
in their present habitat, the hope of tracing their previous migration 
by that line of investigation may not be realized. 

The following account of the degree posts of the Grand Medicine 
Society of the Ojibwa is condensed from an article by Dr. Hoffman in 
the Am. Anthropologist for July, 1889 : 

In constructing the inclosure in which the Mide' priests practice the rites and 
ceremonies of initiation, a single post, from 4 to 5 feet in height and about 8 iuches 
thick, is planted at a point opposite the main entrance, and about three-fourths 
the entire distance of the interior from it. This post is painted red, with a band of 
green about the top, of the width of a palm. 

The red and green colors are used to designate the Mide' society, but for what reason 
is not positively known. The green appears to have some connection with the south, 
the sources of heat and abundance of crops; the tLunder-bird also comes from that 
direction in the springtime, bringing rain, which causes the grass and fruits to grow, 
giving an abundance of food. 

For the second degree two posts are erected within the inclosure, the first being 
like that for the first degree, the second being planted nearer the main entrance, 
though not far from the opposite end of the structure; this post is painted red and 
is covered with white spots made by applying white clay with the finger tip. These 
spots are symbolical of the migis shell, the sacred emblem of the Grand Medicine 
Society. 

The third degree contains three posts, the two preceding ones being used, to which 
a third is added and planted in a line with them ; this post is painted black. 

In the fourth degree the additional post is really a cross, a crosspiece of wood be- 



CEREMONIAL COLORS. 



627 



ing attached near the top : the lower part of the upright piece is squared, the side on 
the east being painted -white ; on the south, green; on the west, red; and on the 
north, black. The white is the source of light facing the direction of the rising sun, 
the green, apparently the source of warmth, rains, and abundance of crops, while 
the north is black, and pertains to the region from which come cold, disease, and 
desolation. The red is placed upon the western side, but there is a diversity of 
opinion regarding its significance. The most plausible theory appears to relate to the 
'Toad of the dead," referred to in the ritual of the Ghost Society, as the path upon 
which the departed shadow partakes of the gigantic strawberry which he finds. 
The upper portion of the cross is white, upon which are placed irregularly red spots. 

In the same article is the following account of face coloring in the 
Mide' degrees : 

In connection with the colors of the degree posts, there is a systematic arrange- 
ment of facial ornamentation, each style to be characteristic of one of the four de- 
grees, as well as the degree of the Ghost Society. 
According to the "White Earth (Minnesota) method, the arrangement is as follows : 
First degree. One red stripe across the face from near the ears across the tip of 
the nose. 

Second degree. One stripe as above and another across the eyes, temples, and 
root of the nose. 

Third degree. The upper half of the face painted green and the lower half red. 

Fourth degree. The forehead and the left side of the face from the outer canthus 
of the eye downward is painted green; four spots of vermilion are made with the 
tip of the finger upon the forehead and four upon the green surface of the left cheek. 

According to Sikassige. a Mille Lacs Mide priest, the ornamentation practiced 
during his youth was as follows: 

First degree. A broad band of green across the forehead and a narrow stripe of 
vermilion across the face just below the eyes. 

Second degree. A narrow stripe of vermilion across the temple, eyelids, and the 
Toot of the nose, a short distance above which is a similar stripe of green, then 
another of vermilion, and above this again one of green. 

Third degree. Red and white spots are daubed all over the face, the spots aver- 
aging three-fourths of an inch each in diameter. 

Fourth degree. Two forms are admissible; in the former the face is painted red, 
with a stripe of green extended diagonally across it from the upper part of the left 
temporal region to the lower part of the right cheek. In the latter the face is painted 
red with two short, horizontal parallel green bars across the forehead. 

Either of these may be adopted as a sign of mourning by a man whose deceased 
son had been intended for the priesthood of the Grand Medicine Society. 

The religious and ceremonial use of the color red by the j^ew Zea- 
landers is mentioned by Taylor (d) : 

Closely connected with religion, was the feeling they entertained for the Kura, or 
Red Paint, which was the sacred color; their idols, Pataka, sacred stages for the 
dead, and for offerings or sacrifices, Urupa graves, chief's houses, and war canoes, 
were all thus painted. 

The way of rendering anything tapu was by making it red. "When a person died, 
his house was thus colored ; when the tapu was laid on anything, the chief erected a 
post and painted it with the kura ; wherever a corpse rested, some memorial was set 
up, oftentimes the nearest stone, rock, or tree served as a monument : but whatever 
object was selected, it was sure to be made red. If the corpse were conveyed by 
water, wherever they landed a similar token was left ; and when it reached its des- 
tination, the canoe was dragged on shore, thus distinguished, and abandoned. When 
the hahunga took place, the scraped bones of the chief, thus ornamented, and wrapped 



628 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



in a red-stained mat, were deposited in a box or bowl, smeared witb the sacred color, 
and placed in a tomb. Near his final resting place a lofty and elaborately carved 
monument was erected to bis memory; this was called he. tiki, which was also thus 
colored. 

In former times the chief annointed his entire person with red ocher ; when fully 
dressed on state occasions, both he and his wives had red paint and oil poured upon 
the crown of the head and forehead, which gave them a gory appearance, as though 
their skulls had been cleft asunder. 

Mr. S. Gason reports in Worsnop, op. cit. : 

On the Cooper, Herbert, and Diamentina rivers of the North there are no paint- 
ings in caves, but in special corrobore.es the bodies of the leading dancers are beauti- 
fully painted with every imaginable color, representing man, woman, animals, birds, 
and reptiles, the outlines being nearly faultless, and in proportion, independent of 
the blending of the colors. 

These paintings take about seven or eight hours' hard tedious work for two men, 
one in front, the other at the back of the man who is to be painted, and when these 
men who arc painted display themselves, surrounded by bright fires and rude torches, 
it has an enchanting effect to the others. After the ceremony is over, the paintings 
are allowed to be examined, and the artists congratulated or criticised. 

At the other ceremonies, after returning from " Bookatoo " (red ocher expedition), 
they paint a few of their dancers with all the colors of the rainbow, the outlines 
showing all the principal species of snakes. They are well drawn and colored, and 
take many hours of labor to complete. 

These paintir ~s of snakes are done for the purpose of having a good harvest of 
snakes. The women are not allowed to attend at this ceremony, as it is one of their 
strict secret dances. 

A few notes of other ceremonial and religious uses of color are pre- 
sented. 

Capt. John G. Bourke (/) says that the Moki employ the colors in 
prayers — yellow for pumpkins, green for corn, and red for peaches. 
Black and white bands are typical of rain, and red and blue bands, of 
lightning. 

In James's Long (&), it is mentioned of the Omaha that the boy who 
goes to fast on the hill top to see his guardian spirit, as a preparation rubs 
his body over with whitish clay, but the same ceremonial among the 
Ouenebigonghelins near Hudson bay is described by Bacqueville de la 
PotLierie (d), with the statement that the postulant paints his face black. 

Peter Martyr (a) says the natives of the Island of Hispaniola [Haiti] 
when attending a festival at the religious edifice, go in a procession 
having their bodies and faces painted in black, red, and yellow colors. 
Some had feathers of the parrot and other birds, with which they 
decorated themselves. The women had no decoration. 

Penicaut's Belation, A. D. 1704, in Margry (/"), gives an account of 
decorations of the victims who die with the grand chief, or Sun of the 
Natchez. Their faces were painted vermilion, as the author says, "lest 
they by paleness should show their fear." Though the practice may 
Have thus originated as a mere expedient, red thus used would become 
in time a sacrificial color. 

But the color red can not always be deduced from such an origin. It is 
connected with the color of fire and of blood. The Bomans on great fes- 



SIGNIFICANCE OF RED. 



629 



tivals painted the face of Jupiter Capitolinus with vermilion. They 
painted in the same way all the statues of the gods, demi-gods, heroes, 
fauns, and satyrs. Pan is described by Virgil in Eel. X, line 27 : 

Pail, deus Arcadiie venit, quein vidimus ipsi 
Sanguineis ebuli baccis niinioque rubentem. 

These verses are rendered with spirit by B. 0. Singleton, Virgil in 
English Ehythm, London, 1871, though the translator wrote " cinna- 
bar" instead of "red lead" and might as well have used the correct 
word, "minium," which has the same prosodial quantity as cinnabar. 

Pan came, the god of Arcady, whom we 
Ourselves beheld, with berries bloody red 
Of danewort, and with cinnabar aglow. 

In Chapman's translation of Homer's hymn to Pan the god is again 
represented stained with red, but with the original idea of blood. 

A lynx's hide, besprinkled round about 
With blood, cast on his shoulders. 

By imitation of greatness and the semblance of divini ty the faces of 
generals when they rode in triumph, e. g., Camillus as mentioned by 
Pliny, quoting Verrius, were painted red. 

On the tree which supports the Vatican figure of the Apollo 
Belvedere are traces of an object supposed to be the orl^o. 8ek<ptx6v, 
which was composed of bushy tufts of Delphian laurel bound with 
threads of red wool into a series of knots and having at each end a 
tassel. This is an old sigu of consecration and is possibly connected 
with the traditional gipsy sign of mutual binding in love signified by a 
red knot, as mentioned in a letter from Mr. Charles G-. Leland. 

The Spaniards distinguished red as the color par excellence, and 
among many of the savage and barbaric peoples red is the favorite and 
probably once was the sacred color. 

COLOR RELATIVE TO DEATH AND MOURNING. 

Charlevoix (a) says of the Micmacs that " their mourning consisted 
in painting themselves black and in great lamentations." 

Champlain (/), in 1603, described the mourning posts of the north- 
eastern Algonquian tribes as painted red. 

Keatings' Long (</) tells that the Sac Indians blackened themselves 
with charcoal in mourning and during its continuance did not use any 
vermilion or other color for ornamentation. 

Some of the Dakota tribes blackened the whole face with charcoal 
for mourning, but ashes were also frequently employed. 

Col. Dodge (a) says that the Sioux did not use the color green in life, 
but that the corpses were wrapped in green blankets. The late Bev. 
S. D. Hinman, who probably was, until his death within the last year, 
the best authority concerning those Indians, contradicts this statement 
in a letter, declaring that the Sioux frequently use the color green in 
their face-painting, especially when they seek to disguise themselves, 



630 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



as it gives so different an expression. If it is not used as generally as 
blue or yellow the reason is that it is seldom found in the clays which 
were formerly relied upon and therefore it required compounding. Also 
they do not use green as painting or designation for the dead, but red, 
that being their decoration for the " happy hunting ground." Bat the 
color for the mourning of the survivors is black. 

Thomas L. McKenny {a) says the Ohippeway men mourn by painting 
their faces black. 

The Winnebago men blacken the whole face with charcoal in mourn- 
ing. The women make a round black spot on both cheeks. 
Dr. Boas, in Am. Anthrop. (a), says of Snanaimuq, a Salish tribe: 

The face of the deceased is painted red and black. After the death of husband or 
wife the survivor must paint his legs and his blanket red. For three or four days 
he must not eat anything; then three men or women give him food, and henceforth 
he is allowed to eat. 

In Bancroft (d) it is mentioned that the Guatemalan widower dyed 
his body yellow. 

Carl Bock (b) describes the mourning solemnities in Borneo as being- 
marked chiefly by white, the men and women composing the mourning 
processions being enveloped in white garments, and carrying white 
flags and weapons and ornaments, all of which were covered with white 
calico. 

A. W. Howitt (h) says of the Dieri of Central Australia: 
A messenger who is sent to convey the intelligence of a death is smeared all over 
with white clay. On his aj>proach to the camp the women all commence screaming 
and crying most passionately. * * * Widows and widowers are prohibited by 
custom from uttering a word until the clay of mourning has worn off, however long 
it may remain on them. They do not, however, rub it off, as doing so would be con- 
sidered a bad omen. It must absolutely wear off of itself. During this period they 
communicate by means of gesture language. 

A. C. Haddon (b) tells that among the western tribes of Torres strait 
plastering the body with gray mud was a sign of mourning. 

Elisee Reclus (c) says : "In sign of mourning the Papuans daub them- 
selves in white, yellow, or black, according to tbe tribes." 

DAlbertis (d) reports that the women of Hew Guinea paint them- 
selves black all over on the death of a relation, but that there are de- 
grees of mourning among the men, e. g., the son of the deceased paints 
his whole body black, but other less related mourners may only paint 
the face more or less black. In Vol. n, p. 9, a differentiation is shown, 
by which in one locality the women daubed themselves from head to 
foot with mud. The same author says, in the same volume, p. 378, 
that the skulls preserved in their houses are always colored red and 
their foreheads frequently marked with some rough design. 

In Armenia, as told in The Devil Worshipers of Armenia, in Scot- 
tish Geog. Mag., vin, p. 592, widows dress in white. 

In Notes in East Equatorial Africa, Bull. Soc. dAnthrop. de Brux. 
(6), it is told that in the region mentioned the women rub flour over 
their bodies on the death or departure of the husband. 



MALLEET.] 



WAR AND PEACE COLORS. 



631 



Sir G. Wilkinson (a) writes that the ancient Egyptians in their mourn- 
ing ceremonies wore white fillets, and describes the same use of the 
color white in the funeral processions painted on the walls of Thebes. 

Dr. S. Wells Williams (a) reports of the Chinese mourning colors 
that ''the mourners are dressed entirely in white or wear a white fillet 
around the head. In the southern districts half-mourning is blue, 
usually exhibited in a pair of blue shoes and a blue silken cord woven 
in the queue, instead of a red one; in the northern provinces white is 
the only mourning color seen." 

Herr von Brandt, in the Ainos and Japanese, Journal of the An- 
throp. Inst. G. B. and I. (e), tells that the coffins of the deceased Mikados 
were covered with red, that is, with cinnabar. 

COLORS FOR WAR AND PEACE. 

These colors, respecting the Algonquian Indians, are mentioned in 
1763, as published in Margry, to the effect that red feathers on the 
pipe signify war, and that other colors [each of which may have a 
modifying or special significance] mean peace. 

W. W. H.Davis (b) recounts that "in 1680 the Bio Grande Pueblos in- 
formed the Spanish officers that they had brought with them two 
crosses, one painted red, which signified war, and the other white, which 
indicated peace, and they might take their choice between the two." 

Capt. de Lamothe Cadillac (ft), writing in the year 1696 of the Al- 
gonquians of the Great Lake region near Mackinac, etc., describes 
their decorations for war as follows : 

On the day of departure the warriors dress in their best. They color their hair 
red; they paint their faces red and black with much skill and taste, as -well as the 
whole of their bodies. Some have headdresses with the tail feathers of eagles or 
other birds; others have them decorated with the teeth of wild beasts, such as the 
wolf or tiger [wild cat]. Several adorn their heads, in lieu of hats, with helmets 
bearing the horns of deer, roebuck, or buffalo. 

Schoolcraft (r) says that blue signifies peace among the Indians of 
the Pueblo of Tesuque. 

The Dakota bands lately at Grand river agency had the practice of 
painting the face red from the eyes down to the chin when going to war. 

The Absaroka or Crow Indians generally paint the forehead red 
when on the warpath. This distinction of the Crows is also noted by 
the Dakota in recording pictographic narratives of encounters with the 
Crows. 

Haywood (e) says of the Cherokees : 

When going to war their hair is combed and annointed with bear's grease and the 
red root, Sanguinaria canadensis, and they adorn it with feathers of various beautiful 
colors, besides copper and iron rings, and sometimes wampum or peak in the ears; 
and they paint their faces all over as red as vermilion, making a circle of black about 
one eye and another circle of white about the other. 

H. H. Bancroft (e) tells that when a Modoc warrior paints his face 
black before going into battle it means victory or death, and that he 



632 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



will not survive a defeat. In the same volume, p. 105, he says that when 
a Thlinkit arms himself for war he paints his face and powders his hair 
a brilliant red. He then ornaments his head with a white eagle feather 
as a token of stern, vindictive determination. 

Mr. Dorsey reports that when the Osage men go to steal horses from 
the enemy they paint their faces with charcoal. [Possibly this may be 
for disguise, on the same principle that burglars use black crape.] 
The same authority gives the following description of the Osage paint 
for war parties : 

Before charging the foe the Osage warriors paint themselves anew. This is called 
the death paint. If any of the men die with this paint on them the survivors do 
not put on any other paint. 

All the gentes on the " Left" side use the " fire paint," which is red. It is applied 
by them with the left hand all over the face. And they use prayers about the fire: 
"As the fire has no mercy, so should we have none." Then they put mud on the 
cheek, below the left eye, as wide as two or more fingers. The horse is painted with 
some of the mud on the left cheek, shoulder, and thigh. 

The following extract is from Belden (b) : 

The sign paints used by the Sioux Indians arc not numerous, but very significant. 
When the warriors return from the warpath and have been successful in bringing 
back scalps, the squaws, as well as the men, paint with vermilion a semicircle in 
front of each ear, The bow of the arc is toward the nose and the points of the half- 
circle on the top and bottom of the ear; the eyes are then reddened and all dance 
over the scalps. 

John Lawson (a) says of the North Carolina Indians: 

When they go to war * * * they paint their faces all over red, and commonly 
make a circle of black about one eye and another circle of white about the other, 
while others bedaub their faces with tobacco-pipe clay, lampblack, black lead, and 
divers other colors, etc. 

De Brahm, in documents connected with the History of South 
Carolina (a), reports that the Indians of South Carolina "painted their 
faces red in token of friendship and black in expression of warlike 
intentions." 

Rev. M. Eells (a) says of the Twana Indians of the Skokomish reser- 
vation that when about to engage in war " they would tamanamus in 
order to be successful and paint themselves with black and red, making 
themselves as hideous as possible." 

The IT. S. Exploring Expedition (b), referring to a tribe near the Sac- 
ramento river, tells that the chie. presented them with a tuft of white 
feathers stuck on a stick about 1 foot long, which was supposed to be 
a token of friendship. 

Dr. Boas, in Am. Anthrop. (ft), says of the Snanaimuq that before 
setting out on war expeditions they painted their faces red and black. 

Peter Martyr (b) says of the Ciguaner Indians : 

The natives came out of the forest painted and daubed with spots. For it is their 
custom, when they go to war, to daub themselves from the face to the knee with black 
and scarlet or purple color in spots, which color they [obtain] from some curious 
fruits resembling " Pyren," which they plant and cultivate iu their gardens with the 
greatest care. Similarly they also cause the hair to grow in a thousand very curious 



COLOE FOE SOCIAL STATUS. 



633 



shapes, if it is not by nature long or black enough, so that they look not otherwise 
than if the similar devil or hellish Circe came running out of hell. 

Curr (c) tells that the Australians whitened themselves with white 
clay when about to engage in war. Some African tribes, according to 
Du Chaillu, also paint their faces white for war. 

Haddon (c) says of the western tribe of Torres straits : 
When going to fight the men painted their bodies red, either entirely so 01 par- 
tially, perhaps only the upper portion of the body and the legs below the knees, or 
the head and upper part of the body only. The body was painted black all over by 
those who were actually engaged in the death dance. 

Du Chaillu (c) tells that among the Scandinavians there were peace 
and war shields, the former white and the latter red. When the white 
was hoisted on a ship it was a sign for the cessation of hostility, in the 
same manner that a flag of the same color is now used to procure or 
mark a truce. The red shield displayed on a masthead or in the midst 
of a body of men was the sign of hostility. 

COLOR DESIGNATING- SOCIAL STATUS. 

The following extract is translated from Peter Martyr (c) : 
For the men are in body long and straight, possess a vivid and natural complexion 
which compares somewhat with a red and genuine flesh color. Their whole body 
and skin is lined over with sundry paints and curious figures, which they consider 
as a handsome ornament and fine decoration, and tbe uglier a man's painting or 
lining over is the prettier he considers himself to be, and is also regarded as the 
most noble among their number. 

Mr. Dorsey reports of the Osages that all the old men who have 
been distinguished in war are painted with the decorations of their 
respective gentes. That of the Tsicu wactake is as follows : The face 
is first whitened all over with white clay ; then a red spot is made on 
the forehead and the lower part of the face is reddened; then with the 
fingers the man scrapes off the white clay, forming the dark figures by 
letting the natural color of the face show through. 

H. H. Bancroft (/), citing authorities, says the central Californians 
(north of San Francisco bay) formerly wore the down of Asclepias ( ?) 
(white) as an emblem of royalty; and in the same volume, p. 691, it is 
told that the natives of Guatemala wore red feathers in their hats, the 
noblos only wearing green ones. 

The notes immediately following are about the significant use of 
color, not readily divisible into headings. 

Belden (c) furnishes the following remarks : 

The Yanktons, Sioux, Santees, and ( 'heyeunes use a great deal of paint. A Santee 
squaw paints her face the same as a white woman does, only with less taste. If she 
wishes to appear particularly taking she draws a red streak half an inch wide from 
ear to ear, passing it over the eyes, the bridge of the nose, and along the middle of 
the cheek. When a warrior desires to be left alone he takes black paint or lamp-' 
black and smears his face; then he draws zigzag lines from his hair to his chin by 
scraping off the paint with his nails. This is a sign that he is trapping, is melan- 
choly, or in love. 



634 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



A Sioux warrior who is courting a squaw usually paints his eyes yellow ana blue 
and the squaw paints hers red. I hare known squaws to go through the painful 
operation of reddening the eye-balls, that they might appear particularly fascinating 
to the young men. A red stripe drawn horizontally from one eye to the other means 
that the young warrior has seen a squaw he could love if she would reciprocate his 
attachment. 

As narrated by H. H. Bancroft, the Los Angeles county Indian girls 
paint the cheeks sparingly with red ocher when in love. This also 
prevails among the Ankara, at Fort Berthold, Dakota. 

La Potherie (e) says that the Indian girls of a tribe near Hudson bay, 
when they have arrived at the age of puberty, at the time of its sign, 
daub themselves with charcoal or a black stone, and in far distant 
Yucatan, according to Bancroft ( h), the young men restricted them- 
selves to black until they were married, indulging afterwards in varied 
and bright colored figures. 

The color green is chiefly used symbolically as that of grass, with refer- 
ence to which Father De Smet's MS. on the dance of the Tiuton Sioux 
contains these remarks : " Grass is the emblem of charity and abundance ; 
from it the Indians derive the food for their horses and it fattens the 
wild animals of the plains, from which they derive their subsistence," 

Brinton (d) gives the following summary : 

Both green and yellow were esteemed fortunate colors by the Cakchiquels, the 
former as that of the flourishing plant, the latter as that of the ripe and golden ears 
of maize, Hence, says Goto, they were also used to mean prosperity. 

The color white, zak, had, however, by far the widest metaphorical uses. As the 
hue of light, it was associated with day, dawn, brightness, etc. 

Marshall (b) gives as the explanation why certain gracious official docu- 
ments are sealed with green that the color expresses youth, honor, 
beauty, and especially liberty. 

H. M. Stanley (a) gives the following use of white as a sign of inno- 
cence: "Qualla drew a piece of pipeclay and marked a broad white 
band running from the wri st to the shoulder along each arm of Ngalyema, 
as a sign to all men present that he was guiltless." 

H. Clay Trumbull (a) says : 

The Egyptian amulet of blood friendship was red, as representing the blood of the 
gods. The Egyptian word for "red" sometimes stood for "blood." The sacred 
directions in the Book of the Dead were written in red; hence follows our word 
"rubrics." The rabtos say that, wheu persecution forbade the wearing of the phy- 
lacteries with safety, a red thread might be substituted for this token of the covenant 
with the Lord. It was a red thread which Joshua gave to Rabab as a token of her 
covenant relations with the people of the Lord. The red thread, in China, to-day, 
binds the double cup, from which the bride and bridegroom drink their covenant 
draught of " wedding wine," as if in symbolism of the covenant of blood. And it is 
a red thread which, in India, to-day, is used to bind a sacred amulet around the arm 
or the neck. * * * Upon the shrines in India the color red shows that worship 
is still living there; red continues to stand for blood. 

Mr. Mooney, in the Seventh Annual Beport, Bureau of Ethnology, 
shows that to the Cherokee the color blue signifies grief or depression of 



COLOR SYMBOLISM. 



635 



spirits, a curious parallel to the colloquial English phrase "has the 
blues" and wholly opposite to the poetical symbol of blue for hope. 

The notes above collected on the general topic of color symbolism 
might be indefinitely extended. Those presented, however, are typical 
and perhaps sufficient for the scope of the present work. In regarding 
ideography of colors the first object is to expunge from consideration 
all merely arbitrary or fanciful decorations, which is by no means easy, 
as ancient customs, even in their decadence or merely traditional, 
preserve a long influence. But as a generalization it seems that all 
common colors have been used in historic times for nearly all varieties 
of ideographic expression by the several divisions of men, and that they 
have differed fundamentally in the application of those colors. Tet 
there was an intelligent origin in each one of those applications of color. 
With regard to mourning the color black is now considered to be that 
of gloom. It was still earlier expressed by casting ashes or earth over 
the head and frame, and possibly the somber paint was adopted for 
cleanliness, the concept being preserved and indeed intensified by 
durable blackness instead of the mere transient dinginess of dirt, 
although the actual defilement by the latter is thereby only symbolized. 
This gloom is the expression of the misery of the survivors, perhaps of 
their despair as not expecting any happiness to the dead or any hope 
of a meeting in another world. Other lines of thought are shown by 
blue, considered as the supposed sky or heavenly home of the future, 
and by green, as suggesting renewal or resurrection, and those concepts 
determine the mourning color of some peoples. Red or yellow may 
only refer to the conceptions of the colors of flames, and therefore might 
simply be an objective representation of the disposition of the corpse, 
which very often was by cremation. But sometimes these colors are 
employed as decoration and display to proclaim that the dead go to 
glory. White, used as frequently by the populations of the world as 
other funeral colors, may have been only to assert the purity and inno- 
cence of the departed, an anticipation of the flattering obituary notices 
or epitaphs now conventional in civilized lands. 

With regard to the color red, it may be admitted that it originally 
represents blood ; but it may be, and in fact is, used for the contradictory 
concepts of war and peace. It is used for war as suggesting the blood 
of the enemy, for peace and friendship to signify the blood relation or 
"blood covenant, the strongest tie of love and friendship. 

So it would seem that, while colors have been used ideographically, 
the ideas which determined them were very diverse and sometimes 
their application has become wholly conventional and arbitrary. A 
modern military example may be in point which has no connection with 
the well-known squib of an English humorist. One of the officers of the 
U. S. Army of the last generation when traveling in Europe was much 
disgusted to observe that a green uniform ►was used in some of the 
armies for the corps of engineers and for branches of the service other 



636 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



than rifles or tirailleurs. He insisted that the color naturally and 
necessarily belongs to the Bines, because the soldiers of that arm when 
clad with that color were most useful as skirmishers in wooded regions. 
This reason for the selection of green for the riflemen who composed a 
part of the early army of the United States is correct, but in the neces- 
sity for the distinction of special uniforms for the several component 
parts of a military establishment, whether in Europe or America, the 
original and often obsolete application of color was wholly disregarded 
and colors were selected simply because they were not then appro- 
priated by other branches of the service. So in the late formation of 
the signal corps of the U. S. Army, the color of orange, which had 
belonged to the old dragoons, was adopted simply because it was a 
good color no longer appropriated. 

With these changes by abandonment and adoption comes fashion, 
which has its strong effect. It is even exemplified where least 
expected, i. e., in Stamboul. Every one knows that the descendants 
of the Prophet alone are entitled to wear green turbans, but a late 
Sultan, not being of the blood of Mohammed, could not wear the color, 
so the emirs who could do so carefully abstained from green in his 
presence and the color for the time was unfashionable. 

As the evolution of clothing commenced with painting and tattooing, 
it may be admitted that what is now called fashion must have had its 
effect on the earlier as on the later forms of personal decoration. 
Granting that there was an ideographic origin to all designs painted 
on the person, the ambition or vanity of individuals to be distinctive 
and to excel must soon have introduced varieties and afterward imita- 
tions of such patterns, colors, or combinations as favorably struck the 
local taste. The subject therefore is much confused. 

An additional suggestion comes from the study of the Mexican 
codices. In them color often seems to be used according to the fancy 
of the scribe. Compare pages 108 and 109 of the Codex Vaticanus, in 
Kingsborough, Vol. n, with pages 4 and 5 of the Codex Telleriano 
Remensis, in part 4 of Kiugsborough, Vol. i, where the figures and their 
signification are evidently the same, but the coloration is substantially 
reversed. 

A comparison of Henry E. Schoolcraft's published coloration with 
the facts found by the recent examination of the present writer is 
set forth with detail on page 202, supra. 

In his copious illustrations colors were exhibited freely and with 
stated significance, whereas, in fact, the general rule in regard to the 
birch-bark rolls is that they were never colored at all; indeed, the bark 
was not adapted to coloration. His colors were painted on and over the 
true scratchings, according to his own fancy. The metaphorical color- 
ing was also used by him in a manner which, to any thorough student 
of the Indian philosophy and religions, seems absurd. Metaphysical 
significance is attached ' o some of the colored devices, or, as he calls 



GESTURE SIGNS IN PICTOGRAPHS. 



637 



them, symbols, which could never have been entertained by a people in 
the stage of culture of the Ojibwa, and those devices, in fact, were ideo- 
grams or iconograms. 

SECTION 4. 
GESTURE AND POSTURE SIGNS DEPICTED. 

Among people where a system of ideographic gesture signs has pre- 
vailed it would be expected that their form would appear in any mode 
of pictorial representation used with the object of conveying ideas or 
recording facts. When a gesture sign had been established and it 
became necessary or desirable to draw a character or design to convey 
the same idea, nothing could be more natural than to use the graphic 
form or delineation which was known and used in the gesture sign. It 
was but one more step, and an easy one, to fasten upon bark, skins, or 
rocks the evanescent air pictures of the signs. 

In the paper " Sign language among the North American Indians," 
published in the First Ann. Eep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, a large 
number of instances were given of the reproduction of gesture lines in 
the pictographs made by those Indians, and they appeared to be most 
frequent when there was an attempt to convey subjective ideas. It 
was suggested, therefore, that those pictographs which, in the absence 
of positive knowledge, are the most difficult of interpretation were 
those to which the study of sign-language might be applied with ad- 
vantage. The topic is now more fully discussed. Many pictographs 
in the present work, the meaning of which is definitely known from 
direct sources, are noted in connection with the gesture-signs corre- 
sponding with the same idea, Avhich signs are also understood from 
independent evidence or legitimate deduction. 

Dr. Edkins (c) makes the following remarks regarding the Chinese 
characters, which are applicable also to the picture-writing of the North 
American Indians, and indeed to that of all peoples among whom it 
has been cultivated: 

The use of simple natural shapes, such as the mouth, nose, eye, ear, hand, foot, as 
well as the shape of branches, trees, grass, caves, holes, rivers, the bow, the spear, 
the knife, the tablet, the leaf — these formed, in addition to pictures of animals, 
much of the staple of Chinese ideographs. 

Attention should be drawn to the fact that the mouth and the hand play an ex- 
ceptionally important part in the formation of the symbols. 

Men were more accustomed then than now to the language of signs by the use of 
these organs. Perhaps three-twentieths of the existing characters are formed by 
their help as one element. 

This large use of the mouth and hand in forming characters is, as we may very 
reasonably suppose, only a repetition of what took place when the words themselves 
were made. 

There is likely to be a primitive connection between demonstratives and names for 
the hand, because the hand is used in pointing. 

Eig. 983 is a copy of a colored petroglyph on a rock in the valley of 
Tule river, California, further described on page 52, et seq., supra. 



638 PICTURE-WK1TING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



a, a person weeping. The eyes have lines running down to the breast, 
below the ends of which are three short lines on either side. The arms 
and hands are in the exact position for making the gesture for rain. 
See h in Fig. 999, meaning eye-rain, and also Fig. 1002. It was probably 
the intention of the artist to show that the hands in this gesture should be 
passed downward over the face, as probably suggested by the short lines 
upon the lower end of the tears. It is evident that sorrow is portrayed. 




&, c, d, six persons apparently making the gesture for "hunger" by 
passing the hands towards and backward from the sides of the body, 
suggesting a gnawing sensation. The person, d, shown in a horizontal 
position, may possibly denote a "dead man," dead of starvation, this 
position being adopted by the Ojibwa, Blackfeet, and others as a com- 



MALLERY.j 



GESTURE SIGNS IN PICTOGRAPHS. 



639 



mon device to represent a dead body. The varying lengths of head 
ornaments denote different degrees of status as warriors or chiefs. 

e, f. g, h, i. Human forms of various shapes making gestures for nega- 
tion, or more specifically "nothing, nothing here," a natural and uni- 
versal gesture made by throwing one or both hands outward toward 
either side of the body. The hands are extended, and, to make the 
action apparently more emphatic, the extended toes are also shown on 
e, f, g, and i. The several lines upon the leg of i probably indicate 
trimmings upon the leggings. 

The character at j is strikingly similar to the Alaskan pictographs 
(see b of Fig. 460), indicating self with the right hand, and the left 
pointing away, signifying to go. 

Tc. An ornamented head with body and legs. It may refer to a Sha- 
man, the head being similar to the representations of such personages 
by the Ojibwa and Iroquois. 

Similar drawings occur at a distance of about 10 miles southeast of 
this locality as well as at other places toward the northwest, and it 
appears probable that the pictograph was made by a portion of a tribe 
which had advanced for the purpose of selecting a new camping place, 
but failed to find the quantities of food necessary for sustenance, and 
therefore erected this notice to inform their followers of their misfor- 
tune and determined departure toward the northwest. It is noticeable 
that the picture is so placed upon the rock that the extended arm of 
j points toward the north. 

The following examples are selected from a large number that could 
be used to illustrate those gesture signs known to be included in picto- 
graphs. Others not referred to in this place may readily be noticed 
in several parts of the present paper where they appear under other 
headings. 

Fig. 984. — Afraid-of-him. Eed-Cloud's Census. The following is the 



description of a common gesture sign used -ess.^ 
by the Dakotas for afraid, fear, coward: 

Crook the index, close the other fingers, p lG . 985.— coward, 
and, with its back upward, draw the right hand back- 
ward about a foot, from 18 inches in front of the right 
breast. Conception, " Drawing back." 

Fig. 985.— Afraid-of-him. Eed-Cloud's C\ 
Census. This is obviously the same device ( J 
without clear depiction of the arm, which \ C \ 
is explained by the preceding. I 
Fig. 986.— Little-Chief. Eed-Cloud's * \ 
Census. A typical gesture sign for chief 



Eaise the forefinger, pointed upwards, in a vertical direction and 
then reverse both finger and motion; the greater the elevation the 
" bigger " the chief. In this case the elevation above the head is slight, 
so the chief is "little." 




Fig. 984.— Coward, is as follows : 




640 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



b cow sur- 



Fig. 987. — The Dakotas went out in search of the Crows in order to 
avenge the death of Broken-Leg-Duck. They did not 
find any Crows, but, chancing on a Mandan village, 
captured it and killed all the people in it. American- 
Horse's Winter Count, 1787-'88. 
The mark on the tipi is not the representation of a 
hatchet or tomahawk, but is explained by the gesture sign for u hit by 
a bullet from a gun," made by the Dakotas as follows : 

With the hands in the position of the completion of the sign for dis- 
charge of a gun, draw the right hand back from the left, that is, in to- 
ward the body; close all the fingers except the index, which is extended, 
horizontal, back toward the right, pointing straight outward, and is 
pushed forward against the center of the stationary left hand with a 
quick motion. Conception, "Bullet comes to a stop. It struck." 

Fig. 988. The first stock cattle were issued to them. American- 
Horse's Winter Count, 1875-'76. The figure represents 
rounded by people. A common gesture 
sign distinguishing the cattle brought by 
Europeans from the buffalo is as follows : > 
Make sign for buffalo, then extend the 
v -*'' left forefinger and draw the extended in- 
fig. 988.— cow. ^ ex acrosg itrepeatedly at different places. 
Literally, spotted buffalo. 

Fig. 989.— Kills-two. Bed-Cloud's Census. In this 
figure only the suggestion of number is in point. Two 
fingers are extended. 

Fig. 990. — Four Crow Indians killed by the Minneon- 
x-. —f-^. jou Dakotas. The-Swan's Winter Count, 
£222 1864-'65. 
FIG ' D°ako?i gn f ° r The four heads and necks are shown. 
The pictograph shows the tribe of the conquerors and fig. 989.— Two. 
not that of the victims. The gesture sign for Dakota is as follows: 

Forefinger and thumb of right hand extended (others 
closed) are drawn from left to right across the throat 
as though cutting it. The Dakotas have been named 
the u cut- throats" by some of the surrounding tribes. 

Fig. 991. — Noon. Bed-Cloud's Census. A Dakotan 
gesture sign for noon is as follows : 

Make a circle with the thumb and index for sun, and 
then hold the hand overhead, the outer 
edge uppermost. W 
Fig. 992.— Hard. Bed-Cloud's Census- J| 
This is the representation of a stone ham- J3» 
mer and coincides with the Dakotan ges- 
fig. 991.— Noon, ture sign for hard as follows : 
Same as the sign for stone, which is: With the back of the arched 
right hand strike repeatedly in the palm of the left, held horizontal, 





Fig. 992.— Hard. 



GESTURE SIGNS IN PICTOGRAPHS. 



641 





The ges- 



back outward, at tlie height of the breast and about a foot in front; the 
ends of the fingers point in opposite directions. Eefers to the time 
when the stone hammer was the hardest pounding instrument the 
Indians knew. 

Fig. 993. — Little-Sun. Red-Cloud's Census. The moon is expressed 
both in gestural and oral 
language as sun-little. 
Fig. 994. — Old - Cloud. 

Fig. 993.-MOOD. Red . Cloucl?s CeilSUS. Cloud 

is drawn in blue in the original ; old is sig- 
nified by drawing a staff in the hand of the f 
man. The Dakotan gesture for old is de- 
scribed as follows : 

With the right hand held in front of right 
side of body, as though grasping the head 
of a walking-stick, describe the forward 
arch movement, as though a person walk- 
ing was using it for support. "Decrepit fig.994.-om- 
jge dependent on a staff." 
Fig. 995. — Call-for. Red-Cloud's Census. 
\ture for come or to call to one's self is 
shown in this figure. This is similar to 
that prevalent among Europeans, and 
fig. 995.— caii-for. so requires no explanation. 
Fig. 996. — The- Wise-Man was killed by enemies. 
Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1797-'98. The following 
gesture sign explains this figure: 

Touch the forehead with the right index and then 
make the sign for big directly in front of it. Concep- 
tion, " Big brain." 

In this as in other delineations of gesture the whole fig- 996.— wise-Man. 
of the sign could not be expressed, but only that part of it which might 
seem to be the most suggestive. 

Fig. 997 is taken from the winter count of Battiste Good and 
is drawn to represent the sign for pipe, which it is intended to 
signify. Thesignis madebyplacing the right hand near the f 
upperportion of thebreast, the leftfarther forward, andboth - < •' • 
held so that the index and thumb approximate a circle, as , 1 
if holding a pipe-stem. The remainingfiiigers are closed. )t^%. 

The point of interest in this character is that, instead / 4*-' \ 
of drawing a pipe, the artist drew a human figure making 
the sign for pipe, showing the intimate con- 
J nection between gesture- signs and picto- 
graphs. The pipe, in this instance, was the 
symbol of peace. 
10997— sign 998. — Mahpiya-wakita, Searches-the- FlG iue 8 h>a' 

foipipe. Heavens; from the Oglala Roster. The cloud is dra\ 

10 ETH 41 



642 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



blue, the searching being derived from the expression of that idea in 
gesture by passing the extended index of one hand (or both) forward 
from the eye, then from right to left, as if indicating various uncertain 
localities before the person, i. e., searching for something. The lines 
from the eyes are in imitation of this gesture. 




The Chinese character for to give water is a, in Fig. 999, which may 
be compared with the common Indian 
yZZ cPh^l a^/^ 1 ^vv\ gesture to drink, to give water, viz: 
V\ Cf^ jL ''Hand held with the" tips of fingers 

brought together and passed to the 
mouth, as if scooping up water" (see 
Fig. 1000), obviously from primitive 

F,G.m_Water symbols. ^ ^ MojayeSj wb() still 

drink with scooped hands, throwing the water to the mouth. 

Another common Indian gesture sign for water to drink — I want to 
drink — is: ''Hand brought downward past the mouth with loosely ex- 
tended fingers, palm toward the face." This appears in the Mexican 
character for drink, b, in Fig. 999, taken from Pipart (a). Water, i. e., 
the pouring out of water with the drops falling or about to 
fall, is shown in Fig. 999, c, taken from the same author 
(b), being the same arrangement of them as in the Indian 
gesture-sign for rain, shown in Fig. 1002, the hand, how- 
ever, being inverted. Rain in the Mexican picture-writing 
is sometimes shown by small circles inclosing a dot, as in 
the last two designs, but not connected together, each 
having a short line upward marking the line of descent. F 
Several other pictographs for rain are given below. 

With the gesture sign for drink may be compared Fig. 1091, the 
Egyptian goddess IsTu in the sacred syca- 
more tree, pouring out the water of life 
to the Osirian and his soul represented 
bird, in Amenti, from a funereal 
I stele in Cooper's Serpent Myths (b). 

The common Indian gesture for river 
orstream — water — is made bypassing the 
horizontal flat hand, palm down, forward 
and to the left from the right side in a 
fig. looi.-water, Egyptian. serpentine manner. 
The Egyptian character for the same is d in Fig. 999, taken from 
Champollion's Dictionary (b). The broken line is held to represent the 
movement of the water on the surface of the stream. When made with 
one line less angular and more waving it means water. It is interesting 
to compare with this the identical character in the syllabary invented 
by a West African negro, Mormoru Doalu Bukere, for water, e, in Fig. 
999, mentioned by Dr. Tylor (b). 




3IALLEBT.] 



GESTURE SIGN FOU WATER. 



643 



The abbreviated Egyptian sign for water as a stream is/, hi Fig. 999, 
taken from Champollion. loe. cit., and the Chinese for the same is as in 
g, same figure. 

In the picture writing of the Ojibwa the Egyptian abbreviated 
character, with two lines instead of 
three, appears with the same signifi- 
cation. 

The Egyptian character for weep, O^^^^f 
/(. in Fig. 999. i. e.. an eye with tears jf" " 

falling, is a?so found in the pieto- A Jj - r-'t v m 

graphs of the Ojibwa. published by 

Sehoulerafr ... . and i> ,<■,.„.>■ •> "l?B[ff/^W^^«i|t N 

the Indian gesture of drawing lines >gj m 
by the index repeatedly downward j ;f 

from the eye. though perhaps more % di jB h CUP 

rain — made with the back of the hand Fl ~ ^.u^Zc^^Ti^L 

downward from the eye— -eye rain." The sign is as follows, as made 
by the Shoshoni, Apache, and other Indians: Hold the hand (or hands) 
at the height of and before the shoulder, fingers pendent, palm down, 
then push it downward a short distance, as shown in Fig. 1002. That 
for heat is the same, with the difference that the hand is held above 
the head and thrust downward toward the forehead; that for to weep 
is made by holding the hand as in rain, and the gesture made from the 
eye downward over the cheek, back of the fingers nearly touching the 
face. 

The upper design in Fig. 1003, taken from the manuscript catalogue 
p '■■ °f T- V. Keam, is water wrought into a meandering device, 
^hich is the conventional generic sign of the Hopitus. 
„ The two forefingers are joined as in the lower design in 
the same figure. 

In relation to the latter, Mr. Keam says: "At the close 
of the religious festivals the participants join in a parting 
fig. ioo3.-w a t« dance called tue ' dance of tne Kuked finger.' They form 
sign. Moki. a double line, and crossing their arms in front of them 
they lock the forefingers of either hand with those of their neighbors, 
in both lines, which are thus interlocked together, and then dance, 
still interlocked by this emblematic grip, singing their parting song. 
The meandering designs are emblems of this friendly dance." 



The Arapaho sign for child, baby, is the forefinger in the mouth, i. e., 
a nursing child, and a natural sign of a deaf-mute is the same. The 
Egyptian figurative character for the same is seen iu Fig. 1004 a, Its 
linear form is b, same figure, and its hieratic is c, Champoliion (c). 



644 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



These afford aw interpretation to the ancient Chinese form for son, 
d in same figure, given in Journ. Boyal Asiatic Society, i, 1834, p. 219, 
as belonging to the Shang dynasty, 1750-1112 B. C, and the modern 
Chinese form, e, which, without the comparison, would not be supposed 
to have any pictured reference to an infant with hand or finger at or 
approaching the mouth, denoting the taking of nourishment. Having 
now suggested this, the Chinese character for birth, f in same figure, 
is understood as a parallel expression of a common gesture among 
the Indians, particularly reported from the Dakota, for bom, to be bom; 
viz, place the left hand in front of the body a little to the right, the 
palm downward and slightly arched, then pass the extended right 
hand downward, forward, and upward, forming a short curve under- 
neath the left, as in Fig. 1005 a. This is based upon the curve followed 
by the head of the child during birth, and is used generically. The 
same curve, when made with one hand, appears in Fig. 1005 b. 

It may be of interest to compare with the Chinese cMlcl the Mexican 
abbreviated character for man, Fig. 1004 g, found in Pipart (c). The 
character on the right is called the abbreviated form of the one by its 
side. 

The Chinese character for man is 
Fig. 1004 h, and may have the same 
obvious conception as a Dakota sign 
for the. same signification : "Place 
the extended index pointing upward 
and forward before the lower portion 
7* ffj 7\, of the abdomen." 

\J ?■ ^/ g h A typical sign made by the Indians 

Fig. 1004.— Symbols for child and man. f or ne g a Mon, is aS follOWS : 

The hand extended or slightly curved is held in front of the body, a 





V 



little to the right of the median line; it is then carried with a rapid 
sweep a foot or more farther to the right. 



GESTURES FOR NEGATION. 



645 



The sign for none, nothing, sometimes used for simple negation, is 
made by throwing both hands outward from the breast toward their 
respective sides. 

With these compare the two forms of the Egyptian character for no, 
negation, the two upper characters of Fig. 100G taken from Champol- 
lion (d). No vivid fancy is needed to see the bands ^===^7^====^ 
indicated at the extremities of arms extended sym- 
metrically from the body on each side. ^ ^ ^ 

Also compare the Maya character for the same 

idea of negation, the lowest character of Fig. 1006, Q n ^ 

found in Landa (a). The Maya word for negation is FlG . looe.-Negation. 
">w«," and the word "mak," a six-foot measuring rod, given by Bras- 
seur de Bourbourg in his dictionary, apparently having connection 
with this character, would in use separate the hands as illnstrated, 
giving the same form as the gesture made Avithout the rod. 
Another sign for nothing, none, made by the Comanche is: Flat 
hand thrown forward, back to the ground, fingers pointing 
^pTT forward and downward. Frequently the right hand is 

* brushed over the left thus thrown out. 
, y Compare the Chinese character for the same meaning, the 
X 1 upper character of Fig. 1007. This will not be recognized 
* as a hand without study of similar characters, which gen- 

erally have a cross-line cutting off the wrist. Here the 
wrist bones follow under the crosscut, then the metacarpal 
fig. 1007. -Hand, bones, and last thefingers, pointing forward and downward. 

Leon de Bosny (a) gives the second and third characters in Fig. 1007 
as the Babyloniau glyphs for "hand," the upper being the later and the 
lower the archaic form. 

Fig. 1008 is reproduced from an ivory drill-bow 
(IT. S. Nat. Mus., No. 24543) from Norton sound, Alaska. 
The figure represents the gesture sign or signal of dis- 
covery. In this instance the game consists of whales, Fiq 1008 _ si<rnal of 
and the signal is made by holding the boat paddle aloft discovers*, 
and horizontally. 

Fig. 1009, reproduced from Fig. 365, p. 30S, Sixth Ann. iiep. Bureau 
of Ethnology, is a copy of PI. 53 of the Dresden Codex, and is a good 
example of the use of gestures in the Maya graphic system. The main 
figure in the upper division of the plate, probably that of a deity or 
rider, holds his right hand raised to the level of the head, with the 
index prominently separated from the other fingers. This is the first- 
part of a sign common to several of the Indian tribes of North America 
and signifies affirmation or assent. The Indians close the fingers other 
than the index more decidedly than in the plate and, after the hand 
has reached its greatest height, shake it forward and down, but these 
details, which indeed are not essential, could not well be indicated pic- 



646 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




PICTURED GESTURES. 



torially. The human figure in the lo< 
both hands easily extended be- 
fore the body, palms down and 

index fingers straight, parallel, fell 

and separated from tin- other \, 

fingers, which are flexed or fm, 

closed. This in its essentials is &K 
a common Indian gesture sign 
for "the same," "similar," and 

also for -'companion." A sign |» 

nearly identical is used by the pif| 

Neapolitans to mean "union" '_\ • 

or "harmony." If the two di | || 

visions of the plate are supposed |- B 

to be connected, it might be in- y§ 

ferred through the principles of |.g 

gesture language that the kneel- R 

ing man was praying to the | jS* 

seated personage for admission |f| 

to his favor and companionship, |I 

and that the latter was respond- I| 
ing by a dignified assent. 

Dr. S. Habel (e) thus describes |.| 

Fig. 1010, a sculpture in Giia- i§§ 
inatela : 

The upper half representsthe head, f%, 

arms, and part of the breast of a deii\ , £j" 

apparently of advanced age, as indi- H 

cated by the wrinkles in the lace. jfj 

The right arm is bent at the elbow, Kg 

the finger tips of the outstretched j|| 

hand apparently touching the region I 

of the heart; the left upper arm is > £ 

drawn up, the elbow being almost as '■ I 

high as the shoulder, and the fore j, 1- 

arm and hand hanging at nearly ■ 

right angles. From the head and ! | 

neck issue winding staves, to which §| 

not only knots or nodes are attached, f*l 

but also variously - shaped leaves, §f| 

buds, flowers, and fruits. Appar- B| 

rently these are symbols of speech, Ml 
eplacing our letters and expressing j « 
the mandate of the deity. 

The lower part represents an erect K 
human figure with the face turned up fc- 
toward the deity imploring, and from || 
the mouth emanates a staff with Hi 



648 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



nodes variously arranged. The appeal is still further intensified by the raising of 
the right hand and arm. A. human head partly covers the head of the figure, from 
which hang variously-shaped ribbons, terminal nig in the body and tail of a fish. 
Above the right wrist is a double bracelet, apparently formed of small square stones. 
The left hand is covered, gauntlet-like, by a human skull, and the wrist is orna- 
mented by a double scaly bracelet. The waist is encircled by a stilt' projecting gir- 
dle, which differs from the general style of this ornament by having attached to it 
on the side a human head, with another human head suspended from it. From 
the front of the girdle emanate four lines, which ascend towards the deity, uniting 
at the top. They seem to symbolize the emotions of the person, not expressed by 
words. From behind the image issue (lames. 



CHAPTER XIX. 



CONVENTIONALIZING. 

Before writing was invented by a people there were attempts in its 
direction which are mentioned in other chapters of this paper. Human 
forms were drawn pictorially in the act of making gesture signs and in 
significant actions and attitudes and combinations of them. Other 
natural objects, as well as those purely artificial, which represented 
work or the result of work, were also drawn with many differing signi- 
fications. When any of these designs had become commonly adopted 
on account of its striking fitness or even from frequent repetition with 
a special signification, it became a conventional term of thought-writ- 
ing, with substantially the same use as when, afterward, the combina- 
tions of letters of an alphabet into words became the arbitrary signs of 
sound-writing. While the designs thus became conventional terms, 
their forms became more and more abbreviated or cursive until in many 
cases the original concept or likeness was lost. Sometimes when a 
specimen of the original form is preserved, its identity in meaning with 
the current form can be ascertained by correlation of the intermediate 
shapes. 

The original ideography is often exhibited by exaggeration. For 
instance, a loud voice has been sometimes indicated by a human face 
with an enormous mouth. Hearing, among the Peruvians, was early 
expressed by a man with very large ears ; then by a head with such ears, 
and afterwards by the form of the ears without the head. Soon such 
forms became so conventionalized as to be practically ideographic writ- 
ing. In the same manner a numeral cipher lias become the represen- 
tation of a mathematical quantity, a written musical note shows a kind 
and degree of sound, and other pictured signs give values of weights 
and measures. All of these signs express ideas independent of any 
language and maybe understood by peoples speaking all diversities of 
language. 

So also the idea of smallness and subjection may be conveyed by 
drawing an object in an obviously diminished size, of which examples 
are given in this chapter. Another expedient, illustrations of which 
also appear, is by repetition and combination, with reference to which 
the following condensed remarks of James Summers (a) are in point : 

The earliest Chinese characters were pictorial; but pictures could not be made 
which would clearly express all ideas. One of the means devised to express concepts 
that could not be indicated by a simple sketch, was to combine two or more familiar 
pictures. For instance, a man with a large eye represents "seeing;" two men, 
"to follow;" three men, "many;" two men on the ground, "sitting." 

• 649 



650 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



All nthcr means failing, the present great mass of characters was formed by a 
principle from which the class is called "phonetic ;" because in the characters classed 
under it, while one part (called the " radical "') preserves its meaning, the other part 
(called the "phonetic" or "primitive") is used to give its own sound to the whole, 
figure. This part does sometimes, however, convey also its symbolic meaning as 
well as its sound. 

But while the original mode of expressing ideas required various 
devices, when an idea had become established in pictography there 
always appeared an attempt to simplify the figure and reduce it in 
size, so as to require less space in the drafting surface and also to lessen 
the draftsman's labor. This was more obvious in the degree in which 
the figure was complicated and of frequent employment. 

For convenience the subject is divided into: 1. Conventional devices. 
2. Syllabaries and alphabets. 

s E C T I O.N l . 

CONVENTIONAL DEVICES. 



Among the .North American Indians and in several parts of the world 
where, as among the Indians, the hand-grasp in simple salutation has 
not been found, the junction of the hands between two persons of 
different tribes' is the ceremonial for union and peace, and the sign for 
the same concept is exhibited by the two hands of one person similarly 
grasped as an invitation to, or signification of, union and peace. The 
ideogram of clasped hands to indicate peace and friendship is found in 
pictographs from many localities. The exhibition and presentation of 
the unarmed hand may have affected the practice, but the concept of 
union by linking is more apparent. 

Fig. 1011. — The Dakotas made peace with the Cheyenne Indians. 
The-Swan's Winter Count, 1S40-'41. Here the hands shown with fingers 
extended, and therefore incapable of grasping a 
weapon, are approaching each other. The dif- 
ferent coloration of the arms indicates different 
tribes. The device on the right is a rough form fig. ion. 

of the forearm of the Cheyenne marked as mentioned several times in 
this work. 

Fig. 1012. — The Dakotas made peace with the Pawnees. American- 
Horse's Winter Count, 1858-'59. The man on the 
left is a Pawnee. 

Fig. 1013.— AMandan and aDakotametin theniid- 
dle of tin 1 Missouri River, each i 




of the Missouri River, each swim- s-\ 

g halfway across. They shook J- J KJ 

ds there and made peace, The- [ 1 

me's Winter Count, 1701-'!J2. ]_J [J 



Mulligan, post interpreter at Fort Buford, says that thi 
was at Fort Berthold, and is an historic fact : also that the sanie Mandan 
long afterward 



CONVENTIONAL DEVICES. 



651 






Fig. KH4. — TheOinahas came and made peace to get their people whom 
the Dakotas held as prisoners. Cloud-Shield's 
Winter Count, 1804-'05. The attitudes and ex 
pressions are unusually artistic. The uniting 
line may only intensify the idea of a treaty result- 
ing in peace, but perhaps recognizes the fact that 
the Omaha (on the left) and Dakota belong to 
the same Siouan stock. The marks on the Omaha 
are not tribal, but refer to the prisoners — the 
FlG - 1014 marks of their bonds. 

Fig. 1015. — The Dakotas made peace with the Crows at Pine Bluff. 
American-Horse's Winter Count, 181G-'17. The arrow shows they had 
been at war. The Indian at the left is a Crow. 
The distinctive and typical arrangement of the 
hair of the several tribes in this and the preceding 
figure are worthy of note. 

Fig. 1016.— The Dakotas 
made "peace with the Pa w- 
nees. Cloud -Shield's Win- 
ter Count, 1814-'15. The 
man with the marked fore- 
' head, blue in the original, 
is a Pawnee, the other is a 

5 smeared with clay. The four arrows show that 
they had been at war, and the clasped hands denote peace. 

Fig. 1017. — They made peace 
with the Gros Ventres. Amer- 
ican - Horse's Winter Count, 
1803-'04. But one arrow is 
shown, indicating that the 
subject in question was war, ^ 
but that it was not waged at 
the time, as would have been shown by two opposed arrows. 

Fig. 1018. — Dakotas made peace with the Crow Indians. The-Swan's 
Winter Count, 1851-'52. Here the rei>resentatives of the two tribes 
show their pipes crossed, indicating exchange as is expressed by a com- 
mon gesture sign. 

Fig. 1019. — Made peace with Gen. Sherman and others at Fort Lara- 
mie. The-Swan's Winter Count, 1867-'68. This is the adoption of the 
white man's flag, as the paramount symbol 
on recognition of which peace was made. 



Fig. 1020.— The Dakotas were at war 
fig. 1019. tue Cheyennes. American-Horse's 



Dakota, whose body i 





Winter Count, 1834-'35. The Cheyenne 




652 



PICTURE-WHITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




the mau with stripes on his arm. The two arrows shot in opposite 
directions form one of the conventional symbols for war. 

, 1021 is taken from the Winter Count of Bat- 
tiste Good for the year 1S40-'41. He names it "Came- 
and-killed-flve-of- Little -Thunder's -brothers winter." 
He explains that the five were killed in an encounter 
with the Pawnees. The capote or headdress, always 
but not exclusively worn by Dakota war parties, is 
shown, and is the special symbol of war as also given 
in several other places in the same record. The Ave 
short vertical lines below the arrow signify that five 
were killed. 

Fig. 1022.— War-Eagle. Red-Cloud's Cen- 
sus. This figure shows a highly abbreviated conventional sym- 
bol. The pipe used in the ceremonial manner explained on 
page 539 et seq. means war and not peace, and the single eagle 
feather stands for the entire bird often called the war-eagle. 

The adoption of a mat or mattress as an emblem of war or a military 
expedition is discussed and illustrated, supra, p. 553, Fig. 782. 

In the Jesuit Relation for 1600, p. 51, it is narrated that "The Huron 
and Northern Algonkin chiefs, when their respective war parties met 
the enemy, distributed among their warriors rods which they carried 
for the purpose, and the warriors stuck them in the earth as a token 
that they would not retreat any more than the rods would." 

In their pictographs the rods became represented by strokes which 
were not only numerical, but signified warriors. 

CHIEF. 

Fig. 1023.— Naca-haksila, Chief-Boy. From the Og- 
lala Roster. The large pipe held forward with the out- 
stretched hand is among the Oglalas the conventional 
device for chief. This isexplained elsewhere by the cere- 
monies attendant on the raising of war parties, in which 
the pipe is conspicuous. That the human figureis a boy 
is indicated by the shortness of the hair and the legs. 

Fig. 1024, drawn by a Passaniaquoddy Indian, shows 
the manner o'f representing a war chief by that tribe: 

It signifies a chief with 3C0 braves. The relative mag- FlG ' 10 Boy7 Chief ' 
nitude of the leading human figure indicates his rank. In this par- 
ticular compare Figs. 137, 138, and 142. The device is common in the 
Egyptian glyphs. 

Dr. Worsnop, op. cit., makes the fol- 
lowing remarks about a similar device 
in Australia: 

At Chasm island, in the Gulf of Carpentaria, 
indenting Australia, the third person of a tile 
of thirty-two painted on the rock was twice 
samaquoddy. the height of the others, and held in his hand 





Fig. 1024.— War Chief. 



SYMBOLS FOR COUNCIL. 



653 



simirt hi 111; lVM'i.ililin;; the w add \. i.r \v leu sword, of 1 he nat i yes of Port Jackson, 

and was probably intended to represent a chief. They could not as with us, indi- 
cate superiority by clothing or ornament, since they wear none of any kind, and 
therefore, with the addition of a weapon similar to the ancients, they seem to have 
made superiority of persons the principal emblem of superior power, of which, indeed 
power is usually a consequence in the very early stages of society. 

The exhibition of horns as a part of the head dress, or pictorially 
displayed as growing from the head, is generally among the tribes of 
Indians an emblem of power or chieftancy. It is distinctly so asserted 
by Schoolcraft, vol. I, p. 409, as regards the Ojibwa, and by Lafltau, 
vol. II, 21, both authors presenting illustrations. The same concept was 
ancient and general in the eastern hemisphere. The images of gods 
and heads of kings were thus adorned, as at a later day were the crests 
of the dukes of Brittany. Some writers have suggested that this symbols 
was taken from the crescent moon, others that it referred to the vigor 
of the bull. Col. Marshall (a), however, gives an instance of special 
derivation. He says that the Tod as, when idle, involuntarily twist 
and split branches of twigs and pieces of cane into the likeness of 
buffalo horns, because they dream of buffalo, live on and by it, and 
their whole religion is based on the care of the cow. 




Fig. 1025 is taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the 
year 1851-'52. In that year the first 
issue of goods was made to the Da- 
kotas, and the character represents 
a blanket surrounded by a circle to 
show how the Indians sat awaiting 
fig. 1025. the distribution. The people are 

represented by small lines running at right angles to the 
circle. 

Fig. 1026.— The-Good-White-Man returned and gave FiG.1026. 
guns to the Dakotas. American-Horse's Winter Count, 1709-1800. 

circle of marks represents 

^ * ' ' ' / the people sitting around 

him, the flint- lock musket 
the guns. 

Fig. 1027.— Council at i 
Spotted -Tail agency. 1 
The-Flame's Winter / '">o1 
Count, 1875-'76. Here 
the circle composed of 
short lines pointing to 
the center takes the conventional form frequently 
used to designate a council. 

Fig. 1028. — Surrounds-them. Bed Cloud s Census. 
This figure is introduced in this place to show the 



Fig. 1027. 



654 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



LiTOund" and the peaceable ring 



distinction made by an antagonistic 
depicted immediately before. 

Fig. 1029. — The Dakotas had a council with the whites on the Mis- 
souri river below the Chey- 
enne agency, near the mouth 
of Bad creek. They had many 
flags which the Good-White- 
Man gave them with their gun s, 
and they erected them on poles 
to show their friendly feelings. 
American - Horse's Winter 
Count, 1805-'06. This was per- 
haps their meeting with the 
Lewis and Clarke expedition. 
The curved line is drawn to 
represent the council lodge, which they made by FlG - 1030 - 

opening several tipis and uniting them at their sides to form a semicircle. 
The small dashes are for the people. This is a compromise between the 
Indian and the European mode of designating an official assemblage. 

PLENTY OP FOOD. 




Fig. 1029. 





mm 



Fig. 1030. — The Dakotas have an abundance of buffalo meat. Cloud- 
Shield's Winter Count, 1856-57. This is shown by the full drying pole 
on which it was the usage after successful hunts to hang the pieces of 
meat to be dried for preservation. 

Fig. 1031. — The Oglalas had an abundance of buffalo meat and shared 
it with the Brules, who were short of food. American- 
Horse's Winter Count, 1817-'18. The buffalo hide hung 
on the drying pole, with the buffalo head above 
it, indicates an abundance of meat, as in the 
preceding figure. 

Fig. 1032 is taken from Battiste Good's 
fig. io3i. Winter Count for the year 1745-'46, in which fig. 1032. 
the drying-pole is as usual supported by two forked sticks or poles. 
This is a variant of the two preceding figures. 

Fig. 1033. — Immense quantities of buffalo meat. The-Swan's Winter 
Count, 1845-'46. This is another form of drying-pole in which a tree 
is used for one of the supports. The pieces of 
' meat would not be recognized as such without 
explanation by the preceding figures. 

Fig. 1034 is taken from the Winter 
Count of Battiste Good for the year 
1703-'04. The forked stick beingone 
of the supports of the drying pole or 
scaffold, indicates meat. The irreg- 
fig. 1033. ular circular object means "heap," 




SYMBOLS FOR FAMINE. 



655 



i. e,, large quantity, buffalo having been very plentiful that year. The 
buffalo head denotes the kind of meat stored. This is an abbre- 
viated form of the device before presented, and affords a suggestive 
comparison with some Egyptian hieroglyphics and Chinese letters, both 
in their full pictographic origin and in their abbreviation. 

Fig. 1035.— The Dakotas had unusual quantities 
of buffalo. The-Swan's Winter Count, 1816-'17. 
V\<» This representation of a buffalo hide or 
/ side is another sign for abundance of meat, 
[ and is the most abbreviated and con veil- , 
/\jA tional of all, with the .-same significance, 
no. 1035. in the collections now accessible. fig. 1036. 

Fig. 1036. — The Dakotas had unusual abundance of buffalo. The- 
Swan's Winter Count, 1861-'62. This is another mode 
of expressing the same abundance. The buffalo tracks, 
shown by the cloven hoofs, are coming up close to the 
tipi. 

Fig. 1037. — They had an abundance of corn, 
which they got at the Bee villages. American- 
Horse's Winter Count, 1823-'24. 

The symbol shows the maize growing, and / 
also is the tribal sign for Arikara or Eee. 





Fig. 103S. — The Dakotas had very little buffalo meat, but plenty of 
ducks in the fall. Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 
1811-'12. The bare, drying pole is easily interpreted, 
but the reversed or dead duck would 
not be understood without explana- 
tion. 

Fig. 1039. — Food was very scarce 
and they had to live on acorns. 
Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1813- 
'14. The tree is intended for an oak 
and the dots beneath it for acorns. 
Fig. 1040. — A year of famine. 
Cloud- ShiehTs Winter Count, 1787-'88. They, i. e., the Dakotas, lived 

on roots, which are represented in front of the tipi. 
^ $1 Fig. 1041.— They could not hunt on account of the deep 
H \ snow, and were compelled to subsist on anything they could 
\/ \g et ? as herbs (pezi) and roots. American -Horse's Winter 
FicT^Ir Count, 1 790-'91. 





656 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 





■ had to sell many mules and horses to get food, as 
they were starving. 
Cloud - Shield's Win- 
ter Count, lS68-'69. 
White Cow - Killer 
calls it " Mules-sold- 
by-hungry-Sioux win- 
ter.*'' The figure is 
understood as a con- 
ventionalized sign by 
reference to the historic fact mentioned. 
The line of union between the horses'neeks 
shows that the subject-matter was not a 
horse trade, but that both of the animals, 
i. e., inany, were disposed of. 

Fig. 1043.— Kingsborough (/) gives the 
pictograph recording that ''In the year of Fie. 1043. 

One Babbit and A. D. 1454 so severe a famine occurred that the people 
died of starvation." It is reproduced in Fig 1043. 

STARVATION. 

Fig. 1044. — Many horses were lost by starvation, as the snow was so 
deep they couldn't get at the grass. Cloud- Shield's Winter Count, 
1865-'66. 

Fig. 1045, from the record of Battiste Good for the year 
1720-'21, signifies starvation, denoted by the bare ribs. 

This design is abbreviated and 
conventionalized among the Ot- 
tawa and Pottawatomi Indians. 
Among the latter a single line only 
is drawn across the breast, shown 
in Fig. 1046. This corresponds 
also with one of the Indian ges- 
fig. io4i. ture-signs for the same idea. 

See also the Abnaki sign of starvation, a pot upside 
down, in Fig. 456, supra. 






Fig. 1047. — They caught many wild 



horses south of 
A in erican- 
Horse's Winter 
Count, 1811-'12. 
T his fi g u r e 
shows a horse in 
the process of 
being caught by 
a lasso. 



the' Platte 




HORSE STEALING. 



657 



Fig. 1048.- 



A 

Fig. 1048. 

o 



U C/ 0 U 

Pig. 1050. 

Fig. 1051.- 



-Many wild horses caught. The-Flame's Winter Count, 
1812-'13. 

Fig. 1049. — Dakotas first used a lasso for catching wild 
horses. The-Swan's Winter Count, 1812-'13. In these 
two figures the lasso is shown without the animal, thus be- 
coming the conventional sign for wild horse. 

Fig. 1050. — Crow Indians stole 200 horses from 
the Minneconjou Dakotas, near Black Hills. 
The-Swan's Winter Count, 1849-'50. This figure 
is inserted to show in the present connection the 
lunules, which signify unshod horses. The In- 
dians never shod their ponies, and the hoof 
marks may be either of wild horses, herds of , 
which formerly roamed the prairies, or the com- 
mon horses brought into subjection. TlQ - 1049 - 
-Blaekfeet Dakotas stole some American horses having 



shoes on. Horseshoes seen for the first time. The-Swan's 
Jl L Winter Count, 1802-'03. The horseshoe here depicted is the 
pig. 1051. conventional sign for the white man's horse. 

HORSE STEALING. 

Fig. 1052. — Buns -off- the -Horse. Bed-Cloud's Census. " Buns off" 
in the parlance of the plains means steal- £ /"> 
ing. (f-' 
Fig. 1053.— Euns -off -the -Horse. Bed- L 
Cloud's Census. This figure explains the 
one preceding. The 
man has in his 
hand a lariat or 
perhaps a lasso. 



<T \ ( * Drags - the - Bope. 

y Bed-Cloud's Cen- 

Fie. io52. sus. Thisis a vari- 





ant of the last figure, without, however, the 
exhibition of anything, such as tracks, to 
indicate horses. 



r\r» r\t\r* o on 
f>o p> on nno 



658 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Fig. 1055. — Dog, an Oglala, stole seventy horses from the Crows. 
American-Horse's Winter Count, 1822-'23. Each of the seven tracks 
stands for ten horses. A lariat, which serves the purpose among others 
of a long whip, and is usually allowed to trail on the ground, is shown 
in the man's hand. 

Fig. 1056. — Sitting-Bear, American-Horse's father, and others, stole 
two hundred horses from the Flat Heads. American-Horse's Winter 
Count, 1S40-'41. A trailing lariat is in the man's hand. 

Fig. 1057. — Brings-lots-of-horses. Red-Cloud's Census. This is a 
further step in conventionalizing. The lariat 
is but slightly indicated as connected with 
the horse track on the loAver left-hand cor- 



c c r cc 
pec 



Fig. 1058. 



St 



ner. 

Fig. 1058.— The Utes stole all of the Brule 
horses. Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1874- 
fig. 1057. jyg. rpj ie luere indication of a number of 
horse tracks without any qualifying or determinative object means 
that the horses are run off or stolen. This becomes the most conven- 
tionalized form of the group. 

Fig. 1059. — Steals-Horses. Red-Cloud's Census. In this figure the 
horse tracks themselves are more rude and conventionalized. 

The Prince of Wied mentions, op. cit., p. 104, that 
in the Sac and Fox tribes the rattle of a rattlesnake 
attached to the end of the feather worn 
on the head signifies a good horse stealer. 
The stealthy approach of the serpent, 
accompanied with latent power, is here 
clearly indicated. 
fig. io59. Fig. 1060. — Making-the-Hole stole many 
horses from a CroAV tipi. Such is the translation in 
Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1849-'50. 
The man is cutting the hole with a knife. 
Through the orifice thus made he obtains 
access to the horse. But it is more prob- 
able that the single tipi represents a vil- 
lage into which the horse-thief 
effected an entrance and ran off 
the horses belonging to it. 

KILL AND DEATH. 

Fig. 1061. — Male- Crow, an Oglala, Avas 
killed by the Shoshoni. American -Horse's 
Winter Count, 1844-'45. The bow in contact 
with the head of the victim is frequently the 
conventional sign for "killed by an arrow." 
This is not drawn in the Winter Counts on the 





KILLING AND DEATH. 



659 




same principle as the touching with, a lance or coup stick, elsewhere 
mentioned in this paper, but is generally intended to mean killed, 
and to specify the manner of killing, though in fact before the use of 
firearms the "coup" was often counted by striking with a bow. 

Fig. 10G2. — Kills -in -tight -place. Bed -Cloud's Census. This man 
has evidently been enticed into an ambush, to which his tracks lead. 

Fig. 1063.— Cncpapas kill two Bees. The-Flame's Winter Count, 
1790-1800. The object over the heads of the two Eees, projecting 
from the man figure, is a bow, showing the mode 
of death. The hair of the Arickaras is repre- 
sented. This is clearly con- 
ventional and would not be 
understood from the mere de- 
lineation. 
Fig. 1064.— Kills -by -the - 
i"ig. 1063. camp> Eed . cloucrs Census. i,G l ° 64 ' 

The camp is shown by the tipi, and the idea of "kill" by the bow in 
contact with the head of the victim. 
Fig. 1065. — Kills-Two. Red-Cloud's Census. Here is the indication 
of number by upright lines united by a hori- 
,rv. zontai line, as designating the same occasion 

£/\ iNs. and the same people, two of whom are struck 

by the coup stick. 

Fig. 1066. — Feather- Ear -Eings was killed 
by the Shoshoni. American-Horse's Winter 
Count, 1842-'43. The four lodges 
and the many blood-stains intimate 
that he was killed in a battle when 
four lodges of Shoshoni were killed. 
Again appears the character for 
successful gunshot wound, before 
explained in connection with Fig. 
fig. io65. 987> 

Fig. 1067.— Kills -the -Bear. Red-Cloud's Census. 
Here there appears to be a bullet mark in the middle 
of the paw representing the middle of the whole ani- 
mal. The idea of death may be indicated by the 
reverse attitude of the paws, which are turned up, FlG . 10 67. 
corresponding with the slang expression "toes up," to 
indicate death. 

Fig. 1068. — They killed a very fat buffalo bull. American-Horse's 
Winter Count, 1835-'36. This figure is introduced to show an ingenious 
differentiation. The rough outline of the buffalo's forequarters is given 




660 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 





sufficiently to show that the arrow penetrates to an unusual depth, 
which indicates the mass of fat, into the region of the 
buffalo's respiratory organs, and therefore there is a 
discharge of blood not only from the point of entrance 
of the arrow, but from the nostrils of the animal. No 
device of an analogous character is 
found among five hundred of the Da- 
kotan pictographs studied, so that the 
designation of abnormal fat is made '< 
evident. " 
—They killed many G-ros Ventres in a vil- > < 
lage which they assaulted. American-Horse's Winter FlG - 1069 - 
Count, 1832-'33. The single scalped head shows the killing. This 
conventional sign is so common as hardly to require notice. 

Fig. 1070, takeu from Mrs. Eastman's Da- 
^ kota (e), shows the Dakota pictograph for 
"killed": a is a woman and b a man killed, 
c d and c arid d a boy and girl killed. 
fig. 1070.— Killed, Dakota. Fig. 1071, taken from Copway (g), gives two 
characters which severally represent life and death, the 
black disk representing death and the simple circle life. ( j Hn 

In Doc. Hist. N. Y. (d), is the illustration now copied ' 
as Fig. 1072 with the statement that it shows the fashion PrG . ion— Life and 
of painting the dead among the Iroquois ; the first two death- °J lbwa - 
are men and the third is a woman, 
who is distinguished only by the 
- waistcloth that she wears. 

The device is further explained by 
' fig. io72.-Dead. Iroquois. the following paragraphs from the 

same volume, on p. 6, which add other details : 

When they have lost any men on the field of battle they paint the men with the 
legs in the air and without heads, and in the same number as they have lost; and to 
denote the tribe to which they belonged, they paint the animal of the tribe of the de- 
ceased on its back, the pa ws in the air, and if it be the chief of the party that is 
dead, the animal is without the head. 

If there be only wounded, they paint a broken gun which, however, is connected 
with the stock, or even an arrow, and to denote where they have been wounded, they 
paint the animal of the tribe to which the Avounded belong with an arrow piercing 
the part in which the wound is located; and if it be a gunshot they make the mark 
of the ball on the. body of a different color. 

Fig. 1073. — This is drawn by the Arikara for " dead man" 

Q and perhaps suggests the concept of nothing inside, i. e., no 
life, with a stronger emphasis than given to " lean " in Fig. 
^niu^'u-ikara' 1 su P ra - [t must be noted, however, that the Hidatsa 
draw the same character for " man " simply. 
La Salle, in 1080, wrote that when the Iroquois had killed people they 
made red strokes with the figure of a man drawn in black with ban- 



oi painting me ueau among me 11 

4- ^ 



SHOT. 



661 



daged eyes. As this bandaging was not connected with the form of kill- 
ing, it may be conjectured that it ideographic-ally meant death — the 
light of life put out. 

For other devices to denote " Kill," see Figs. 93 and 94. 

SHOT. 



In this group the figures show obvious similarity yet seem to be 
graphic, or at least ideographic, but on examining the text of the several 
records conventionality is developed. 




Fig. 1074. Fig. 1075. Fig. 1076. 



Fig. 1074.— Shot-at. Bed-Cloud's Census. Here is shown the dis- 



charge of guns and lines of passage of the bullets, one 
of which is graphically displayed passing the neck of the 
human figure, but without either graphic mark of wound 
or the conventional sign for "hit'" or "it struck." He 
was shot at by macy enemies, but was not hit. 




Fig. 1075. — Shot. Eed-Cloud's Census. There is no 
doubt that this man, a Dakota, was actually shot with \ 

an arrow. / | 

Fig. 1076. — Shot-at-his-horse. Eed-Cloud's Census. C /£ 

Here again are the flashes made by the discharge of / MI 

guns and the horse tracks showing horses, but no spe- || 

cific indication of hitting. The mark within the right- || 

hand horse track may be compared with the passing bul- || 

let in Fig. 1071. The horse was shot at but not hit. II 

Fig. 1077. — Shot-his-horse. Eed-Cloud's Census. This Jm\i 
figure is to be correlated with the last one, as it shows FvTion. 
actual hitting and blood flowing from the wound. 

Fig. 1078.— Shot-in-front- the-lodge. Eed-Cloud's Census. Without 




explanation derived from the context this 
figure would not be understood. The right 
hand character means several bows united. 
Between these and the tipi is the usual de- 
vice for blood flowing vertically downwards, 
meaning a fatal shot, and the device dis- 
played horizontally and touching the tipi 
means that the man shot belonged to that 



fig. 1078. tipi or lodge, in front of which he was shot. 



662 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



COMING RAIN . 



Mr. Keam in his MS. describes Fig. 1079 as two forms of 
*T the symbolof Aloseka,whichisthebudof the squash. The 
form seen in the upper part of the figure, drawn in profile, 
is also used by the Moki to typify the east peak of the 
•njxi San Francisco mountains, the birthplace of the Aloseka; 
! ■ - J when the clouds circle, it presages the coming rain. In 
Fig. 1079.— Com- the rock carviugs the curving profile is further conven- 
ing ram. tionalized into straight lines and assumes the lower form. 
The collection of characters given in Figs. 1080 and 10S1 are selected 
from a list published by Maj. C. R. Conder (b). That list includes all 
the Hittite designs distinctly deciphered which are so far known, and 
they are divided by the author into two plates, one giving the "Hittite 
emblems," as he calls them, "of known sound," and which are all com- 
pared with the Cypriote, and some with the cuneiform, Egyptian, and 
other characters; and the other comprising the "Hittite emblems c_ ff 
uncertain sound." The collection is highly suggestive for comparison 
of the significance of many forms commonly appearing in several lands 
and also as a study of conventionalizing. In these respects its pre- 
sentation renders it unnecessary to dwell as much as would otherwise 
be required upon the collections of Egyptian and cuneiform characters, 
with which students are more familiar and which teach substantially 
the same lessons. 



HITTITE EMBLEMS OF KNOWN SOUND. 



a, a crook. Cypriote u. 

b, apparently a key. Cypriote Ice. Compare the cuneiform emblem 
ih, "to open." 

c, a tiara. Cypriote lco; Akkadian leu, " prince; " Manchu elm, "lord." 

d, another tiara, apparently a variant of c. 

e, baud and stick. Cypriote ta, apparently a causative prefix, like 
the Egyptian determinative; Chinese ta, "beat." 

y, an herb. Cypriote te; Akkadian ti, "live;" Turkish it, "sprout;" 
ot, "herb." 

g, the hand grasping. Cypriote to. Compare the Egyptian, cunei- 
form and Chinese signs for "touch," "take," "have." Akkadian tu, 
"have." 

apparently a branch. Cypriote pa. Compare Akkadian pa, " stick" 
(Lenormaut). 

i, apparently a flower. Cypriote pu. Compare the Akkadian em- 
blem pa, apparently a flower. Akkadian pv, "long;" Tartar boy, 
"long," "growth," "grass;" Hungarian fn, "herb." 

j, a cross. Cypriote lo; Carian //. 

1c, a yoke. Cypriote lo and le; Akkadian hi, "yoke." 

I probably represents rain. Compare the Egyptian, Akkadian, and 
Chinese emblems for "rain," "storm," "darkness." 



HITTITE EMBLEMS. 



663 



m seeins to represent drops of water equivalent to the last. Cypri 
ote re. 

n. possibly the " fire-stick. " Cypriote ri. Occurs as the name of a 
deity. Akkadian ri, "bright," the name of a deity. 
o, two mountains. Cypriote me or mi. The emblem for "country." 
p resembles the cuneiform sign for "female." 

q, this is the sign of opposition in cuneiform, in Chinese and Egyp- 
tian. Cypriote mu or no (nu, "not"). 

r. a pot. Cypriote a or ya. Compare the Akkadian a, "water." 
s, a snake. Perhaps the Cypriote ye. 

t, apparently a sickle. Cypriote sa. Compare the Tartar sa, se, 
"knife." 

u, the open hand. Cypriote se. Akkadian sa, "give." Tartar sa a, 
"take." 

v resembles the cuneiform and Chinese emblem for "breath," "-wind," 
"spirit." Cypriote zo or ze. Occurs as L he name of a god. Akkadian 
zi, "spirit." 

w resembles the Chinese, cuneiform, and Egyptian emblem for heaven. 
Akkadian u. It may be compared w ith the Carian letter u or o. 

x, the foot, used evidently as a verb, and resembles the cuneiform du. 
Probably may be sounded as in Akkadian and used for the passive (du, 
"come" or -'become"). 



'I? 
< A 



K 
A 

H 



A<£i> 



tub 



p © 





r <Q 




W 




X 


3 










t 








© 


w cro 


cry 


X 







Fig. 1080 Hittite emblems of known sound. 



riTE EMBLEMS C 



y, a serpent. Occurs in the name of a god. 

z, perhaps a monument. It recalls the Cypriote ro. 

aa, apparently a monument. 

lb, probably the sun (ud or tarn). 

cc, apparently a house. 

dd, perhaps the sole of the foot. 

ee, a donkey's head. Probably the god Set. 



664 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS- 



ff, a ram's head. Probably with the sound gug or gucli and the mean- 
ing "fierce," "mighty." 

gg, a sheep's head. Probably lu or udu. 

hh, a dog or fox head. 

ii, a lion's head. Only on seals. 

jj, a demon's head. Used specially in a text which seems to be a 
magic charm. 

M, two legs. Resembles the cuneiform dim, and means probably 
"go" or "run." 

//, two feet. Probably "stand;" or "send," as in Chinese. 

mm, apparently an altar. 

nri, perhaps a bundle or roll. 

oo, apparently a knife or sword; perhaps pal. 

pp, apparently a tree. 

qq, apparently the sacred artificial tree of Asshur. 
rr, a circle. Compare the cuneiform sa, "middle." 
ss, twins. As in Egyptian. 
tt resembles the Chinese emblem for "small." 
uu, a pyramid or triangle. 

vv, apparently a hand or glove, pointing downwards. Possibly tu or 
dun for "down." 

ww, apparently a ship, like the cuneiform ma. Appears only on 
seals. 

xx, only once found on the Babylonian bowl, and seems to represent 
the inscribed bowl itself. 




Fig. 1081.— Hittite emblems of uncertain sound. 



SECTION 2 . 
SYLLABARIES AND ALPHABETS. 

It is worthy of observation that the Greeks used the same word,. 
YpdwEtv, to mean drawing and writing, suggesting their early identity. 
Drawing was the beginning of writing, and writing was a convention- 
alized drawing. The connection of both with gesture signs has been 
noticed above. A gesture sign is a significant but evanescent motion^ 
ami a drawing is produced by a motion which leaves significant marks. 
"When man became proficient in oral language, and desired to give per- 



MALLERY.] 



SYLLABARIES AND ALPHABETS. 



665 



manence to his thoughts, he first resorted to the designs of picture- 
writing, already known and used, to express the sounds of his speech. 

The study of different systems of writing — such as the Chinese, the 
Assyrian, and the Egyptian — shows that no people ever invented an 
arbitrary system of writing or originated a true alphabet by any fixed 
predetermination. All the known graphic systems originated in pic- 
ture-writing. All have passed through the stage of conventionalism to 
that commonly called the hieroglyphic, while from the latter, directly 
or after an intermediate stage, sprang the syllabary which used modi- 
fications of the old ideograms and required a comparatively small 
number of characters. Finally, among the more civilized of ancient 
races the alphabet was gradually introduced as a simplification of the 
syllabary, and still further reduced the necessary characters. 

The old ideograms were, or maybe supposed to have been, intelligible 
to all peoples without regard to their languages. In this respect they 
resembled the Arabic and Eoman numerals which are understood 
by many nations of diverse speech when written while the sound of 
the words figured by them is unintelligible. Their number, however, 
was limited only by the current ideas, which might become infinite. 
Also each idea was susceptible of preservation in different forms, and 
might readily be misinterpreted; therefore the simplicity and precision 
of alphabetic writing amply compensated for its exclusiveness. 

The high development of pictorial writing in Mexico and Central 
America is well known. Some of these peoples had commenced the 
introduction of phonetics into their graphic system, especially in the 
rendering of proper names, which probably also was the first step in 
that direction among the Egyptians. But Prof. Cyrus Thomas (b) 
makes the following remark upon the Maya system, which is of general 
application : 

It is certain, and even susceptible of demonstration, that a large portion, jierhaps 
the majority, of the characters are symbols. 

The more I study these characters the stronger becomes the conviction that they 
have grown out of a pietographic system similar to that common among the Indians 
of North America. The first step in advance appears to have becu to indicate, by 
i-haracters, the gesture signs. 

It is not possible now to discuss the many problems contained in the 
vast amount of literature on the subject of the Mexican and Central 
American writing, and it is the less necessary because much of the 
literature is recent and easily accessible. With regard to the Indiau 
tribes north of Mexico, it is not claimed that more than one system of 
characters resembling a syllabary or alphabet was invented by any of 
them. The Cherokee alphabet, so called, was adopted from the Roman 
by Sequoya,also called George Gist, about A. D. 1820, and was ingenious 
and very valuable to the tribe, but being an imitation of an old invention 
it has no interest in relation to the present topic. The same is mani- 
festly true regarding the Cree alphabet, which was of missionary origin. 



666 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

The exception claimed is that commonly, but erroneously, called the 
Micmac hieroglyphics. The characters do not partake of the nature of 
hieroglyphs, and their origin is not Micmac. 

THE MICMAC " HIEROGLYPHICS. " 

The Micmac was an important tribe, occupying all of Nova Scotia, 
Cape Breton island, Prince Edward island, the northern part of New 
Brunswick, and the adjacent part of the province of Quebec, and rang- 
ing over a great part of Newfoundland. According to Bev. Silas T. 
Band, op. cit., Megum is the singular form of the name which the 
Micmacs use for themselves. Bev. Eugene Vetromile (a) translates 
"Micmacs" as " secrets practicing men," from the Delaware and old 
Abnaki word malike, "witchcraft," and says the name was given them 
on account of their numerous jugglers; but he derives Mareschite, 
which is an Abnaki division, from the same word and makes it identical 
with Micmac. The French called them Spuriquois, which Yetromile 
translates "good canoe men." They were also called Acadians, from 
their habitat in Acadie, now Nova Scotia. 

The first reference in literature with regard to the spontaneous use 
by Indians of the characters now called the "Micmac hieroglyphs" 
appears in the Jesuit Belations of the year 1652, p. 28. In the general 
report of that year the work of Father Gabriel Druillettes, who had 
been a missionary to the Abnaki (including under this term the Indians 
of Acadia, afterwards distinguished as Micmacs), is dwelt upon in 
detail. His own words, in a subordinate report, appear to have been 
adopted in the general report of the Father Superior, and, translated, 
are as follows : 

Some of them wrote out their lessons in their own manner. They made use of a 
small piece of charcoal instead of a pen, and a piece of bark instead of paper. Their 
characters were novel, and so partieiilier* [individual or special] that one could not 
know or understand the writing of the other; that is to say, that they made use of 
certain marks according to their own ideas as of a local memory to preserve the 
points and the articles and the maxims which they had remembered. They carried 
away this paper with them to study their lesson in the repose of the night. 

No further remark or description appears. 

It is interesting to notice that the abbe J. A. Maurault, (a) after his 
citation of the above report of Father Druillettes, states in a footnote 
translated as follows: 

We have ourselves been witnesses of a similar fact among the Tetes-de-Boule 
Indians of the River St. Maurice where we had been missionaries during three years. 
AVe often saw duriDg our instructions or explanations of the catechism that the In- 
dians traced on pieces of bark, or other objects very singular hieroglyphs. These In- 
dians afterward passed the larger part of the following night in studying what they 
had so written, and in teaching it to their children or their brothers. The rapidity 
with which they by this manner learnt their prayers was very astonishing. 

The Indians called by the Abbe Maurault the Tetes-de-Boule or 
Bound Heads, are also known as Wood Indians, and are ascertained 



THE MICMAC HIEROGLYPHICS. 



667 



to have been a band of the Ojibwa, which shows a connection between 
the practice of the Ojibwa and that of the Micmacs, both being of the 
Algonquian stock, to mark on bark ideographic or other significant in- 
scriptions which would assist them to memorize what struck them as of 
special interest a nd importance, notably religious rites. Many instances 
are given in the present paper, and the spontaneous employment of 
prayer sticks by other persons of the same stock is also illustrated 
in Figs. 715 and 716. 

The next notice in date is by Pere Chretien Le Olercq (a), a member of 
the Recollect order of Franciscans who landed on the coast of Gaspe 
in 1675, learned the language of the Micmacs and worked with them 
continuously for several years. 

It would appear that he observed and took advantage of the picto- 
graphic practice of the Indians, which may have been continued from 
that reported by Father Druillettes a few years earlier with reference to 
the same general region, or may have been a separate and independent 
development in the tribe with whicli Father Le Olercq was most closely 
connected. 

His quaint account is translated as follows : 

Our Lord inspired me with this method the second year of my mission, when, 
being greatly embarrassed as to the mode in which I should teach the Indians to 
pray, I noticed some children mating marks on birch bark with coal, and they 
pointed to them with their fingers at every word of the prayer which they pro- 
nounced. This made me think that by giving them some form which would aid 
their memory by fixed characters, I should advance much more rapidly than by 
teaching on the plan of making them repeat over and over what I said. I was 
charmed to know that I was not deceived, and that these characters which I had 
traced on paper produced all the effect I desired, so that in a few days they learned all 
theirprayers without difficulty. I can not describe to you the ardor with which these 
poor Indians competed with each other in praiseworthy emulation which should be 
the most learned and the ablest. It costs, indeed, much time and pains to make all 
they require, and especially since I enlarged them so as to include all the prayers 
of the church, with the sacred mysteries of the trinity, incarnation, baptism, pen- 
ance, and the eucharist. 

There is no description whatever of the characters. 

The next important printed notice or appearance of the Micmac char- 
acters is in the work of Rev. Christian Kauder, a Eedemptorist mission- 
ary, the title page of which is given in Fig. 1082. It was printed in 
Yienna in 1866 and therefore was about two centuries later than the first 
recorded invention of the characters. During those two centuries the 
French and therefore the Roman Catholic influences had been much of 
the time dormant in the habitat of the Micmacs (the enforced exodus of 
the French from Acadie being about 1755). Father Kauder was one of 
the most active in the renewal of the missions. He learned the Micmac 
language, probably gathered together such " hieroglyphs " on rolls of 
bark as had been preserved, added to them parts of the Greek and 
Roman alphabet and other designs, and arranged the whole in syste- 
matic and grammatic form. After about twenty years of work upon 



668 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

them he procured their printing in Vienna. A small part of the edition, 




FlB. 108a.— Title page of Kaudcr's Micraac Catechism. 

which was the first printed, reached the Micmacs. The main part, 
shipped later, was lost at sea in the transporting- vessel. 



MALLERY.] 



MICMAC LORD S PRAYER. 



669 



Fig. 1083 shows the version of the Lord's Prayer, published by Dr. 
J. G. Shea (a) in his translation of Le Clercq's First Establishment of 
the Faith in 'New France, this and the preceding figure being taken 
from the Bibliography of the Languages of the N. A. Indians by Mr. 
J. 0. Pilling, of the Bureau of Ethnology. 



JUL 


¥ Etfc= 


I 




leguidedemek 
be respected 


Wajok (n'tclidaner 
in heaven to us 


i tchlptook 
mar 






%<t> Ji 


* 




nemulek 


uledechinen. Natel 
ia staying. There 


_ wajok 


deli chkcdoolfc 
as thou art obeyed 


I I 


2 - I 







tchiptook deli 



apch neguech kichkook 



u 2 it a ^ 

Pelamuku-beniguai eeliomieguel apefi neguech 

thou hast given it to us in the same manner also now 

delamooktcch penegtmnenwin niluuon ; deli abikchiktakachile 
givo it our nourishment tons; we forgive thoso 

St I J> a 2 £T*F=C 



winnchudil 
by the hand 



kcginukamkel 
keep far from us 



Fig. 1083.— The Lord's Prayer in Micmac hieroglyphics. 

The publication of Father Kauder was a duodecimo in three parts : 
Catechism, 144 pages; religious reflections, 109 pages; and hymnal, 
208 pages. They are very seldom found bound together, and a perfect 
copy of either of the parts or volumes is rare. On a careful examina- 
tion of the hieroglyphs, so called, it seems evident that on the original 
substratum of Micmac designs or symbols, each of which represented 
mnemonically a whole sentence or verse, a large number of arbitrary 



670 PICTUEE-WBITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



designs have been added to express ideas and words which were not 
American, and devices were incorporated with them intended to repre- 
sent the peculiarities of the Micinac grammar as understood by Kauder, 
and it would seem of a universal grammar antedating Volapiik. The 
explanation of these additions has never been made known. Kauder 
died without having left any record or explanation of the plan by which 
he attempted to convert the mnemonic characters invented by the 
Indians into what may be considered an exposition of organized words 
(not sounds) in grammatical form. An attempt which may be likened 
to this was made by Bishop Landa in his use of the Maya characters, 
and one still more in point was that of the priests in Peru, mentioned 
in connection with Figs. 1084 and 1085, infra. 

The result is that in the several camps of Micmacs visited by the 
present writer in Cape Breton island, Prince Edward island, and Nova 
Scotia, fragments of the printed works are kept and used for religious 
worship, and also many copies on various sheets and scraps of paper 
have been made of similar fragments, but their use is entirely mnemonic, 
as was that of their ancient bark originals. Very few of the Indians 
who in one sense can " read " them currently in the Micmac language, 
have any idea of the connection between any one of the characters and 
the vocables of the language. When asked what a particular character 
meant they were unable to answer, but would begin at the commence- 
ment of the particular prayer or hymn, and when arrested at any point 
would then for the first time be able to give the Micinac word or words 
which corresponded with that character. This was not in any religious 
spirit, as is mentioned by Dr. Washington Matthews, in his Mountain 
Chant, Fifth Ann, Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, with reference to the 
Navajo's repeating all, if any, of the chant, but because they only knew 
that way to use the script. In that use they do as is mentioned of the 
Ojibwa, supra. The latter often by their bark script keep the memory 
of archaic words, and the Micmac keep that of religious phrases not well 
understood. A few, and very few, of the characters, which were con- 
stantly repeated, and were specially conspicuous, were known as dis- 
tinct from the other characters by one only of the Indians examined. It 
apparently had never occurred to any of them that these same characters, 
which in their .special mnemonic connection represented Micmac words, 
could be detached from their context and by combination represent the 
same words in other sentences. Therefore, the expression "reading," used 
in reference to the operation, is not strictly correct. In most cases the 
recitation of the script was in a chant, and the musical air of the Roman 
Catholic Church belonging to the several hymns and chants was often 
imitated. The object, therefore, which has been expressed in the above 
quoted accounts of Fathers Druillettes and Le Clercq had been accom- 
plished regarding the then extant generation of Indians two hundred 
years before Father Kauder's publication. That object was for Indians 
under their immediate charge to learn in the most speedy manner certain 



MALLERY. ] 



kauder's system. 



671 



formulae of the church, by the use of which it was supposed that they 
would gain salvation. The formation of an alphabet, or even a sylla- 
bary, by which the structure of the language should be considered and 
its vocal expression recorded, was not the object. It is possible that 
there was an objection to the instruction of the Indians in a modern 
alphabet by which they might more readily learn either French or 
English, and at the same time be able to read profane literature and 
thereby become perverted from the faith. These missionaries cer- 
tainly refrained, for some reason, not only from instructing the heathen 
in any of the languages of civilization, but also from teaching them 
the use of an alphabet for their own language. 

It is probable that Father Kauder had some idea of reducing the 
language of the Micmacs to a written form, based not upon verbal or 
even syllabic notation, but upon some anomalous compromise between 
their ideographic original or substratum and a grammatic superstruc- 
ture. If so, he entirely failed. The interesting point Avith regard to 
this remarkable and unique attempt is, that there is undoubtedly a 
basis of Indian designs and symbols included and occluded among the 
differentiated devices in the three volumes mentioned, which arbitrarily 
express thoughts and words by a false pictographic method, instead of 
sentences and verses. But the change from the pictorial forms to those 
adopted, if not as radical as that from the Egyptian hieroglyphs to 
the Eoman text, resembles that from the archaic to the modern Chinese. 
Therefore it would follow that the present form of the characters is not 
one which the Indians would learn more readily than an alphabet or 
a syllabary, and that is the ascertained fact. At Cow bay, a Micmac 
camp, about 12 miles from Halifax, an aged chief who in his boyhood 
at Cape Breton island was himself instructed by Father Kauder in 
these characters, explained that Kauder taught them to the boys by 
drawing them on a blackboard and by repetition, very much in the 
manner in which a schoolmaster in civilized countries teaches the al- 
phabet to children. The actual success of the Cherokees in the free 
and general use of Sequoya's Syllabary, which was not founded on 
pictographs, but on signs for sounds, should be noted in this connection. 

Among the thousands of scratchings on the Kejemkoojik rocks, many 
of which were undoubtedly made by the Micmac, only two characters 
were found resembling any in Kauder's volumes, aud those were com- 
mon symbols of the Roman Catholic Church, and might readily have 
been made by the Frenchmen, who also certainly left scratchings there. 
Altogether after careful study of the subject it is considered that the 
devices in Father Kauder's work are so intrinsically changed, both in 
form and intent, from the genuine Micmac designs that they can not be 
presented as examples of Indian pictography. 

Connected with this topic is the following account in the Jesuit Rela- 
tions of 1646, p. 31, relative to the Montagnais and other Algonquians of 
the St. Lawrence river, near the Saguenay: "They confess themselves 
with admirable frankness; some of them carry small sticks to remind 



672 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

them of their sins ; others write, after their manner, on small pieces of 
bark." This is but the application of the ideographic writing* on birch 
bark by the converts to the ceremonies and stories of the Christian 
religion, as the same art had been long used for their aboriginal tradi- 
tions. 




"Fig. I084.-Religious story. Sieasica. 

Examrjles of pictographic work, done in a spirit similar to that above 
mentioned, are given by Wiener (</), describing the illustrations of 
which Figs. 1084 and 1085 are copies, one-fifth real size. 

In the most distant part of Pe- 
f Paucartambo, 
story of the pas- 

? * + %XU %^ &S»-$&@^#* si0U ° f Christ was found m,itten 
"k^Tft -tT % % % C 0 ? ir - the same ideographic system 

6fR G> + P ft UlJ? ^ to " U TW that the Indians of Ancon and 
\ & j .J^^ft&OUb the north of the coast were ac- 

® > *tu t^tCfifiO quainted with before the con- 

quest. (Fig. 1081.) The drawings 
© Wn*#©&f H were made witll a pencil) proba- 

bly first dipped in a mixture of 

^St^tf tO' * n i. * gum and 1Dandioc flour - This 
^ 5 0 O*'*** tissue is of a dark brown and 
the designs are of a very bright 
red. 

The second series, Fig. 1085, 
which was found at Paucartambo, 
was written in an analogous sys- 
tem on old Dutch paper. The 
fig. loss.— Religious story, sieasica. designs are red and blue. 
In an article by Terrien de Lacouperie (/) is the following condensed 




MOSO PICTOGEAPHS. 



673 



account, part of which relates to Fig. 1086, and may be compared with 
the priestly inventions above mentioned: 

Pere Desgodins was able, in 1867, to make a copy of eleven pages from a manu- 
script written in hieroglyphics, and belonging to a tom-ba or tong-ba, a medicine 
man among the Mo-sos. These hieroglyphics are not, properly speaking, a writing, 




Fig. 1086.— Ho-so MS. Desgodins. 



still less the current writing of the tribe. The sorcerers or tong-bas alone use it 
when invited by the people to recite these so-called prayers, accompanied with 
ceremonies and sacrifices, and also to put some spells on somebody, a specialty of 
their own. They alone know how to read them and understand their meaning; 
they alone are acquainted with the value of these signs, combined with the numbers 
10 ETH 43 



674 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



of the dice anil other implements of divination which they use in their witchcraft. 
Therefore, these hieroglyphics are nothing else than signs more or less symholical 
and arbitrary, known to a small number of initiated who transmit their knowledge 
to their eldest son and successor in their profession of sorcerers. Such is the exact 
value of the Mo-so manuscripts; they are not a current and common writing; they 
are hardly a sacred writing in the limits indicated ahove. 

However, they are extremely important for the general theory of writing, inasmuch 
as they do not pretend to show in that peculiar hieroglyphical writing any survival 
of former times. According to these views, it was apparently made up for the pur- 
pose by the tom-bas or medicine men. This would explain, perhaps, the anomalous 
mixture of imperfect and bad imitations of ancient seal characters of China, pictorial 
figures of animals and men, bodies and their parts, with several Tibetan and Indian 
characters and Buddhist emblems. 

It is not uninteresting to remark here that a kind of meetway or toomsah, i. e., 
priest, has been pointed out among the Kakhyens of Upper Burma. The description 
is thus quoted: 

"A formal avenue always exists as the entrance to a Kakhyen village. * * * 
On each side of the broad grassy pathway are a number of bamboo posts, 4 feet high 
or thereabouts, and every 10 paces or so, taller ones, with strings stretching across 
the path, supporting small stars of split, rattan and other emblems. There are also 
certain hieroglyphics which may constitute a kind of embryo picture-writing but 
are understood by none but the meetway or priest." 

PICTOGRAPHS IN ALPHABETS. 

Mr. W. W. Rockhill, iu Am. Anthrop., IV, No. 1, p. 91, notices the 
work of M. Paul Vial, missionary, etc., De la langue et de l'ecriture in- 
digenes au Yunan, with the following remarks: 

Pere Vial has published a study upon the undeciphered script of the Lolos of 
Western China, of which the first specimen was secured some twelve years ago by 
E. Colborne Baber. Prof. Terrien de Lacouperie endeavored to establish a connec- 
tion between these curious characters and the old Indian script known as the 
southern Ashoka alphabet. The present, Pere Vial's, work gives them a much less 
glorious origin. He says of them: "The native characters were formed without 
key, without method. It is impossible to decompose them. They are written 
not with the strokes of a brush, but with straight, curved, round, or angular 
lines, as the shape chosen for them jequires. As the representation could not be 
perfect, they have stopped at something which can strike the eye or mind — form, 
motion, passion, a head, a bird's beak, a mouth, right or left, lightness or heaviness; 
in short, at that portion of the object delineated which is peculiarly characteristic 
of it. But all characters are not of this expressive kind ; some even have no connec- 
tion with the idea they express. This anomaly has its reason. The native charac- 
ters are much less numerous than the words of the language, only about thirty per 
cent. Instead of increasing the number of ideograms, the Lolos have used one for 
several words. As a result of this practice the natives have forgotten the original 
meaning of many of their characters." 

A summary of the original cuneiform characters, numbering one 
hundred and seventy, gives many of them as recognizable sketches of 
objects. The foot stands for "go," the hand for "take," the legs for 
"run," much as in the Egyptian and in the Maya and other American 
systems. The bow, the arrow, and the sword represent war; the vase, 
the copper tablet, and the brick represent manufacture; boats, sails, 
huts, pyramids, and many other objects are used as devices. 



PICTOGRAPHS IN ALPHABETS. 



675 



W. St. Chad Boseawen (a) says: 

Man's earliest ventures in the art of writing were, as we are well aware, of a purely 
pictorial nature, and even to this day such a mode of ideograph v c an lie. seen among 
some of the Indian tribes. * s * There is no reasonable doubt but that all the 
principal systems of paleography now in vogue had their origin at some remote period 
in this pictorial writing. In so primitive a center as Babylonia we should naturally 
expect to find such a system had been in vogue, and in this we are not disappointed. 

Fig. 1087 is presented as a brief exhibit of the pictographs in some 
inchoate alphabets. 



Tutorial Hieratic 



O 
J 



ad 



W 

tr 
I'l 



o 






IK 


mm 






<B 


# 




flr 





111 



-IT 



o 



+ 



HancL. 

-FlStl: 

Corpse;. 



God 

~Wa£er. 

Half. 

Door 
orGctfe . 



\. 1087.— Pictographs in alphabets. 



CHAP TEE XX. 



SPECIAL COMPARISONS. 

The utility of the present work depends mainly upon the oppor- 
tunity given by the various notes and illustrations collected for stu- 
dents to make their own comparisons and deductions. This chap- 
ter is intended to assist in that study by presenting some groups of 
comparisons which have seemed to possess special interest. For that 
reason descriptions and illustrations are collected here which logically 
belong to other headings. 

Many of the pictographs discussed and illustrated in this chapter 
and in the one following are the representation of animals and other 
natural objects. It would therefore seem that they could be easily 
identified, but in fact the modes of representation of the same object 
among the several peoples differed, and when conventionalizing has 
also become a factor the objects may not be recognized without knowl- 
edge of the typical style. Sometimes there was apparently no attempt 
at the imitation of natural objects„but marks were used, such as points, 
lines, circles, and other geometric forms. These were combined in 
diverse modes to express concepts and record events. Those marks 
and combinations originated in many centers and except in rare 
instances of "natural" ideograms those of one people would not cor- 
respond with those of other peoples unless by conveyance or imitation. 
Typical styles therefore appear also in this class of pictographs and, 
when established, all typical styles afford some indication with regard to 
the peoples using them. 

This chapter is divided under the headings of: 1. Typical Style. 
2. Homomorphs and Symmorphs. 3. Composite forms. 4. Artistic skill 
and methods. 

SECTION 1. 
TYPICAL STYLE. 

Fig. 1088 is presented as a type of eastern Algonquian petroglyphs. 
It is a copy of the ''Hamilton picture rock," contributed by Mr. J. Sut- 
ton Wall, of Mouongahela city, Pennsylvania. Tlie drawings are on 
a sandstone rock, on the Hamilton farm, 6 miles southeast from Mor- 
gantown, West Virginia. The turnpike passes over the south edge of 
the rock. 
676 



MALLEEY.] 



ALGONQUIAN PETKOGLYPHS. 



677 



Mr. Wall furnishes the following description of the characters : 
a, outline of a turkey; 6, outline of a panther; c, outline of a rattlesnake; d, out- 
line of a human form; e, a "spiral or volute;" /, impression of a horse foot; g, 
impression of a human foot ; It, outline of the top portion of a tree or branch; i, im- 




Fig. 1088. — Algonquian petroglyph. Hamilton form. "West Virginia. 



pression of a human hand; j, impression of a bear's forefoot, but lacks the proper 
number of toe marks; fc, impression of two turkey tracks ; /, has some appearance of 
a hare or rabbit, but lacks the corresponding length of ears; m, impression of a 
bear's hindfoot, but lacks the proper number of toe marks; n, outline of infant 
human form, with two arrows in tbe right hand; o, p, two cup-shaped depressions; 



Dot 



Fig. 1089.— Algonquian petroglyphs. Safe Harbor, Pennsylvania. 

q, outline of the hind part of an animal; r might be taken to represent the impres- 
sion of a horse's foot were it not for the line bisecting the outer curved line ; s rep- 
resent buffalo and deer tracks. 



678 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The turkey a, the rattlesnake c, the rabbit I, and the "footprints" 
/, ///, and <[, are specially noticeable as typical characters in Algonquian 
pictography. 

Mr. P. W. Sheafer furnishes, in his Historical Map of Pennsylvania, 
Philadelphia, 1875, a sketch of a pictograph on the Susquehanna river, 
Pennsylvania, below the dam at Safe Harbor, part of which is repro- 
duced in Fig. 1089. This appears to be purely Algonquian, and has 
more resemblance to Ojibwa characters than any other petroglyph iu 
the eastern United States yet noted. 

See also Figs. 106, et seq., supra, under the heading of Pennsylvania, 
as showing excellent types of eastern Algonquian petroglyphs and 
resembling those on the Digliton rock. 

Fig. 1090 is reproduced from Schoolcraft (p), and is a copy taken in 
1851 of an inscription sculptured on a rock on the south side of Cun- 
ningham's island, Lake Erie. Mr. Schoolcraft's explanation, given in 
great detail, is fanciful. It is perhaps only necessary to explain that 
the dotted lines are intended to divide the partially obliterated from 
the more distinct portions of the glyph. The central part is the most 
obscure. 

It is to be remarked that this petroglyph is in some respects similar 
in general style to those before given as belonging to the eastern Al- 
gonquian type, but is still more like some of the representations of the 
Digliton rock inscription, one of them being Fig. 49, supra, and others, 
which it still more closely resembles in the mode of drawing human 
figures, are in the copies of Dighton rock on PI. liv, Chap. xxn. In 
some respects this Cunningham's island glyph occupies a typical po- 
sition intermediate between the eastern and western Algonquian. 

A good type of western Algonquian petroglyphs was discovered by 
the party of Capt. William A. Jones (fc), in 1873, with an illustration 
here reproduced as Fig. 1091, in which the greater number of the char- 
acters are shown, about one-fifth real size. 

An abstract of his description is as follows: 

* * * Upon a nearly vertical wall of the yellow sandstones, just back of Mur- 
phy's ranch, a number ot rude figures had been chiseled, apparently at a period not 
very recent, as they had become much worn. * * * No certain clue to the con- 
nected meaning- of this record was obtained, although I'l'natsi attempted to explain 
it when the sketch was shown to him some days later by Mr. F. W. Bond, who copied 
the inscriptions from the rocks. The figure on the left, in the upper row, somewhat 
resembles the design commonly used to represent a shield, with the greater part of 
the ornamental fringe omitted, perhaps worn away in the inscription. We shall 
possibly be justified in regarding the whole as an attempt to record the particulars of 
a fight or battle which once occurred in this neighborhood. Pinlitsi's remarks con- 
veyed the idea to Mr. Bond that he understood the figure [the second in the upper 
line] to signify cavalry, and the six figures [three in the middle of the upper line, 
as also the three to the left of the lower line] to mean infantry, but he did not 
appear to recognize the hieroglyphs as the copy of any record with which he was 
familiar. 

Throughout the Wind river country of Wyoming many petroglyphs 



mallery.] ALGONQUIAN PETROGLYPHS. 679 

have been found and others reported by the Shoshoni Indians, who 
say that they are the work of the "Pawkees," as they call the Black- 
feet, or, more properly, Satsika, an Algonquian tribe which formerly 




occupied that region, and their general style bears strong resemblance 
to similar carvings found in the eastern portion of the United States, 
in regions known to have been occupied by other tribes of the Algon- 
quian linguistic stock. 



680 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The four specimens of Algonquian petroglyphs presented here in 
Figs. 1088-91 and those referred to, show gradations in type. In 
connection with them reference may be made to the numerous Ojibwa 
bark records in this work; the Ottawa pipestem, Fig. 738; and they 
may be contrasted with the many Dakota, Shoshoni, and Innuit draw- 
ings also presented. 



Fig. 1091.— Algon«iuian petroglyphs. Wyoming. 

The petroglyphs found scattered throughout the states and terri- 
tories embraced within the area bounded by the Eocky mountains on 
the east and the Sierra Nevada on the west, and generally south of 
the forty-eighth degree of latitude, are markedly similar in the class of 
objects represented and the general 
style of their delineation, without ref- 
erence to their division into pecked 
or painted characters; also in many 
instances the sites selected for petro- 
glyphic display are of substantially 
the same character. This type has 
been generally designated as the 
Shoshonean, though many localities 
abounding in petroglyphs of the type 
are now inhabited by tribes of other 
^ linguistic stocks. 

Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of the U. S. 
Geological Survey, has furnished a 
small collection of drawings of Sho- 
shonean petroglyphs from Oneida, 
Idaho, shown in Fig. 39, supra. 

Five miles northwest from this 
locality and one-half mile east from 
Marsh creek is another group of 
characters on basalt bowlders, appar- 
fig. io92.— shoshonean petroglyphs. Idaho, ently totemic, and drawn by Sho- 
shoni. A copy of these, also contributed by Mr. Gilbert, is given in 
Fig. 1092. 

All of these drawings resemble the petroglyphs found at Partridge 




SHOSHONEAN PETROGLYPHS. 



681 



creek, northern Arizona, and in Temple creek canyon, southeastern 
Utah, mentioned supra, pages 50 and 116, respectively. 

Mr. I. C. Russell, of the U. S. Geological Survey, has furnished 
drawings of rude pictographs at Black Eock spring, Utah, represented 
in Fig. 1093. Some of the other characters not represented in the 
figure consist of several 
horizontal lines, placed 
one above another, above 
which are a number of 
spots, the whole appear - 
in g like a numerical record 
having reference to the 
figure alongside, which 
resembles, to a slight ex- 
tent, a melon with tortu- 
ous vines and stems. The 
left-hand upper figure 
suggests the masks shown 
in Fig. 713. 

Mr. Gilbert Thompson, 
of the U. S. Geological 
Survey, has discovered 
pictographs at Fool creek 
canyon, Utah, shown in . 
. Fig. 1094, which strongly 
resemble those still made 
by the Moki of Arizona, FlG . 1093—Shoshonean petrogiyphs. Utah. 

Several characters are identical with those last mentioned, and represent 
human figures, one of which is drawn, to represent a man, shown by 
a cross, the upper arm of which is attached 
to the perinaeum. These are all drawn in red 
color and were executed at three different 
periods. Other neighboring pictographs 
are pecked and unpainted, while others are 
both pecked and painted. 

Both of these pictographs from Utah may 
be compared with the Moki pictographs from 
Oakley springs, Arizona, copied in Fig. 1261. 

Dr.G. W. Barnes, of San Diego, California, 
has kindly furnished sketches of picto- 
graphs prepared for him by Mrs. F. A Kim- 
ball, of National city, California, which were 
copied from records 25 miles northeast of 
the former city. Many of them found upon 
& the faces of large rocks are almost obliter- 

" ated, though sufficient remains to permit 





682 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



tracing. The only color used appears to be red ocher. Many of the 
characters, as noticed upon the drawings, closely resemble those in New 
Mexico, at Ojo de Benado, south of Zuhi, and in the canyon leading 
from the canyon at Stewart's ranch, to the Kanab creek canyon, Utah. 
This is an indication of the habitat of the Shoshonean stock apart from 
the linguistic evidence with which it agrees. 

From the numerous illustrations furnished of petroglyphs found in 
Owens valley. California, reference is here made to PI. II a, PI. in h, 
and PI. vn a as presenting suggestive similarity to the Shoshonean 
forms above noted, and apparently connecting them with others in New 
Mexico, Arizona, Sonora, and Central and South America. 

Mr. F. H. Cushing (a) figured three petroglyphs, now reproduced in 
Figs. 1095 and 1090, from Arizona, and referred to them in connection 
with figurines found in the ruined city of Los Muertos, in the Salado 
valley, as follows : 

Beneath the floor of the first one of these huts which we excavated, near the 
ranch of Mr. George Kay Miller, were discovered, disposed precisely as would he a 
modern sacrifice of the kind in Zuiii, the paraphernalia of a Herder's sacrifice, 
namely, the paint line, encircled, perforated medicine cup, the Herder's amulet stone 




Fig . 1095.— Arizona petroglyph . 



of chalcedony, and a group of at least fifteen remarkable figurines. The figurines 
alone, of the articles constituting this sacrifice, differed materially from those which 
would occur in a modern Zuni "New Year Sacrifice" of the kind designed to propiti- 
ate the increase and prosperity of its herds. While in Zuni these figurines invari- 
ably represent sheep (the young of sheep mainly ; mostly also females), the figurines 
in the hut at "Los Guanacos," as I named the place, represented with rare fidelity 

* * * some variety, I should suppose, of the auchenia or llama of South America. 
Summing up the evidence presented by the occurrence of numerous "bola stones" 

in these huts and within the cities; by the remarkably characteristic forms of thsee 
figurines; by the traditional statement of modern Zufiis regarding "small hairy 
animals" possessed by their ancestors, no less than by the statements of Marcus 
Nizza, Bernal Diaz, and other Spanish writers to the same effect, and adding to this 
sum the facts presented in sundry ritualistic pictographs, I concluded, very boldly, 

* * * that the ancient Pueblos-Shiwians, or Aridians, * * * must have had 



CALIFORNIAN PETROGLYPHS. 



683 



e nearly resembling, it 



domesticated a North American variety of the auchenia mo: 
would seem, the guanaco of South America than the llama. 

It is ascertained that the petroglyphs copied by Mr. Gushing as 
above are pecked upon basaltic rock in the northern face of Maricopa 
mountains, near Telegraph pass, south of Phoenix, Arizona. 

The following information is ob- 
tained from Dr. H. Ten Kate (a) : 

In several localities in the sierra in the 
peninsula of California and Sonora are rocks 
painted red. These paintings are quite rude 
and are inferior to many of the pictographs 
of the North American Indians. Figs. 1097 
and 1098 were found at Rincon de S. Anto- 
nio. The right-hand division of Fig. 1097 ii 
a complete representation, and the figures c 
which they are here given. The left-hand divi 
the most distinct objects, selected from among 




r 

1 & 

petroglyph. 

pied appear on the stone in the order in 
nof the same figure represents only 
large number of others, very simi- 




Fio. 1097.— Petroglyphs, Lower California, 
lar, which cover a block of marble several meters in height. The object in the upper 
left-haDd corner of Fig. 1097 measures 20 to 21 centimeters; the others are repre- 
sented in proportion. 




Fig. 1098. — Petroglyphs in Lower California. 

These two figures resemble petroglyphs reported from the Santa 
Inez range, west of Santa Barbara, Lower California. 



684 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The same author, 6p. cit., p. 324, says : 

Fig. 1098 represents symbols which were the most easily distinguished among the 
great number of those which cover two immense granite blocks at Boca San Pedro. 
The rows of dots (or points') which are seen at the left of this figure measure 1.50 
meters, the parallel lines traced at the right are about" 1 meter. 




Fig. 1099.— Haifa Totem Post. 

This figure is like another found farther east ( see Fig. 31) from Azuza 
canyon, California. 

A number of Haida pictographs are reproduced in other parts of this 



MALLEKT.] 



NEW ZEALAND CARVINGS. 



685 



work. In immediate connection with the present topic Fig. 1099 is 
presented. It shows the carved columns in front of the chief's house 
at Massett, Queen Charlotte island. 

The following- illustrations from !N"ew Zealand are introduced here 
for comparison. 

Dr. F. von Hochstetter (b) writing of New Zealand, says : 

The dwellings of the chiefs at Ohinemutu are surrounded with inclosures of pole 
fences, aud the Whares and Wharepunis, some of them exhibiting very fine speci- 
mens of the Maori order of architecture, are ornamented with grostesque wood carv- 
ings. Fig. 1100 is an illustration of some of them. The gable figure with the lizard 
having six feet and two heads is very remarkable. The human figures are not idols, 
but are intended to represent departed sires of the present generation. 




Fig. 1100.— New Zealand house posts. 

Niblack (e) gives a description of the illustration reproduced as Fig. 
1101. 

Tiki. At Earoera Pah, New Zealand. From Wood's Natural History, page 180. 
Of this he says: "This gigantic tiki stands, together with several others, near the 
tomb of the daughter of Te Whero-VThero, aud, like the monument which it seems 
to guard, is one of the finest examples of native carving to be found in New Zealand. 
The precise object of the tiki is uncertain, but the protruding tongue of the upper 
figure seems to show that it is one of the numerous defiant statues which abound in 
the islands. The natives say that the lower figure represents Maui the Auti who, 
according to Maori tradition, fished up the islands from the bottom of the sea." 

Dr. Bransford (6) gives an illustration, copied here as the left-hand . 
character of Fig. 1102, with the description of the site, viz: "On a hill- 



686 PICTUEE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



side on the southern eud of the island of Oinetepec, Nicaragua, about 
a mile and a half east of Point San Ramon." On a rough, irregular 
stone of basalt, projecting 3 feet above ground, 
was the following figure on the south side : 

This suggests comparison with some of the Moki 
and British Guiana figures. 

The same authority gives on page 66, from the 
same island and neighborhood, the illustration 
copied as the right-hand character of the same 
figure. 






Fig. 1101.— New Zealand tiki. Fig. 1102.— Nicaraguan petroglyphs. 

By comparing some of the New Mexican, Zuiii, and Pueblo draw- 
ings with the above figure the resemblance is obvious. This is most 
notable in the outline of the square abdomen and the widespread legs. 

Fig. 1103, also mentioned and figured by Dr. Bransford as found 
with the preceding in Nicaragua, resembles some of the petroglyphs 
presented in the collection from Owens valley, California. 




Fig. 1103.— Nicaraguan petroglyphs. 

The carvings in Fig. 1104 are from British Guiana, and are repro- 
duced from im Thurn (i) : 

Most of these figures so strongly resemble some from New Mexico, 
and perhaps Arizona, as to appear as if they were made by the same 
people. This is specially noticeable in the lowermost characters, and 
more particularly so in the last two, resembling the usual Shoshonean 
type for toad or frog. 



CARVINGS IN GUIANA. 



687 



The petroglyph of Boca del Iufierno, a copy of which is furnished by 
Marcano (/), reproduced as Fig. 1105, is thus described: 

In the strange combination that surmounts it, a, there are seen at the lower part- 
two figures resembling the eyes of jaguars, but asymmetric. Still the difference is 
apparent rather than real. These eyes are always formed of three circumferences, 
the central one being at times replaced by a point, as in the eye at the left; the one 
at the right shows its three circumferences, but the outermost is continuous with 




Fig. 1104. — Deep carvings in Guiana. 



the rest of the drawing. The two eyes are joined together by superposed arches, the 
smallest of which touches only the left eye, while the larger one, which is not in 
contact with the left eye, forms the circumference of the right eye. The whole is 
surrounded hy 34 rays, pretty nearly of the same size, except one, which is larger, 
Is there question of a jaguar's head seen from in front with its hristling mane, or is 
it a sunrise? All conjecture is superfluous, and it is useless to search for the inter- 
pretation of these figures, whose value, entirely conventional, is known only by those 
who invented them. 



688 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



In b of the same pictograpk, alongside of a tangle of various figures, always formed 
of geometric lines, we distinguished, at the left, three points; in the middle a col- 
lection of lines representing a fish. Let us note, finally, the dots which, as in the 
preceding case, run out from certain lines. 




~FlQ. 1105.— Venezuelan petroglypbs. 

The design of c, while quite as complex, has quite another arrangement. At the 
left we see again the figure of the circumferences surrounding a dot, and these are 
surmounted by a series of triangles; at the bottom there are two little curves 
terminated by dots. At d two analogous objects are represented ; they may be what 
Humboldt took to be arms or household implements. 

In the above figure, the uppermost character, a, is similar to various 
representations of the " sky," as depicted upon the birch-bark mide' 




I"is. 1106.— Venezuelan petroglypbs. 

records of the Ojibwa. The lower characters are similar to several 
examples presented under the Shoshonean types, particularly to those 
in Owens valley, California, 



BRAZILIAN PETROGLYPHS. 



689 



Dr. A. Ernst in Verhandl. cler Berliner, Anthrop. Gesell. (c) gives a 
description of Fig. 110(3, translated and condensed as follows: 

The rock on which the petroglyph is carved is 41 kilometers WSW. of Caracas, 
and 27 kilometers almost due north of La Victoria, in the coast mountains of Vene- 
zuela. The petroglyph is found on two large stones lying side by side and leaning 
against other blocks of leptinite, though resembling sandstone. The length of the 
two stones is 3.5 m., their height 2 m. The stones lie beside the road from the colony 
of Tovar to La Maya, on the border of a clearing somewhat inclined southward not 
far from the woods. The surface is turned south. Concerning the meaning of the 
very fragmentary figures I can not even express a conjecture. 

Araripe (c) furnishes the following description of Fig. 1107 : 
In the district of Inhamun, on the road from Carrapateira to CracariJ, at a dis- 
tance of half a league, following a footpath which branches off to the left, is a small 
lake called Arneiros, near which is a heap of round and long stones; on one of the 
round ones is an inscription, here given in the order in which the figures appear, on 
the face toward the north, engraved with a pointed instrument, the characters being 
covered with red paint. 




Fig. 1107.— Brazilian petroglyphs. 



The same authority, p. 231, gives the following description of the 
lower group in Fig. 1108. It is called Indian writing in Vora, in Fax 
in a, province of Sao Paulo. 

From a rock which is more than 40 meters in height, a large mass has been de- 
tached leaving a greater inclination of 10 meters. This incline, together with the 
wall formed by the detached portion, constitutes a sheltered place which was used 
by the Indians as a resting place for their dead. 

On the walls of this grotto are figures engraved in the stone and painted with 
•' indellible" colors in red and black. It would seem that the Indians had engraved 
in these figures the history of the tribe. The designs are as follows: 

A human figure with ornaments of feathers on the head and neck ; a palm tree 
rudely engraved aud painted; a number of circular holes, 24 or more or less, in a 
straight line ; a circle with a diameter of 15 inches, having dentated lines on the 
10 ETH 44 



690 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



edge; two concentric circles resembling a clock face, with CO divisions; immediately 
following this the figure of an idol, and various marks all painted in a very firm black ; 



jj 








P -TTTTTTTTTm J 









A 



GOO 0O00OO OO&'o 




T "{* oooooo 
OOOOO0 GOOGOO 



°00 

Fig. 1108.— Spanish and Brazilian petroglyphs. 
a figure of the sun with a + ; a T ; six more circles ; a human hand and foot well 
carved, etc. In the wall are fragments of bones. 




Fig. 1109.— Brazilian petroglyphs. 

The two upper groups are copies of petroglyphs m Fuencaliente, 
Andalusia, Spain, which are described in Chap. IV, sec. 3, and are 



BRAZILIAN PETROGLYPHS. 



691 



introduced here for convenient comparison with characters in the lower 
group of this figure, and also with others in Figs. 1097 and 1107. 

Dr. Ladislau Netto (c) gives an account of characters copied from the 
inscriptions of Cachoeira Savarete, in the valley of the Eio Negro, here 
reproduced as Fig. 1109. They represent men and animals, concentric 
circles, double spirals, and other figures of indefinite form. The design 
in the left hand of the middle line evidently represents a group of men 
gathered and drawn up like soldiers in a platoon. 




Fig. 1110.— Brazilian petroglyphs. 

The same authority, p. 552, furnishes characters copied from rocks 
near the villa of Moura in the valley of the Eio Negro, here reproduced 
as Fig. 1110. They represent a series of figures on which Dr. Netto 
remarks as follows : 

It is singular how frequent are these figures of circles two by two, one of which 
seems to simulate one of the meanders that in a measure represent the form of the 
Buddhic cross. This character, represented by the double cross, is very common in 
many American inscriptions. It probably signifies some idea which has nothing to 
do with that of nandyavarta. 

The same authority, p. 522, gives carvings copied from the rocks of 
the banks of the Eio Negro, from 
Moura to the city of Marians, some 
of which are reproduced as Fig. 
1111 . The group on the left Dr. Net- 
to believes to represent a crowned 
chief, having by his side a figure 
which may represent either the sun 
or the moon in motion, but which, 
were it carved by civilized men, 
would suggest nothing more re- 
markable than a large compass. 

The same authority, p. 553, presents characters copied from stones 
on the banks of the Eio Negro, Brazil, here reproduced as Fig. 1112. 

They are rather sketches or vague tracings and attempts at drawing* 
than definite characters. The human heads found in most of the figures 
observed at this locality resemble the heads 
» carved in the inscriptions of Central Anier- 
' ica and on the banks of the Colorado river. 
The left-hand character, which here appears 
pig. lm.-Braziiian pictograph. to be simply a rude drawing of a nose and 




Fig. 1111.— Brazilian petrogh phs. 



692 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



the eyes belonging to a human face, may be compared with the so- 
called Thunderbird from Washington, contributed by Rev. Dr. Eels 
(see Fig. 679). 

Dr. E. R. Heath (ft), in his Exploration of the River Beni, introducing 
Fig. 1113, says: 

Periquitos rapids connects so closely with the tail of " Riberdo" that it is difficult 
to say where one begins and the other ends. Our stop at the Periquitos rapids was 
short yet productive of a few figures, one rock having apparently a sun and moon 
on it, the first seen of that character. 




Fig. Ilia. — Brazilian petroglyphs. 

He further says : 

On some solid water- worn rocks, at the edge of the fall, are the following figures 
[Fig. 1114]. There were many fractional parts of figures which we did not consider 
of sufficient value to copy. 




FIG. 1114.— Brazilian pclruglyplis. 



SECTION 2. 
HOMOMORPHS AND SYMMORPHS. 

It has already been mentioned that characters substantially the 
same, or homomorphs, made by one set of people, have a different 
signification among others. The class of homomorphs may also em- 
brace the cases common in gesture signs, and in picture writing, similar 
to the homophones in oral language, where the same sound has several 
meanings among the same people. 



MAIXERY.] 



TREE AND GROW. 



693 



It would be very remarkable if precisely the same character were not 
used by different or even the same persons or bodies of people with 
wholly distinct significations. The graphic forms for objects and ideas 
are much more likely to be coincident than sound is for similar expres- 
sions, yet in all oral languages the same precise sound, sometimes but 
not always distinguished by different literation, is used for utterly 
diverse meanings. The first conception of different objects could not 
have been the same. It has been found, indeed, that the homophony 
of words and the homomorphy of ideographic pictures is noticeable in 
opposite significations, the conceptions arising from the opposition 
itself. The same sign and the same sound may be made to convey dif- 
ferent ideas by varying the expression, whether facial or vocal, and by 
the manner accompanying their delivery. Pictographs likewise may 
be differentiated by modes and mutations of drawing. The differentia- 
tion in picturing or in accent is a subsequent and remedial step not 
taken until after the confusion had been observed and had become in- 
convenient. Such confusion and contradiction would only be eliminated 
from pictography if it were far more perfect than is any spoken lan- 
guage. 

This heading, for convenience, though not consistently with its defi- 
nition, may also include those pictographs which convey different ideas 
and are really different in form of execution as well as in conception, 
yet in which the difference in form is so slight as practically to require 
attention and discrimination. Examples are given below in this sec- 
tion, and others may be taken from the closely related sign -language, 
one group of which may now be mentioned. 

The sign used by the Dakota, Hidatsa, and several 
other tribes for "tree" is made by holding the right hand 
before the body, back forward, fingers and thumb sepa- 
rated; then pushing it slightly upward, Fig. 1115; that 
for "grass" is the same, made near the ground; that for 
"grow" is made like "grass," though, instead of holding 
the back of the hand near the ground, the hand is pushed 
upward in an interrupted manner, Fig. 1116. For 
"smoke" the hand (with the back down, fingers point- 
ing upward as in grow) is then thrown upward several 
times from the same place instead of continuing the 
whole motion upward. Frequently the fingers are thrown 
forward from under the thumb witli each successive up- 
ward motion. For "fire" the hand is employed as in the 
gesture for smoke, but the motion is frequently more 
waving, and in other cases made higher from the ground. 

Symmorphs, a term suggested by the familiar "syno- 
nym," are designs not of the same form, but which are 
used with the same significance or so nearly the same as 
to have only a slight shade of distinction and which some- 
times are practically interchangeable. The comprehen- FlG - UM - &TOir - 





694 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



sive and metaphorical character of pictographs renders more of them 
interchangeable than is the case with words; still, like words, some 
pictographs with essential resemblance of meaning have partial and 
subordinate differences made by etymology or usage. Doubtless the 
designs are purposely selected to delineate the most striking outlines 
of an object or the most characteristic features of an action; but differ- 
ent individuals and likewise different bodies of people would often 
disagree in the selection of those outlines and features. In an attempt 
to invent an ideographic, not an iconographic, design for "bird," any 
one of a dozen devices might have been agreed upon with equal appro- 
priateness, and, in fact, a number have been so selected by several 
individuals and tribes, each one, therefore, being a symmorph of the 
other. Gesture language gives another example in the signs for 
"deer," designated by various modes of expressing fleetness, also by his 
gait when not in rapid motion, by the shape of his horns, by the color 
of his tail, and sometimes by combinations of those characteristics. 
Each of these signs and of the pictured characters corresponding with 
them may be indefinitely abbreviated and therefore create indefinite 
diversity. Some examples appropriate to this line of comparison are 
now presented. 

SKY. 

The Indian gesture sign for sky, heaven, is generally made by passing 
the index from east to west across the zenith. This curve is apparent 

f=| t \ 

Pig. 1117.— Sky. 

in the Ojibwa pictograph, the left-hand character of Fig. 1117, reported 
in Schoolcraft (g), and is abbreviated in the Egyptian character with 
the same meaning, the middle character of the same figure, from Cham- 





Fig. 1118.— Sun. Oakley springs. 



pollion (e). A simpler form of the Ojibwa picture sign for sky is the 
right-hand character of the same figure, from Oopway (h). 

SUN AND LIGHT. 

Fig. 1118 shows various representations of the sun taken from a 
petroglyph at Oakley springs. 



SUN AND LIGHT. 



695 




The commou Indian gesture sign for sun is: Eight 
hand closed, the index and thumb curved, with tips touch- 
ing, thns approximating a circle, and held toward the sky, 
the position of the fingers of the hand forming a circle 
as is shown in Fig. 1119. Two of the Egyptian charac- 
ters for sun, the left-hand upper characters of Fig. 1120 
are the common conception of the disk. The rays ema- eio^Tii 
nating from the whole disk appear in the two adjoining Gesture sl g n - 
characters on the same figure, taken from the rock etchings of the 
Moki pueblos in Arizona. From the same locality are the two remain- 
ing characters in the same figure, which may be distinguished from 
several similar etchings for "star," Fig. 1129, infra, by their showing 
some indication of a face, the latter being absent in the characters 
denoting " star." 



O 



o 




Fig. 1120.— Devices for si 



With the above characters for sun compare the left-hand character 
of Fig. 1121, found at Cuxco, Peru, and taken from Wiener (h). 

In the pictorial notation of the Laplanders the sun bears its usual 
figure of a man's head, rayed. See drawings in Scheffer's History of 
Lapland, London, 1704. 



The Ojibwa pictograph for sun is seen in the second 
character of Fig. 1121, taken from Schoolcraft (r). The 
sun's disk, together with indications of rays, as shown in 
the third character of the same figure, and in its linear form, 
the fourth character of that figure, from Champollion, Diet., < 
constitutes the Egyptian character for light. 

Fig. 1122.— Light. Eed-Cloud's Census. This is to be , 
compared with the rays of the sun as above shown, but 
still more closely resembles the old Chinese character for 
light, or more specifically "light above man," in the left- 
hand character of Fig. 1123, reported by Dr. Edkins. 

The other characters of the same figure are given by 
Schoolcraft (s) as Ojibwa symbols of the sun. FiG.ii22.-Light. 

The left-hand character of Fig. 1124, from Proc. U. S. Nat. Museum 




696 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



(a), shows the top of an heraldic column of the Sentlae (Sun) gens of 
theKwakiutl Indians in Alert bay, British Columbia, which represents 
the sun surrounded by wooden 
rays. A simpler form is seen 
i in the right character of the 
same figure where the face of 
the sun is also fastened to the 

Fig. 1123,-Light and sun. top of a pole The ^fo^ Dr . 

Boas, states that Fig. 1125 is the sun mask used by the same gens in 
their dance. This presents another mode in which the common sym- 
bolic connection of the eagle (the beak of which bird is apparently 
shown) with the sun is indicated. 






Fig. 1124.— Sun. Kwakintl. Fig. 1125.— Sun mask. Kwakiutl. 

Prof. Cyrus Thomas, in Aids to the Study of the Manuscript Troano, 
Sixth Anu. Bep. Bur. Ethn., p. 348, gives the left-hand character in 
Fig. 1120 as representing the sun. 

Fig. 1126.— Suns. 

General Forlong (a) states that the middle device of the same figure 
represents the sun as Mihr, the fertilizer of the seed. 

Dr. Edkins (e) gives the right-hand device of the same ligure as a 
picture of the sun. Originally it was a circle with a stroke or dot 
in the middle. 

MOON. 

A common Indian gesture sign for moon, month, is the right hand 
closed, leaving the thumb and index extended, but 
curved to form a half circle and the hand held toward 
the sky, in a position which is illustrated in Fig. 1127, 
to which curve the Moki drawing, the upper left-hand 
device in Fig. 1128, and the identical form in the ancient 
fig. ii27.-Gesture Chinese have an obvious resemblance. 




MALLEKY.] 



MOON STARS DAY. 



697 



The crescent, as Europeans and Asiatics commonly figure the satel- 
lite, appears also in the Ojibwa picto- 
graph, the louver left-hand character in 
Kg. 1128, taken from Schoolcraft (*), 
which is the same, with a slight addition, 
as the Egyptian figurative character. 

The middle character in Fig. 1128 is fig. ii28.-Moon. 

the top of an upright post of a house of the moon gens of the Kuakiutl 
Indians taken from Boas (g). It represents the moon. 

Schoolcraft (n) gives the right-hand character of the same figure for 
the moon, i. e., an obscured sun, as drawn by the Ojibwa. 

STABS. 

Fig. 1129 shows various forms of stars, taken from a petroglyph at 

xx 4- • * 
* + X -f 

Fig. 1129.— Stars. 

Oakley Springs, Arizona. Most of them show the rays in a manner to 
suggest the points of stars common in many parts of the world. 




DAYTIME AND KIND OF DAY. 

Fig. 1130, copied from Copway (h), presents respectively the char- 
acters for sunrise, noon, and sunset. 




Fig. 1130.— Day. Ojibwa. 



An Indian gesture sign for "sunrise," "morning," is: Forefinger of 
right hand crooked to represent half of the sun's disk and pointed or ex- 
tended to the left, slightly elevated. In this connection it may be noted 
that when the gesture is carefully made in open country the pointing 
would generally be to the east, and the body turned so that its left 
would be in that direction. In a room in a city, or under circumstances 
where the points of the compass are not specially attended to, the left 
side supposes the east, and the gestures relating to sun, day, etc., are 
made with such reference. The half only of the disk represented in 



698 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

the above gesture appears in the Mold pueblo drawings for morning 
and sunrise. 



1131.— Morning. 



Fig. 1131 shows various representations of sunrise from Oakley 
Springs, Arizona. 

J. B. Dunbar (6), in The Pawnee Indians, says: 

As an aid to the memory the Pawnees frequently made use of notches cut in a 
stick or some similar device for the computation of nights (for days were counted 
by nights), or even of months and years. Pictographically a day or daytime was 
represented by a six or eight pointed star as a symbol of the sun. A simple cross 
(a star) was a symbol of a night and a crescent represented a moon or lunar month. 
A common Indian gesture for 
5 I day is when the index and thumb 
form a circle (remaining fingers 

Fig. 1132.— Day. c j oge( ^ an( l are p asse cl from east to t 

west. 

Fig. 1132 shows a pictograph found in % 
Owens valley, California, a similar one being | 
reported in the Ann. Eep. Geog. Survey West 
of the 100th Meridian for 1876, Washington, 
1876, pi. opp. p. 326, in which the circle may 
indicate either day or month (both these ges- 
tures havingthe same execution), the course of 
the sun or moon being represented perhaps 
in mere contradistinction to the vertical line, 
or perhaps the latter signifies one. 

Fig. 1133 is a pictograph made by the Co- 
yotero Apaches, found at Camp Apache, in 
Arizona, reported in the Tenth Ann. Rep. TJ. 
S. Geol. and Geogr. Survey of the Terr., Wash- 
ington, 1878, PI. lxxvii. The sun and the ten fig. 1133.-ba.ys. Apache, 
spots of approximately the same shape represent the days, eleven, 
which the party passed in traveling through the country. The sepa- 
rating lines are the nights, and may include the conception of cov- 
ering over and consequent obscurity referred to in connection with 
the pictographs for night. 

The left-hand character in Fig. 1134, copied from Copway (h), repre- 
sents smooth water or clear day. 




NIGHT. 



699 



The right-hand character in the same figure, from the same authority, 
p. 135, represents storm or a windy day. 




TlG. 1134.— Clear, stormy. Ojibwa. 
NIGHT. 

Fig. 1135. — Kills-the-Euemy-at-Night. Red-Cloud's Census. Night 
is indicated by the black circle around the 
head, suggesting the covering over with dark- 
ness, as is shown in the common gesture for 
night, made by passing both flat hands from 
their respective sides, inward and down- 
ward, before the body. The sign for kill is 
denoted here by the bow in contact with the 
fig. ii35 head, in accordance with a custom among the 

Dakota of striking the dead enemy with the bow or coup stick. 

Fig. 1136.— Kills -Enemy -at -Night. Bed- 
Cloud's Census. This drawing is similar to 
the preceding. The differentiation is sufficient 
to allow of a distinction between the two char- 
acters, each representing the 
same name, though belonging 
to two different men. 

Fig. 1137. — Smokes -at - 
k Night. Red-Cloud's Census. 
W Again the concept is ex- 
pressed by the covering over 
with darkness. 
fig. ii36. Fig. 1138. — Kills-at-Night. 

Red-Cloud's Census. Night is here shown by the curve for sky and 
the suspension, beneath it, of a star, or more probably 
in Dakotan expression, a night 
sun, i. e., the moon. 

Fig. 1139. — A Crow chief, Flat- 
Head, comes into the tipi of a 
Dakota chief, where a council was 
assembled. Flame's Winter 4 
Count, 1852-'53. The night is PlG ' im 
shown by the black top of the tipi. 

Fig. 1140 is taken from Copway (/). It 
represents "night." 
A typical Indian gesture for night, illus- 
: Place the fiat hands horizontally about 2 feet 






1 JU> 



ior SKy ana 

& 



—Ojibwa. 



trated by Fig. 1141, 
apart, move them quickly in an upward curve toward one another until 
the right lies across the left. ''Darkness covers all." 



700 picture-tWriting of the American Indians. 



The conception of covering executed by delineating the object covered 
beneath the mid- 1 - — i » - i 

die point of an 1 ^ & 

arch Or curve, ap- FlG - 1142.— Night. Egyptian. 

pears also clearly in the Egyptian char- 
acters for night, Fig. 1142, Champol- 




Fig. I141.-Sign for night. x ' lu " Mexican. 

In Kingsborough (m) is the painting reproduced as Fig. 1143. 

This painting expresses the multitude of eyes, i. e., stars in the sky, 
and signifies the night. Eyes in Mexican paintings are painted exactly 
in this manner. 



Fig. 1144. — Cloud shield. Bed-Cloud's Census. This figure shows in 
conjunction with the disk, probably a shield but possibly the sun, a dim 
cloud, and below is a line apparently holding up clouds 
from which the raindrops have not yet begun to fall. This 
may be collated with the pictographs for rain and also for 
snow, as figured below. 

A Cheyenne sign for cloud is as follows: (1) Both 
hands partially closed, palms facing and near each other, 
brought up to level with or slightly above but in front 
Fir 1144 —cioua °f the head; (2) suddenly separated sidewise, describing 
sMeid. a curve like a scallop ; this scallop motion is repeated for 
; 'many clouds." The same conception is in the Moki etchings, the 




3. 1145.— Clouds, Moki. 



three left-hand characters of Fig. 1145 (Gilbert MS.), and in variants 
from Oakley Springs, the two right-hand characters of the same figure. 

The Ojibwa pictogragh for cloud, reported in School- 
in^ craft (11), is more elaborate, Fig. 1146. It is composed of 
' v f the. sign tor sky to which that for clouds is added, the 
latter being reversed, as compared with the Moki etchings, 



RAIN AND LIGHTNING. 



701 



Fig. 1147. — From Copway, Inc. cit., represents 
rain, cloudy. 

Fig. 1H7.— Eaiu. Ojibwa. 

The gesture sign for rain is illustrated in Fig. 1002. The pic- 
tograph, Fig. 1148, reported as found in 
New Mexico, by Lieut. Simpson, in Ex. 
Doc. No. 64, 31st Congress, 1st session, 1850, 
p. 9, is said to represent Montezuma's adju- 
tants sounding a blast to him for rain. The 
small character inside the cnrve which repre- 
sents the sky, corresponds with the gestur- 
ing hand, but may be the rain cloud appear- 

PlG. 1148.— Kaia. Pueblo. big- 

The Moki drawing for rain, i. e., a cloud from which the drops are fall- 
ing, is given in Fig. 1149, in six variants taken from a petroglyph at 
Oakley Springs. 




(/) gives Fig. 1150 as the Chinese character for rain. It 
is a picture of rain falling from the clouds. He adds, p. 
155: 

Rain was anciently without the upper line, and instead of the ver- 
tical line in the middle there were four, hut all shorter. Ahove 
each of them and within the concave was a dot. These four dots 
were raindrops, the four lines were the direction of their descent, 
was the firmament. 



LIGHTNING. 

Among the northern Indians of North America the concept of light- 
ning is included in that of thunder, and is represented by the thunder 
bird, see Chap, xiv, sec. 2, supra. 

Fig. 1151 shows three ways in which lightning is represented by the 
Moki. They are copied from 
a petroglyph at Oakley f 
Springs, Arizona. In the C"^ 
middle character the sky is /^TV/ 
shown, the changing direc- II''' 
tion of the streak and clouds 
with rain falling. The part FlG 11 

relating specially to the streak is portrayed in an Indian gesture sign 




702 PICTURE-WRITING OP THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



—Lightning. 



as follows: Eight hand elevated before and above the head, forefinger 
pointing upward, brought down with great rapidity with a sinuous, 
undulating motion, finger still extended diagonally downward toward 
the right. 

Fig. 1152 is a copy from a vase in the collection of relics of the an- 
cient builders of the southwest table lands in 
the MS. Catalogue of Mr. Thomas V. Keam, 
and represents the body of the mythic TJm- 
tak-ina, the Thunder. This body is a rain 
cloud with thunder [lightning] darting through 
it, and is probably of ancient Moki workmanship. 

Fig. 1153, also from Keain's MS., gives three other representations of 
the Moki characters for lightning. 
The middle one shows the light- 
ning sticks which are worked by 
the hands of the dancers. 

Fig. 1154 also represents light- 
ning, taken by Mr. W. H. Jack- 
son, photographer of the late TJ. 
S. Geol. and Geogr. Survey, from 
the decorated walls of an estufa 
in the Pueblo de Jemez, Sew 
Mexico. The former is blunt, for 
harmless, and the latter termi- 
nates in an arrow or spear point, for destructive or fatal lightning. 

Connected with this topic is the following extract from Virgil's 
JEneis, Lib. vm, 429 : 

Tres imbris torti radios, tres nubis aquosse 
Addiderant, rutili tres ignis et alitis anstri. 

The " radii " are the forks or spikes by which lightning is designated, 

especially on medals. It 
consisted of twelve 
wreathed spikes or darts 
extended like the radii of 
a circle. The wings de- 
note the lightning's rapid 
motion and the spikes or 
d arts its penetrating 
quality. The four differ- 
fig. us*.— Lightning. Pueblo. ent kinds of spikes refer to 

the four seasons. The "tres imbristorti radii " or the three spikes of 
hail, are the winter when hail storms abound. The tres nubis aquosae 
radii," the three spikes of a watery cloud, denote the spring. The 
"tres rutili ignis radii," the three spikes of sparkling fire, are the sum- 
mer when lightning is frequent and the " tres alitis austri radii," or 
the three spikes of winged wind, are for autumn with its many wind 
storms. 




i. 1153. — Lightning. 




HUMAN FORM. 



703 



HOI AN FORM. 

Fig. 1155. — a among the Arikara signifies men. The characters are 
used in connection with horse- 
shoes, to denote ■• mounted men" 6. o 0 
In other pictographs such spots or % # 
dots are merely numerical, c is # • < * * 
drawn by the Kiatexamut branch « b c d 
of the Innuits for man. It is an fig. uss.— Human form, 
abbreviated form and rare. d. drawn by the Blackfeet, signifies •• Man- 
dead."' This is from a pictograpli in Wind Eiver mountains, taken 
from Jones's (c) Northwestern "Wyoming, e is also a Kiatexamut Innuit 
drawing for man. This figure is armless; generally represents the per- 
son addressed. 

Fig. 1156. — a is also a Kiatexamut Innuit drawing for man. The 
^/\^ person makes the gesture for nega- 

tion, b and c, from a Californian 
petroglyph, are men also gestur- 
ing negation, d, from School- 
craft (r), is the Ojibwa " symbol" 
for disabled man. 



1 t ¥ 0 



b 

Fig. 1156.- 



Sir 1 # 

a I c 



Fig. 1158. — Human form. 



Fig. 1157. — a is the Kiatexamut 
Innuit drawing for Shaman, b, 
used by the same tribe, represents 
man supphcating. c, reproduced 
from Schoolcraft (u), is the Ojibwa 
representative figure or man. 

Fig. 1158. — a, from Schoolcraft, loc. cit., is an Ojibwa drawing of a 

A 2 headless body, b, from the same, 

& * is another Ojibwa figure for a head- 
J \ S\ less body, perhaps female, e, con- 
tributed by Mr. Gilbert Thomp- 
son, is a drawing for a man, made 
by the Moki in Arizona, d, reproduced from Schoolcraft (ic), is a draw- 
ing from the banks of the Eiver Yenesei, Siberia, by Von Straklen- 
berg (a), e is given by Dr. Edkins, op. cit., p. 4, as the Chinese char- 
acter for. and originally a picture of, a man. 

The representation of a headless body does not always denote death. 
An example is given in Fig. 1159, a, taken from an ivory drill-bow in 
the collection of the Alaska Commercial Company, of San Francisco, 
California. It was made by the Aigaluxamut natives of Alaska. As 
the explanation gives no suggestion of a fatal casualty, the concept 
may be that the hunter got lost or "lost his head.'' according to the 
colloquial phrase. 

The figures of men in a canoe are represented by the Kiatexamut 
Innuit of Alaska, as shown in the same figure, b. The right-hand up- 
ward stroke represents the bow of the boat, while the two hues below 



704 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



the horizontal stroke denote the paddles used by the men, who are 
shown as the first and secoud upward strokes above the canoe; in the 
same figure, c shows the outline of human figures, copied from a walrus 
ivory drill-bow (U. S. Nat, Mus., No. 44398) from Cape Nome, Alaska, 
The secoud pair closely resemble forms of the thunder-bird as drawn 



Fig. 1159.— Human form. Alaska. 

by various Algonquian tribes and as fouud in petroglyphs upon rocks 
in the northeastern portion of the United States; in the same figure, d, 
selected from a group of human forms, is incised upon a walrus ivory 
drill-bow obtained at Port Clarence, Alaska, by Dr. T. H. Bean, of the 
National Museum, The specimen is numbered 40054. The fringe-like 
appendages on the arms may indicate the garment worn by some of 
the Kenai or other inland Athabascan Indians of Alaska, 

Fig. 1160, from Strahlenberg, op. cit., was found in 
Siberia, and is identical with the character which, ac- 
cording to Schoolcraft, is drawn by the Ojibwa to repre- 
sent speed and the power of superior knowledge by 
fig. ri6q.-Bird- exaltation to the regions of the air, being, in his opinion, 
man. Siberia. a combination of bird and man. 

It is to be noticed that some Ojibwa recently examined regard the 
character merely as a human figure with out- 
stretched arms, and fringes pendent therefrom. 
It has, also, a strong resemblance to some of the 
figures in the Lone-Dog Winter Counts (those for 
1854-'55 and 1866-'67, pages 283 and 285, respec- 
tively), in which there is no attempt understood 
to signify anything more than a war-dress. 

Fig. 1161, according to Schoolcraft (<), is the 
Ojibwa drawing symbolic for an American. 
Bastian (a), in Ethnologisches Bildebuch, says: 

Upon a shaman's drum, from the Yakuts of Siberia, is the 
figure of a human form greatly resembling some forms of 
the American types. The appendage* beneath the arms, 
given in Fig. 1162. suggest also some forms of the thunder- 
bird as drawn by the Ojibwa. 






Fig. 1163.— Human forms. Moki. 

Fig. 1163 is a copy of human forms found by Mr. Delleubaugh in 



HUMAN FORM. 



705 




petroglyphs in Shinumo canyon, Utah. They probably are of Moki 
workmanship. 

Fig. 1164, from Mr. Stevenson's paper in the Eighth Annual Eeport 
of the Burean of Ethnology, p. 283, is the form of a 
man, drawn in the sand in the Hasjelti ceremony of 
the Navajo. 

The left-hand character of Fig. 1165 is described in 
Ream's MS. as follows : % 

This is a conventional design of dragon flies, and is often found S 
among rock etchings throughout the plateau [Arizona]. The 5 
dragon flies have always been held in great veneration by the ~eiq 1164 —Human 
Mokis and their ancestors, as they have been often sent by form. Navajo. 
Oman to reopen springs which Muingwa had destroyed and to confer other benefits 
upon the people. 

This form of the figure, with little vertical lines added to the transverse lines, 
connects the Batolatci with the Ho-bo-bo emblems. The youth who was sacrificed 
and translated by Ho-bc-bo reappeared a long time afterwards, during a season of 
great drought, in the form of a gigantic dragon fly, who led the rain clouds over the 
lands of Ho-pi-tu, bringing plenteous rains. 

Describing the middle character 
of the figure, he says: "The figure 
\7 represents a woman. The breath 
\ / sign is displayed in the interior. 
V The simpler design in the right- hand 
fig. lies.-Man and woman. Moki. character consists of two triangles, 
one upon another, and is called the ' woman's head and body. "' 

Fig. 1166, reproduced by permission from the Century Magazine for 
October, 1891, p. 887, is a representation of 
a golden breastplate found in the United 
States of Colombia, and now in the Ruiz- 
Randall collection. The human figure : 
nearly identical with some of those described | 
and illustrated in the present work as found 1 
in other localities. 

Crevaux, quoted by Marcano, (g) in s 
ing of the photographs of French Guyana, 
makes these useful suggestions : 

The drawings of frogs found by Brown on the FlG ' "66— Human form. Colombia. 
Esesquibo arc nothing else than human figures such as the Galihis, the Roueouyen- 
nes, and the Oyampis represent them every day on their pagaras, their pottery, or 
their skin. We ourselves, on examining these figures with legs and arms spread 
out, thought that they were meant for frogs, but the Indians told us that that was 
their manner of representing man. 

In Necropolis of Ancon in Peru, by W. Reiss and A. Stubel, (a) are 
descriptions of figures a to g in PI. L, all being painted sepulcher tab- 
lets one-seventh of the actual size. The descriptions are condensed. 
The general characteristics of the tablets are that they are in a tabular 
form, made of reeds, and covered with a white cotton fabric, the edges of 
10 eth 45 




706 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



which are stitched together behind and attached to a pole, short at top, 
and projecting to a greater length downwards. On the front is a slightly 
sketched design in red and black lines, while a winding or undulating 
border usually runs around the sides. Nearly all the space within this 
border is occupied by a human figure surrounded by isolated symbols or 
ornaments. The head and features of the conventionalized figure is out 
of all proportion to the small body, which is often merely suggested by 
a few strokes. 

a. The features and high headdress of a human figure, represented by 
concentric black and red lines. To the short arms are attached out- 
stretched three-fingered hands, the right holding some object, while 
body and legs are arbitrarily indicated. The legs are twice reproduced 
in black and red lines. The space between the figure and border is 
occupied by six simple designs, two black and one red on either side. 

6. The human figure, comparatively simple and distinct, distinguished 
by large ear ornaments, with designs similar to those of the preceding 
figure, but varying in number and disposition. 

c. Highly fantastic figure with diverse ornamentations; the space in 
the corners cut off by designs, of which the upper two show a bird 
motive, such as frequently occurs on earthenware and woven fabrics. 

d. This is doubtless meant to represent a figure clothed down to the 
feet. 

e. Here the human figure is formed of black lines, connected at right 
angles with complementary red lines. A wide top-piece covers the 
head, which consists of two small rectangles, leaving room only to indi- 
cate the eyes, while the mouth, placed rather too low down, is suggested 
by a red stroke. The arms are bent downwards ; hands and feet with 
triple articulation. Within the red and black frame the figure is en- 
circled by crosses, dots, and a conventional star. 

/. Human figure filling most of the space, which is inclosed only by a 
narrow edging. Surface painting distinguishes the wide body, which 
is rounded off below and to which the triangular head is fitted above. 
Hands with five, feet with three, articulations; crenelled head gear; 
necklace suggested by dots; the corners of the ground-surface filled in 
with rectangular sharply-edged ornaments. 

g. Human figure consisting of two disconnected parts ; triangular head 
and body ; hands and feet with two articulations ; frame of red and black 
dovetailed teeth. 

Wiener (i), describing illustrations reproduced here as Fig. 1167, 

says: 

The tissue found at Moch6, a, represents a man with flattened head, exaggerated 
ears, and the thumb of the right hand too much developed. When correlated with 
that from Ancon, b, with its coarse paintings, it becomes a sort of caligraphy in which 
all the letters are traced with the greatest care, while b, and also the sepulchral in- 
scription c, found at the same place, become cursive. 

The design a of this series presents peculiarities found in Zuni draw- 
ings on pottery. The appendages from the side of the head among the 




TABLETS AT ANCON, PERU. 



HUMAN HEAD AND FACE. 



707 



latter denote large coils of hair so arranged by tying. Their significance 
is that the wearer is an unmarried woman. The remaining designs 
also resemble types of human figures found upon Zuni and Pueblo 
pottery, being rather of a decorative character than having special 
significance. 




Fig. 1167.— Human form. Peru 



HUMAN HEAD AND FACE. 



A large number of human faces as drawn by members of different 
tribes and stocks of North American Indians appear in the present 
paper. Some of them are iconographic and others are highly conven- 
tionalized. Other examples from other regions of the world are also 
presented under various headings. 

In the present connection it may be useful to examine a series of 
drawings from the prehistoric pottery of Brazil in the National Museum 



708 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



at Rio Janeiro. Although the U. S. National Museum contains many 
specimens of a similar character, some of which have been copied 
and published, the Brazilian types show an instructive peculiarity in 
the reduction of the face to certain main lines and finally to the eyes, 
so that the latter are placed apart and independent in a symmetric 
field. 

The following Figs. 1168 to 1174 are reproduced from Dr. Ladislau 
" Netto (d), all of them being from Brazil and from 
gs on Marajo ware. 
3 broken lines without the aid of 
• attached to an instrument, 
either lance or trident, which present the outline 
Brazil. of tlie contours of a face. 

The characters in Fig. 1169 are somewhat more elaborate. The eyes 
are decorated with lines and the contour of the face is round. 



— — " Xetto (d), all of them be 

T~~~ | . | T paintings and carvings c 
I L_ f I Fig. 1168 shows brokei 
W - 1 " Z_J curves, but gracefully at 
ifr„ iirb * f ar ... either lance or trident, v 




Fig. 1169.— Human faces. Brazil. 

The characters in Fig. 1170 are carved human faces, some of which 
would not be recognized as such unless shown in the series. 




The face in Fig. 1171 represents the horizontal projection or plan of 
se^g^ a double-faced head. The central represents 
^ \jt\ in tli is case tin - top i if the head, each of the shafts 
r ~. <^>_j . i— ') nf the H being neither more nor less than the 
i j double arch of the eyebrows, joined to which the 
|]|jfiiy representation of the nose in a triangular figure 
may be recognized. The most noticeable point 
ie-faced head. . g ^ sur f ace De a ppii ec i i n imagination to 



5IALLERT.] 



HUMAN PACES AND HEADS. 



709 



the cranium of the bifrontal head, of which it seems to be the covering 
or skin, the features of the double-faced heads of the Marajo idols are 
immediately recognized, including the orifices by which those idols are 
hung on cords, which orifices are seen in the dividing line of the two 
faces. 



Frequently the face is produced in relief, in which a larger portion 
of a vessel is taken to produce more lifelike imitation, as in Fig. 1173. 
It is the neck of an anthropomorphic vase of Marajo ornamented with 
grooves and lines, red on a white ground, reduced to one-half. 

Fig. 1174 a, real size, is the neck of a Marajo vase, representing a 
human head. The nose and chin are very prominent, the eyes hori- 
zontal and slit in the same direction. This head is remarkable for the 
relief of the eyebrows which, after reaching the height of the ears, form 
these organs, describing above a second curve in the inverse direction 
of the curve of the brow, each brow thus forming an S. There are 
other heads in which the eyebrows are prolonged to form the relief of 
the ears at the outer extremity. In these cases the whole relief repre- 
sents a semicircle more or less irregular, while on the contrary this 
relief forms the figure S. 

Same figure, b, real size, is the neck of an ornithomorphic, anthropo- 
cephalous vase. It has on the face the classic and conventional T to 
represent the nose and brows. The eyes are formed by the symbolic 
figure equally conventional in the ceramics of the mound-builders of 
Marajo, and the ears differ very little from the characters seen in other 
figures. 




Fig. 1172 presents the general 
form of decoration found upon 
vases bearing figures of the face 
as above mentioned. It is a fu- 
neral urn, carved and engraved, 
from Marajo, reduced to one-fifth. 





Fig. 1173.— Marajo 



710 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Same figure, c, four-fifths real size, is the neck of a Marajo vase rep- 
resenting, by engraving and painting, all the conventional characters 
of the different parts of the human face employed by the mound-build- 
ers of Marajo. This vase preserves perfectly the primitive colors, which 
show vermilion lines on a white ground. A double protuberance from 
each ear, the design which forms the eyes, and that which surrounds 
and outlines the mouth, the nose, and the ears, are characteristic traces 
of the decorative art of the human face which few heads present in 
such perfection. 

Same figure, d, four-fifths real size, is the neck of a Marajo vase more 
simple than the preceding one, but with more regular and distinct 
features. 




The Brazilian system above illustrated, which reduces the face to 
certain main lines and finally to the eyes, in such manner that the eyes 
are placed apart and each is put by itself in a symmetric field, has its 
parallel in North America. This is the practice of the Bella Coola In- 
dians and their neighbors at the present day. They divide the surface, 
to be ornamented into zones and fields, by means of broad horizontal 
and vertical lines, each field containing, according to its position, now 
a complete face, now only an indication of it, the especial indication 



MALLERY.] 



HAND. 



711 



being- made by the eye. The eyes themselves are given different shapes, 
according to the different animals represented, being now large and 
round, now oblong and with pointed angles. These peculiarities, which 
have become conventional, are retained when the eye is represented 
alone, so that by this method it may still be easy to recognize which 
animal — for example, a raven or a bear, is intended to be portrayed. 

The left-hand character in Fig. 1175, from Ohampollion {g), is the 
Egyptian character for a human face. The pre 
dominance of the ears probably has some special 
significance. 

Schoolcraft ( u) gives the right-hand character Fra7ir75.— Human heads, 
of the same figure as a man's head, with ears open to conviction, as 
made by the Ojibwa. 

Both of these may be compared with the exaggerated ears in Fig. 11G7. 

HAND. 

The impression, real or represented, of a humau hand is used in sev- 
eral regions in the world with symbolic significance. 

Among the North American Indians the mark so readily applied is 
of frequent occurrence, with an ascertained significance, which, how- 
ever, differs in several tribes. 

Fig. 1176, taken from Copway (&), represents the hand, and also ex- 
presses "did so." This signification of "do," or action, 
and hence "power," is also given to the same character 
in the Egyptian and Chinese ideograms. 

Among several Indian tribes a black hand on a gar- ^ 
ment or ornament means "the wearer of this has killed ojibwa. 
an enemy." The decoration appears upon Ojibwa bead belts, and the 
Hidatsa and Arikara state that it is an old custom of showing bravery. 
The character was noticed at Fort Berthold, and the belt bearing it had 
been received from Ojibwa Indians of northern Minnesota. The mark of 
a black hand drawn of natural size or less, and sometimes made by the 
impress of an actually blackened palm, was also noticed, with the same 
significance, on articles among the Hidatsa and Arikara in 1881. 

Schoolcraft (x) says of the Dakota on the St. Peters river that a red 
hand indicates that the wearer has been wonnded by his enemy, and a 
black hand that he has slain his enemy. 

Irving (b) remarks, in Astoria, of the Arikara warriors: "Some had 
the stamp of a red hand across their mouths, a sign that they had 
drunk the life-blood of a foe." 

In other parts of the present paper the significance of the mark is 
mentioned and may be briefly summarized here. 

Among the Sioux a red hand painted on a warrior's blanket or robe 
means that he has been wounded by the enemy, and a black hand that 




712 PICTURE- WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



be has been in some way unfortunate. Among tbe Mandan a yellow 
baud on tbe breast signifies tbat tbe wearer bad captured prisoners. 

Among the Titon Dakota a band displayed meant tbat tbe wearer 
bad engaged in a band-to-band struggle witb an enemy. The impress 
of a hand, stained or muddy, upon the body or horse was the Winne- 
bago mark tbat tbe wearer had killed a man. 

The drawing of linked fingers or joined hands has been before dis- 
cussed, p. 043, and hi several petroglyphs illustrated in this paper the 
single hand appears. It is a common device on rocks, and doubtless 
witb varieties of signification, as above mentioned in other forms of 
pictograph. 

It will suffice now to add tbat tbe figure of a band with extended 
fingers is very common in tbe vicinity of ruins in Arizona as a rock 
etching, and is also frequently seen daubed on tbe rocks with colored 
pigments or white clay. But Mr. Thomas V. Keam 
explains the Arizona drawings of hands on tbe au- 
thority of the living Moki. In bis MS., in describ- 
ing Fig. 1177, be says: 

xiti. in i. — doineu nanus. 

Moki. The outline of two outstretched hands joined at the wrists 

and figure of a hand with extended lingers is very common as a rock etching. 

These are vestiges of the test formerly practiced among young men who aspired 
for admission to the fraternity of Salyko. The Salyko is a trinity of two women 
and a woman from whom the Hopitu obtained the first corn. The first test above 
referred to was that of putting their hands in the mud and impressing them upon 
the rock. Only those were chosen as novices the imprints of whose hands had dried 
on the instant. 

Le Plongeon (a) tells that tbe tribes of Yucatan have the custom of 
printing the impress of the human hand, dipped in a red-colored liquid, 
on tbe walls of certain sacred edifices. 

A. W. Howitt, in manuscript notes on Australian pictograpbs, says: 

In very many places there are repvesenta t ions of a human hand imprinted or delinea- 
ted upon the rocks or in caverns. In the mountains on the western side of the Darling- 
river, in New South Wales, I have observed such, and the aborigines whom I ques- 
tioned upon the subject said that these representations were made in sport. This 
reply would, however, be also given were any white man to find and draw their at- 
tention to one of the figures which are made in connection with the initiation cere- 
monies. The representations of hands are made in two ways. In one the hand is 
smeared with red ocher and water, and impressed upon the rock surface. In the 
other the hand, being placed upon the rock, a mouthful of red ocher or pipe-clay and 
water is squirted over it. The hand being then removed there remains its represen- 
tation surrounded and marked out by the colored wash. 

Thomas Worsnop (b) says: 

Mr. Winnecke, in 1879, saw several drawings on rocks and in caves, [Fig. 1178], 
and describes them as follows : 

There are found in several large caves near Mount Skinner and Ledans hill, in 
latitude 22° 30' south and longtitude 134° 30' east. The natives appear to have 
selected the smooth surface of granite rocks inside several lai-ge caves, which spots 
are not subject to the iufluence of wind or rain. These caves are resorted to by the 
natives during excessive rainy seasons, as indicated by their camp preparations, and 




MALLERY.] 



HAND. 



713 



it is beyond doubt that these drawings have been performed during these periods of 
forced inactivity by some artistically inclined native. Those I am alluding to are 
somewhat numerous in these particular localities and present a uniform appearance. 

a, apparently represents a heart pierced in the center by a spear. The outline of 
the object representing the heart has been delineated with red ocher, whilst the spear 
has been drawn with a burnt stick or piece of coal. I have only seen this particular 
sketch in one instance, where four distinct drawings of the same object exactly below 
and equidistant from each other have been made in anything but a crude manner, 
the outline having been carefully and very distinctly traced on the rocks, showing 
a degree of perfection scarcely to be anticipated from these wild inhabitants. The 
breadth of the heart is about 5 inches and its length about 6 inches. The length of 
the spear portion is about 3 feet. [The device reminds of St. Valentine's day.] 




Fig. 1178.— Cave painting, Australia. 



b, consists of two parallel lines about 6 inches apart, with regular marks between, 
and probably represents the native's notion of a creek with emu tracks traversing 
its bed. This drawing has been made with a coal, and is found depicted on smooth 
rocks in various localities. 

c, has been drawn both with coal and red ocher. It is found in many places, and 
seems to be a favorite drawing of the natives. I have found it depicted in several 
localities in the interior of Australia. It is generally supposed to represent a hand. 

d, This figure is made by the natives in the following manner : Placing their ex- 
tended hand against a smooth rock, after having previously moistened the same, they 
fill their mouths with powdered charcoal, which they then blow violently along the 



714 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



outline of their extended hand, thus leaving the portions of rock covered perfectly 
clean, whilst the space between their lingers and elsewhere around about becomes 
covered with the black substance. This drawing is not very common. I found sev- 
eral specimens near the Sabdover river. I have, however, been informed that it has 
been seen in other and distant parts of Australia. 

Benan (a) says in the chapter on the Nomad Semites: 

The real monuments of the period were, as in the case with all people who can not 
write, the stones which they reared, the columns erected in memory of some event, 
and upon which was often represented a hand, whence the name of iad [finger post]. 

Major CoDder (c) writes that in Jerusalem a rough representation of 
a hand is marked by the native races on the wall of every house while 
building-. Some authorities connect it with the Ave names of God, and 
it is generally considered to avert the evil eye. The Moors generally, 
and especially the Arabs in Kairwan, apply paintings of red hands 
above the doors and on the columns of their houses as talismans to 
drive away the envious. Similar hand prints are found in the ruins of 
El Baird near Petra. Some of the quaint symbolism connected with 
horns is supposed to originate from such hand marks. The same people 
make the gesture against the evil eye by extending the five fingers of 
the left hand. 

H. Clay Trumbull (b) gives the following: 

It is a noteworthy fact that among the Jews in Tunis, near the old Phenician 
settlement of Carthage, the sign of a bleeding hand is still an honored and a sacred 
symbol as if in recognition of the covenant-bond of their brotherhood and friendship. 
"What struck me most in all the houses," says a traveler (Chevalier de Hesse- 
Wartegg) among these Jews, " was the impression of an open bleeding hand on every 
wall of each floor. However white the walls, this repulsive (yet suggestive) sign 
was to be seen everywhere." 

The following is extracted from Panjab Notes and Queries, Vol. i, 
No. 1 (October, 1883), p. 2 : 

At the Temple of Balasundari Devi at Tilokpur, near Nahan, the priests stamp a 
red hand on the left breast of the coat of a pilgrim who visits the temple for the first 
time to show that he has, as it were, paid for his footing. If the pilgrim again visits 
the temple and can show the stamp he pays only 4 annas as his fee to the priests. 

Gen. A. Hontum-Schindler, Teheran, Persia, in a letter of December 
19, 1888, tells: 

All through Persia, principally in villages though, a rough representation of a 
hand, or generally the imprint of a right hand, in red, may be seen on the wall or 
over the door of a house whilst in building, or on the wall of a mosque, booth, or 
other public building. It is probably an ancient custom, although the Persians con- 
nect it with Islam, and they say that the hand represents that of Albas, a brother of 
Husain (a grandson of the prophet Mohammed), who was one of the victims at the 
massacre of Kerbela in 680, and who had his right hand cut off by el Abrad ibu 
Shaiban. In India I have noticed similar marks, hands, or simply red streaks. 

In Journal of the Proc. Eoyal Soc. Antiq., Ireland, I, 3, fifth series, 
1890, p. 247, is the following: 

The hand an emblem of good luck in Ireland. — In Maj. Conder's "Syrian Stone 
Lore," published for the Palestine Exploration Committee by Bentley & Son (1886), 
p. 71, occurs the following passage: "Among other primitive emblems used by the 



FEET AND TRACKS. 



715 




Phenieians is the Laud occurring ou votive steles at Carthage, sometimes in connec- 
tion with the sacred fish. This hand is still a charm in Syria, called Kef Miriam, 
'the Virgin Mary's hand/ and sovereign against the evil eye. The red hand is 
painted on walls, and occurs, for instance, in the Hagia Sophia at Constantinople 1 
and elsewhere. It is common also in Ireland and in India (Siva's hand) and on early 
scepters, always as an emblem of good luck." What actual foundation is there for the 
above statement as regards Ireland? About twenty years ago the first Monday in 
January was known in the south of Ireland as " Handsel Monday," and looked upon 
as in someway indicating the prosperity the year succeeding was to bring forth. But 
whether, as the name would seem to imply, this had any connection with the hand 
as an emblem of good luck I am unaware. — J. C. 

Gen. Forlong (b) makes the following remarks: 

The "red hand of Ireland" is known alike to Turanians, Shemites, and Aryans, 
and from the Americas to farthest Asia. The hand, 
being an organ peculiar to man, is in the East a 
sign of Siva, and seems to have been identified 
with his emblem even by the Medes. All men have 
usually worshiped and plighted their troth or 
sworn by manual signs, so the hand naturally 
stands as the sign of man himself ; but more than 
this, Easterns attach a significance to it as an 
organ without which the procreating one is use- 
less. In Germany, says J. Grimm, the hand was 
Tyr, or the son of Odin, "the one-handed," for he 
lost one limb by the biting wintry wolf— that is, 
he became powerless to produce He 

was then the "golden-handed," fertilizer, whom Fig. I179.-Irish ra 

ancient Irans denoted by their name Zerdosht, and Irish Kelts placed as a talisi 

on their Ulster shield The Irish solo-phalik idea is seen in the " 

of Clon-Mac-Noise and Monasterboise, where, as in Fig. 1179, all the fingers are care- 
fully placed in the center of the circle of fertility. The Vedas constantly speak of 
Savatar as " the golden-handed sun," who lost this limb owing to his efforts when 
at sacrifice, and who remained impotent until the deity restored to him a hand of 
gold. 

Hindus, like the high Asian tribes and the old Mexicans, usually 
impress a hand covered with blood or vermilion on the door posts 
of their tenrple — that is, on theDelpheus or "door of life;" and the 
great Islamite, Mahmood, when he captured Constantinople, rode up 
to the holy feminine shrine of St. Sophia, and reaching up as high as 
he could, there unwittingly imprinted this bloody sign of Great Siva. 
We must remember how often the hand appears with other signifi- 
cant objects on the arms of men and nations, and notably so on Roman 
standards Fig. 1180. ( 

In the old shrines of America, Leslie says, the " sacred hand was V v - / V 
a favorite subject of art,'' and Stevens in his Yucatan says, "The red 
hand stared us in the face over all the ruined buildings of the country, 
. . . not drawn or printed, but stamped by the living hand, the 
pressure of the palm upon the stone being quite distinct, the thumb Fig. 1180.— Soman 
and fingers being extended as we see in the Irish and Hindu hands. standard. 

FEET AND TRACKS. 

In the two first illustrations of this group the respective figures of 
the man and the eagle are in the act of forming tracks on the ground. 
Such tracks are shown in the next two figures, but without the context 



716 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



might not be recognized as such. The fifth figure is more distinctly 

ideographic, showing the 
foot and leg as in the act 




of making the impress, and the eagle's feather to 
indicate the kind of track which would have been 
made by a running eagle. 

Fig. 1181.— Goes- Walking. Bed-Cloud's Census. 

Fig. 1182. — Running-Eagle. Red-Cloud's Census. 

Fig. 1183.— Tracks. Red-Cloud's Census. 

Fig. 1184.— Walking-Bull-Track. Red-Cloud's 
Census. 

Fig. 1185.— Eagle-Track. Red-Cloud's Census. 
Fig. 1186, copied from Copway (b), gives three 
characters of which the first represents "ran," 
the second "walked" or "passed," and the third 
"stand," characters similar both to the tracks and 
the feet found on many petroglyphs in North 
America. 
They are also found in the ter- 
f races of temples of Thebes, of Kar- 
nak, and especially at Nakhaur in 
South Bihar. 




Fiq. 118G.— Feet. 



B. le Bage Benouf (a), in An Ele- 
mentary Grammar of the Ancient 
Egyptian Language, gives the 
lght hand character of the same 



figure as the generic determinative implying motion. 

BROKEN LEG. 

This group gives several modes of expressing, pictorially, broken legs. 
Fig. 1187. — Many were thrown from their 
horses while surrounding buffalo, and some 
had their legs broken. Cloud-Shield's Win- 
ter Count, 1847-'48. The legs are distorted 
and the line may refer to the slippery ice 
touched by the toes. 
fig. 1187. Fig. 1188. — Lone-Horn's father broke his n ?s. 
leg. The-Flame's Winter Count, 1832-'33. This is a strongly marked 
representation. 




VOICE AND SPEECH. 



717 




Fig. 1189. — A Minneconjou Dakota named Broken-Leg died. The- 
Flame's Winter Count, 1816-'47. The- Flame's representa- 
tion is objective, but Battiste Good gives another more 
ideographic. The arm in his character, given in Fig. 1190, 
is lengthened so as nearly to touch the broken leg, 

f which is shown distorted, instead of indicat- 
ing the injury by the mere distortion of the I 
leg itself. The bird over the head, and con- 
nected by a bine with it, probably represents 
the teal as a name-totem. Perhaps he was 
called Broken-Leg after the injury. 
fig. ii89. Fig. 1191. — There were a great many acci- Fia. 1190. 
dents and some legs were broken, the ground being covered with ice. 
American-Horse's Winter Count, 1847-'48. 
I j Here the fracture is very obvious — too much 
so to be intended as objective — rather deline- 
\ I ating the idea of the breaking and separation 
\ I of the bone. 

Fig. 1192. — Broken-Leg was killed by the 
Pawnees. His leg had been broken by a bul- 
B-iG.nsi. j et j u a previous fight with the Pawnees. Fia.nm. 

<*■ American-Horse's Winter Count, 1807-'08. Here the leg 
* / I ' is entirely removed from its normal position. 
JJ<j Dr. Edkins (g) gives Fig. 1193, a, as a picture of a bent 

leg broken, and adds, "The true radical and phonetic for 
which this stands as representative is rather ft, 'fault,' 
'move.'" 

VOICE AND SPEECH. 



it 



This group relates to sounds issuing from the mouth, 
Fl ieg 19 cw?est en that is, to voice and speech : 

Fig. 1194.— The -Elk -that- Holloes- Walking. The-Swan's Winter 
Count, 1860-'61. Interpreter A. Lavary said, in 1867, 
that The- Elk-that-HoUoes- Walking, then chief of the 
Minneconjous, was then at Spotted-Tail's camp. His 
father was Bed-Fish. He was the elder brother of 
Lone-Horn. His name is given as A-hag-a-hoo-man-ie, iIQ ' 1194 ' 
translated The-Elk's- Voice- Walking, compounded of he-ha-ka, elk, and 
omani, walk; this according to Lavary's literation. The correct Itera- 
tion of the Dakota word meaning elk is heqaka ; voice, ho ; and to walk, 
walking, mani. Their compound would be heqaka ho mani, the trans- 
lation being the same as above given. 

Fig. 1195. — Elk-walking-with-his- Voice. Red-Cloud's Census. This 
is explained by the following figure. 

Fig. 1196 is taken from the manuscript drawing book of an Indian 
prisoner at St. Augustine, Florida, now in the Smithsonian Institution, 



718 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



No. 30664. It represents an antelope and the whistling sound pro- 
duced by the animal on being surprised or alarmed. It also shows the 
tracks, and supplies the idea of walking not exhibited by the preced- 
ing two figures. 




Fig. 1195. Fig. 1196. 



Fig. 1197. — Dog-with-good-voice. Bed-Cloud's Census. The pecu- 
liar angular divisions of the line may indicate the explosive character 
of a dog's bark as distinct from a long-drawn howl. Among the many 
lines indicating voice which appear in the Dakota pictographs none has 
been found identical with this, and therefore it probably has special 
significance. 




Fig. 1197. Fig. 1198. 



Fig. 1198. — Bear-that-growls. Red-Cloud's Census. This figure gives 
a marked differentiation. The sound of growling does not appear to 
come from the month, but from the lower part of the neck or the 
upper part of the chest, from which the lines here are drawn to ema- 
nate. They are also confined by a surrounding line, to suggest the 
occluded nature of the sound. 



TALK DWELLINGS. 



719 



Fig. 1199, from Copway (6), represents "speak." 
The Mexican pictograph, Fig. 1200, taken from Kingsborough (n 
illustrative of the sign made by the Arikara and Hi- 



rv 



datsa for "tell" and "conversation." "Tell me" is: 
Place the flat right hand, palm upward, about 15 / . — > 
inches in front of the right side of the face, fingers 0 

° ' ° Fig. 1199.— Speech. 

pointing to the left and front; then draw the hand ojibwa. 
inward toward and against the bottom of the chin. For "conversa- 
tion," talking between two persons, both hands are held before the 
breast, pointing forward, palms up, the edges being moved several 
times toward one another. Perhaps, however, the picture in fact only 
means the common poetical image of "flying words." 




Fig. 1200.— Talk. Mexican. 

Fig. 1201 is from Landa (b) and suggests one of the gestures for 
"talk," and more especially that for "sing," in which the 
extended and separated fingers are passed forward and 
slightly downward from the mouth — "many voices." 
Although late criticisms of the bishop's work are unfa- 

° , , . Fig. 1201.— Talk. 

vorable to its authenticity, yet even if it were prepared Maya, 
by a Maya, under his supervision, the latter would probably have given 
him some genuine native conceptions, and among them gestures would 
be likely to occur. 

Gustav Eisen («.), in describing Fig. 1202, says: 

The original, from near Santa Lucia, Guatemala, represents a sepulchral tablet, 
on which are seen the portraits of perhaps man and wife, their different headdresses, 
etc., indicating decidedly their different sexes. From the mouths of the respective 
portraits extend as usual curved figures with notes or nodes. 

DWELLINGS. 

Irving (c) noticed fifty years ago that each tribe of Indians has a dif- 
ferent mode of shaping and arranging lodges, and especially that the 




720 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Omaha make theirs gay and fanciful with undulating bands of red 
and yellow or with dressed and painted buffalo skins. 

The left-hand upper characters of Fig. 1203 represents Dakota lodges 
as drawn by the Hidatsa. These characters when carelessly or rudely 
drawn can only be distinguished from personal marks by their position 
and their relation to other characters. 




The right-hand upper characters of the same figure signify, among 



the Hidatsa, earth lodg( 

X * © © 

© 



The circles represent the ground plan of 
the lodges, while the central markings are 
intended to represent the upright poles, 
which support the roof on the interior. 
Some of these are similar to the Kadiak 
drawing for island, Fig. 439. 

The left-hand lower character of the figure 
represents buildings erected by civilized 
men; the character is generally used by the 
Hidatsa to designate government buildings 
fig. 1203.— Dwellings. and traders' stores. 
The remaining character is the Hidatsati, the home of the Hidatsa; 
an inclosuie having earth lodges within it. 



□ 



DWELLINGS. 



721 





Fig. 1201. — Dakotas and Eees meet in cainp together and are at 
peace. The-Flame's Winter Count, 1792-'93. 
The two styles of dwellings, viz, the tipi of the 
Dakotas and the earth lodge of the Arikaras 
are depicted. 

Fig. 1205.— The Dakotas 
camped on the Missouri river, 

inear the Gros Ventres, and / 
fought with them a long time, 
w- Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, FlG - 1205 - 

The Dakota tipi and the Gros Ventre lodge are shown i 
the figure. The gun shows that war 
was raging. 

Fig. 1200.— The Dakotas camped 
near the Eees and fought with them. 
Cloud- Shield's Winter Count, 1795- 
'96. This figure is a variant of the 
j one foregoing. 

Fig. 1207.— Some of the Dakotas 



1792-'93. 




Fig. 1206. 

built a large house and lived in it during the winter. 
Winter Count, 1815-'16. White-Cow-Killer calls it "Made- 

na-house-winter." It would seem to be a larger i 
dwelling than the ordinary tipi, and that wood i 
entered into its construction. This is made more | 
clear by the figure next following. 
fig. 1208. Fig. 1208. — They lived in the same house that " 
they did last winter. Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1816-'17. 

Fig. 1209.— Adobe houses were built byMaj. i — » 
J. W. Wham, Indian agent (afterwards pay- 1 j""J f I 

master, U. S. Army), on the Platte river, about 1 

30 miles below Fort Laramie. Cloud- Shield's 
Winter Count, 1871-'72. White-Cow-Killer calls 




m 




it " Major- WhamV house-built- on -Platte -river £ J 

(winter." 
Fig. 1210. — American-Horse's Win 
ter Count, 1815-'16. The figure is in- 
fig.1210. tended to represent a white man's fig. mi—Dweiiing. Moid, 
house. Other forms are shown in Lone-Dog's Winter Count, Chap, x, 
sec. 2. 

Fig. 1211 shows different representations of Moki houses copied from 
a petroglyph at Oakley Springs, Arizona. 

Prof. Cyrus Thomas, in A Study of the Manuscript Troano, Contrib. 
N. A. Ethn., Vol. v, p. 128, gives the following description of Fig. 1212: 

The side wall in Fig. 1212 appears to be composed of blocks of some kind placed 
one upon another, probably of stone, each bearing the >)fitlit<: character. The charac- 
ter at the top of tbe wall with a cross in it, somewhat resembling that in the symbol 
10 ETH 46 



722 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




to) , , 

•+C1 



for E'zandb, is very common in these figures. 
This probably marks the end of the beam which 
placed on the wall to support the roof. 
The curved line running from this to the top 
portion probably represents the rafter; the 
slender thread-like lines (yellow in the original) 
the straw or grass with which the roof was 
thatched. 

The checkered part may represent a matting 
of reeds or brushwood on which the straw was 
placed. 

Cliarapollion (h) 
gives the Egyptian 
characters for house, 
reproduced in Fig. 
1213. h 

PiG. 1212.— Dwelling. Maya. Fig. 1213.— House. Egyptian. 

ECLIPSE OF THE SUN. 

Fig. 1214. — Dakotas witnessed eclipse of the sun ; they were terribly 
frightened. The sun is a dark globe and the stars appear. The-Swan's 
Winter Count, 1869-'70. 

The left-hand design on the lower line of PI. 
^ xlix is reproduced from Kingsborough. "In 

this year there was a great eclipse of the sun." 

Humboldt infers from this painting that the 
Mexicans were informed of the real cause of the 
eclipses; which would not be at all surprising 
fig. 1214.— Eclipse of the sun. considering the many other curious things with 
which they were acquainted, the knowledge of which they must have 
derived from the West. It is proper to observe that on the 127th page 
of the Vatican MS., where a representation of the same eclipse occurs, 
the disk of the moon does not appear to be projecting over that of the 
sun. The Vatican MS. appears to have been copied from a Mexican 
painting similar to but not the same as that which Pedro de las Eios 
copied, whose notes and interpretations the Italian interpreter had 
before his eyes and strictly followed. 

METEORS. 

This group shows the pictorial representation of meteors by the 
Dakotas. The translations as Avell as the devices are suggestive. 

Fig. 1215. — A large roaring star fell. It came from the east 
and shot out sparks of fire along its course. Cloud-Shield's 
Winter Count, 1821-'22. Its track and the sparks are ^ 
shown in the figure. White-Cow-Killer says " One- 
star-made-a-great-noise winter." 

This and the three following figures evidently 
refer to the fall of a single large meteor in the land 
of the Dakotas some time in the winter of 1821-'22. 
The fact can not be verified by scientific records. fh>. 1216. 



/ 



METEORS. 



723 



Fig. : 




There were not many correspondents of scientific institutions in the 
upper Missouri region at the date mentioned. 

Fig. 1216. — Large ball of tire with hissing noise (aerolite). The- 
Flame's Winter Count, 1821-'22. 

-Dakota Indians saw an immense meteor passing from 
southeast to northwest, which exploded 
with great noise. The-Swan's Winter j 
Count, 1821-'22. 

Battiste Good says for the same phe- 
nomenon : " Star-passed-by-with-loud- 
noise winter." His device is shown 
in Fig. 1218, showing the meteor, its 
pathway, and the clouds from which it 
came. 

The five winter counts next cited all * IG ' 121b 
undoubtedly refer to the magnificent meteoric display of the morning 
Y^. of November 13, 1833, which was witnessed throughout 
<^l*JH^ North America and which was correctly t *. 
rjtf^t -H- assigned to the winter corresponding with i^f^TM 
' '\ that of lS33-'34. All of them represent $&Wg$^ 
stars having four points, except The- ^^<%*l|n 
Swan,who draws a globular object followed 
fig. 1219. by a linear track. fig. 1220. 

Fig. 1219. — It rained stars. Cloud-Shield's Winter Count. 1833-'34. 
White-Cow-Killer calls it " Plenty-stars winter." 

Fig. 1220.— The stars moved around. American-Horse's 
Winter Count, 1833-'34. This shows one large four- 
pointed star as the characterizing object and many small 
stars, also four-pointed. . A 

Fig. 1221.— Many stars fell. The-Flame's Winter Count. %^ 
1833-34. The character shows six stars above the concav- fig. 1221. 
ity of the moon. 

Fig. 1222. — Dakotas witnessed magnificent meteoric showers ; much 
terrified. The-Swan's Winter Count, 1833-'34. 
Battiste Good calls it " Storm-of-stars winter," and gives as the de- 
vice a tipi with stars falling aroun d * + 
it. This is presented in Fig. 1223 
The tipi is colored yellow in the 
\ original and so represented in the 
F I • \ / \ n ^ ure according to the heraldic 
i \ a\ * \» scheme. 

Fig. 1224 is taken from Kings- H 
borough, 1, Pis. xxix and xxx. H 
The description, given in Codex * 
Tell.-Bem., vi, p. 148, et seq., is as ^ 
follows: Begarding the left-hand 



aV 



\ 




724 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



device figure, "In the year of Three Rabbits, or in 1534, Don Antonio 
de Meudoca arrived as Viceroy of New Spain. They say that the star 
smoked." 

Regarding the lower figure: "In the year of Eleven Houses, or in 
1529, Nuno de Guzman set out for Yalisco on his march to subdue that 




!•'[<;. 1224.— Meteors. Mexican. 



territory: they pretend that a serpent descended from the sky, ex- 
claiming that troubles were preparing for the natives since the Christ- 
ians were directing their course thither." 

THE CROSS. 

Referring to the numerous forms of cross delineated in the work of 
Mr. W. H. Holmes (d), it is to be noted that most of them are equilat- 
eral or the Greek pattern, and that similar ornaments or instruments 
now used by the Dakotas are always worn so that the cross upon them 
stands as if resting on one foot only and not on two, as is the mode in 
which St. Andrew's cross is drawn. 

The "Greek" cross represents to the Dakota the four winds, which 
issue from the four caverns in which the souls of men existed before 
their incarnation in the human body. All " medicine-men," i. e., con- 
jurers and magicians, recollect their previous dreamy life in those 
places and the instructions then received from the gods, demons, and 
sages. They recollect and describe their preexistent life, but only 
dream and speculate as to the future life beyond the grave. 

The top of the cross is the cold all-conquering giant, the North-wind, 
most powerful of all. It is worn on the body nearest the head, the seat 
of intelligence and conquering devices. The left arm covers the heart; 
it is the East-wind, coming from the seat of life and love. The foot is 
the melting burning South- wind, indicating, as it is worn, the seat of 
fiery passion. The right arm is the gentle West-wind, blowing from 
the spirit land, covering the lungs, from which the breath at last goes 



THE DAKOTA CROSS. 



725 



out, gently, but into unkuowti night, 
earth ami man, moved by the 
conflicting influences of the 
gods and winds. This cross is J 
often illustrated as in Fig. 122."). 
It is sometimes drawn and de- / Jjp 
picted in beadwork and also on / 
copper, as in Fig. 1226, ex- 
tracted from the Second Ann, 



The center of the cross i 



■ft ® 




Fig. 1225.— Cross. Dakota. Fig. 1226.— Cross. Ohio mound. 

Rep. Bur. Ethn., PI. lii, Fig. 4, where it appears cut out of a copper 
plate found in an Ohio mound. 

But among some of the Indian tribes the true Latin cross is found, 
viz, upright with three members of equal length, and the fourth, the 
foot, much longer. The use of this symbol antedates the discovery of 
America, and is carried far back in tradition and myth. When a mis- 
sionary first asked a Dakota the name of this figure, which he drew for 
him in the sand, wishing to use the information in his translation of 
Bible and Creed, the Dakota promptly replied Sus-be-ca, and retraced 
the figure saying " That is a Sus-be-ca." It was therefore promptly 
transferred to Scripture and Creed where it still reads " He was nailed 
to the Susbeca," etc. " God forbid that I should glory save in the 
Susbeca of our Lord Jesus Christ." To the good missionary this was 
plain and satisfactory; for the Dakota had demonstrated by tracing it 
in the sand that Susbeca was the name of the figure called in English, 
"cross." The foregoing statement is made on the excellent authority 
of Bev. S. D. Hinman. 

But when the Dakota read his new Bible or Creed, he must have 
been puzzled or confused to find, "He was nailed to a mosquito-hawk," 
or, "God forbid that I should glory save in the mosquito-hawk of our 
Lord Jesus Christ." 

The same disposition of straight lines which is called the Latin cross 
was and is used by the Dakota to picture or signify both in pictograph 
and gesture sigu, the mosquito-hawk, more generally called — | _|_ 
dragon fly. The Susbeca or mosquito-hawk is a super- | J 
natural being. He is gifted with speech. He warns men * b 
of danger. He approaches the ear of the man moving 
carelessly or unconcernedly through the deep grass of the ~T~ 
meadow or marsh — approaches his ear silently and at right • 
angles, as shown in Fig. 1227a, and says to him, now FlG i2 , 
alarmed, "Tci"-"tci "-"tci !" — which is an interjection 01 



+1+ 



726 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



equivalent to ''Look out!" "You are surely going to destruction ! " 
•'Look out!" "Tci"-"tci"-"tci!" 

Now the mosquito-liawk is easily knocked down and caught and has 
a temptingly small neck. But woe to the man or woman or child who 
with the cruelty commonly practiced on all living things by Indians of all 
ages and states, dares to wring off his head. Whoever shall do this 
before the winter comes shall be beheaded by the detested Ojibwa. It 
is true, for long ago a reckless young warrior feeling annoyed or 
insulted by the infernal " Tci"-"tci"-"tci!" so unceremoniously uttered 
in explosive breaths near his ear, tried it, and his headless trunk was 
found ere he escaped from the swamp. 

The cross has its proper significance in this use not only in repre- 
senting quite faithfully the shape of the insect but also the angle of 
his approach. It is variously drawn, but usually as in Fig. 1227, or 
b, and in painting or embroidery, c, and sometimes d. 

One reason for the adoption of the dragon fly as a mysterious and 
supernatural being, is on account of its sudden appearance in large 
numbers. When in the still of the evening, before the shades of dark- 
ness come, there is heard from the meadow a hum as of the sound of 
crickets or frogs, but indistinct and prolonged; on the morrow the 
Susbeca will be hovering over it; it is the sound of their coming, but 
whence no man kens. See also Fig. 1165 and remarks. 

Among the Ojibwa of northern Minnesota the cross is one of the 
sacred symbols of the society of the Mide or shamans, and has 
special reference to the fourth degree. A neophyte who has been 
advanced to the third initiation or degree, is instructed in ritualistic 
chants purporting to relate the struggle between Mi'nabo'zho, the 
mediator between the Ojibwa and Ki'tshi Ma'nido, and the malevolent 
Bear spirit, which contest occurred when Mi'nabo'zho entered the 
fourth degree structure at the time when the first Indian was inducted 
therein for initiation. 

The structure as erected at this day is built in the form of an oblong- 
square having openings or doors at the four cardinal points. At these 
openings Mi'nabo'zho appeared and shot into the inclosure charmed 
arrows, to expel the horde of demons occupying the sacred place, and the 
Bear spirit was the last to yield to his superior powers. The openings 
being opposite to one another, north and south and east and west, sug- 
gested to Mi'nabo'zho the cross, which is now erected whenever a third 
degree Mide receives this last and highest honor. 

The cross is made of saplings, the upright pole reaching the height 
of 4 to 6 feet, the transverse arms being somewhat shorter, each being 
of the same length as that part of the pole between the arms and the 
top. The upper parts are painted white, or besmeared with white clay, 
over which are spread small spots of red, the latter suggesting the 
sacred shell or megis, the symbol of the order. The lower arm or pole 
is squared, the surface toward the east being painted white, to denote 



CROSSES. 



727 



the source of light and warmth. The face on the south is green, denot- 
ing the source of the thunder bird who brings the rains and causes the 
appearance of vegetation; the surface toward the west is covered with 
vermilion and relates to the land of the setting sun, the abode of the 
dead. The north is painted black, as that faces the direction from which 
come affliction, cold, and hunger. 

Illustrations and additional details on this topic are presented in the 
paper of Dr. Hoffman (a). 

In the chart presented in that paper, PI. B, a inide' structure is also 
shown, within which are a number of crosses, each of which designates 
the spirit of a deceased nude priest. 

Upon several birch-bark scrolls received from Ojibwa inide priests 
are characters resembling rude crosses which are merely intended to 
designate wigwams, resembling in this respect similar characters made 
by Hidatsa to designate Sioux lodges as shown in Fig. 1203. 

Groups of small crosses incised upon ivory bow drills , 
and representing flocks of birds, occur on Eskimo speci- , -f> 
mens, Nos. 45020 and 44211, in the collection of the U. S. + 
National Museum. They are reproduced in Fig. 1228. 
In Figs. 429 and 1129, representing petroglyphs at Oak- 
ley Springs, Arizona, are crosses which are mentioned by — r- 
Mr. G. K. Gilbert as signifying stars. The simple cross Fw 122g _ CroS> es 
appears to be the simplest type of character to represent Eskimo, 
stellar forms. See Figs. 1219, 1220, 1221 and 1223. 

Fig. 28, supra, represents a cross copied from the Najowe Valley group ' 
of colored pictographs, 40 mdes west of Santa Barbara, California. 
The cross measures 10 inches in length, the interior portion being- 
painted black, while the outside or border is of a dark red tint. This 
drawing, as well as numerous others in close connection, is painted on 
the walls of a shallow cave or rock-shelter in the limestone formation. 

Fourteen miles west of Santa Barbara, on the summit of the Santa 
Ynez mountains, are caverns having a large opening, facing the north- 
west and north, in which crosses occur of the types given in Fig. 33, 
supra. 

The interior portion of the cross is of a dull, earthy red, while the 
outside line is uf a faded I. lack tin!. 
The cross measures nearly a foot in ; - 

extent. 

At Tulare Indian agency. Tulare 
valley, California, is an immense - - "i% 

bowlder of granite which has become 
broken in such a manner that one of 
the lower quarters has moved away 
from the larger mass sufficiently to 

leave a passageway 0 feet wide and ,,,„. ,,,,,, w' : "T^" vM^rMu^i, 
nearly 10 feet high. The interior walls are well covered with large, 



728 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



painted figures, while upon the ceiling are numerous forms of ani- 
mals, birds, and insects. Among this latter group is a white cross 
measuring about L8 inches in length, Fig. 1229, presenting a unique 



simple and complex types, as shown in Pis. I to xi and in Mojave 
desert, California, illustrated in Fig. 19, but the examples of most in- 
terest in the present connection are the two shown herewith in Fig. 
1230, a and b. 

The larger one, a, occurs upon a large bowlder of trachyte, blackened 
by exposure, located 10 miles south of Benton, at a locality known as 
the Chalk Grade. The circle is a depression about 1 inch in depth, 
the cross being in high relief within. Another smaller cross, b, found 
3 miles north of the one above-mentioned, is almost identical, each of 
the arms of the cross, however, extending to the rim of the circle. 

In this locality occurs also the form of the cross c, in the same figure, 
and some examples having more than two cross arms. Other simple 
forms clearly represent the human form, but by erosion the arms and 
body have become partially obliterated so as to lose all trace of resem-. 
blance to humanity. 

In the same figure, r?, from a rock in the neighborhood, exhibits the 
outline of the human form, while in e parts of the extremities have 
been removed by erosion so that the resemblance is less striking; in 
/ a simple cross occurs, which may also have been intended to represent 
the same, but through disintegration the extremities have been so 
greatly changed or erased that their original forms can not be de- 
termined. 

Eev. John McLean (a) says: " On the sacred pole of the sun lodge of 
the Blood Indians two bundles of small brushwood taken from the birch 
tree were placed in the form of a cross. This was an ancient symbol 
evidently referring to the four winds." 

Among the Kiatexamut, an Innuit tribe, a cross placed on the head, 
as in Fig. 1231, signifies a Shaman's evil spirit or demon. This is an 




appearance, for the reason 
that white coloring matter 
applied to petroglyphs is, 
with this single exception, 
entirely absent in that 
region. 




f 



One of the most interest- 
ing series of rock sculptur- 
ings in groups is that in 
Owens valley, south of Ben- 
ton, California. Among 
these various forms of 
crosses occur, and circles 
containing crosses of various 



CROSSES. 



729 



imaginary being under control of the Shaman to execute the wishes of 
the latter. 

Many of the mescal eaters at the Kaiowa mescal cere- 
mony wear the ordinary Roman Catholic crucifixes, which 
they adopt as sacred emblems of the rite, the cross repre- 
senting the cross of scented leaves upon which the conse- 
crated mescal rests during the ceremony, while the human ^o. 1231.— cross, 
figure is the mescal goddess. 

Concerning Fig. 1232, Keam, in his MS., says : 

The Maltese cross is the emblem of a virgin ; still so recognized by the Moki. I* 
is a conventional development of a more common emblem of maidenhood, the form 
in which the maidens wear their hair arranged as a disk of 3 or 4 inches in diameter 
upon each side of the head. This discoidal arrangement of their hair is typical of 
the emblem of fructification worn by the virgin in the Muingwa festival, as exhib- 
ited in the head-dress illustration a. Sometimes the hair, instead of being worn in 
the complete discoid form, is dressed from two curving twigs and presents the form 
of two semicircles upon each side of the head. The partition of these is sometimes 
horizontal and sometimes vertical. A combination of both of these styles, 6, pre- 
sents the form from which the Maltese cross was conventionalized. The brim dec- 
orations are of ornamental locks of hair which a maiden trains to grow upon the 
sides of the forehead. 

The ceremonial employment of the cross by 
the Pueblo is detailed in Mr. Stevenson's pa- 
per entitled Ceremonial of HasjeltiDailjis and 
Mythical Sand-painting of the Navajo Indi- 
ans, in the Eighth Ann. Eept. Bur. Ethn., 
p. 266, where it denotes the scalp-lock. fig. 1232.— crosses. Moki. 

In the present paper the figure of the cross among the North Amer- 
ican Indians is presented under other headings with many differing 
significations. Among other instances it appears on p. 383 as the tribal 
sign for Cheyenne; on p. 582 as Dakota lodges; on p. 613 as the char- 
acter for trade or exchange; on p. 227 as the conventional sign for 
prisoner; on p. 438 for personal exploits; while elsewhere it is used in 
simple numeration. 

But, although this device is used with a great variety of meanings, 
when it is employed ceremonially or in elaborate pictographs by the 
Indians both of North and South America, it represents the four winds. 
The view long ago suggested that such was the signifi- 
cance of the many Mexican crosses, is sustained by Prof. 
Cyrus Thomas, in his Notes on Maya and Mexican MSS., 
Second Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 61, where strong confirm- 
atory evidence is produced by the arms of the crosses 
having the appearance of conventionalized wings, simi- 
lar to some representations of the thunder-bird by more 
northern tribes. Yet the same author, in his paper on the crosses.' "Mava. 
Study of the MS. Troano, Contrib. N. A. Ethn., v, 144, gives Fig. 
1233 as the symbol for wood, thus further showing the manifold con- 
cepts attached to the general form. 






730 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Baudelier (a) thinks that the crosses which were frequently used be- 
fore the conquest by the aborigines of Mexico and Central America 
were merely ornaments and were not objects of worship, while the so- 
called crucifixes, like that on the "Palenque tablet," were only the 
symbol of the "new fire" or close of a period of fifty-two years. He 
believes them to be merely representations of " fire-drills," more or less 
ornamented. 

Mr. W. H. Holmes (e) shows by a series representing steps in the 
simplification of animal characters that 
in Ohiriqui a symmetrical cross was de- 
veloped from the design of an alligator. 

Carl Bovallius (a) gives an illustra- 
tion, copied here as Fig. 1234, of picto- 
graphs in the island of Oeiba, Nica- 

Fig.1234.— Crosses. Nicaragua. raglia. 

Zamacois (a) says that "the cross figured in the religion of various 
tribes of the peninsula of Yucatan and that it represented the god of 
rain." 

Dr. S. Habel (/), describing Fig. 1235, says: 

On it is a person in a reclining position, with a single band tied around his forehead, 
forming a knot with two pendent tassels. From his temple rises an ornament resem- 
bling the wing of a bird. The emaciated face, as well as the recumbent position of 
the body, indicates a state of sickness. The hair is- interwoven behind with many 
ribbons forming loops, which are bound together by a clasp, and then spread out in 
the shape of a fan. The ear is ornamented with a circular disk, to the center of 
which are attached a plume and a twisted ornament similar to a queue. On the 




breast is a kind of brooch, which is hollow like a shell, and in which are imbedded 
seven pearls. Around the waist are three rows of a twisted fabric, which is knotted 
in front in a bow, the ends descending between the thighs. Another band, of a dif- 
ferent texture, stretches out horizontally from the region of the above-mentioned 
knot. Attached to this girdle is another fabric, of a scaly texture, which surrounds 
the thighs. The right leg, below the knee, is encircled with a ribbon and a rosette. 



GUATEMALA CROSSES. 



731 



This would seem to be the undress substitute for the band and pendant. In front 
of the recumbent person stands tin- representation of a skeleton, quite well executed. 
Other points noticeable about this skeleton are the hair on the head and the fact 
that its hands are fleshy and the fingers and toes have nails. Like all representa- 
tions by these sculptures, the skeleton is also embellished with ornaments. 

From the back of the head emanate two objects similar to horns, which, if they 
were not differently ribbed, might represent flames. The ear is ornamented with a 
circular disk, with a pendant from its center. A double- ruffled collar surrounds the 
neck and a serpent encircles the loins. Both the shoulders and arms are enveloped 
in flames. From the mouth emanates a bent staff, touching the first of a row often 
circles. Beneath the second and third circles are five bars, three of which are hori- 
zontal. The lowest one is the longest, while the two upper ones are shorter and.of 
different lengths. On the uppermost of these bars rest two others, crossing each 
other obliquely, and touching with their upper ends two of the aforesaid circles. 
From the last of these circles descend serpentine lines, which touch the ground be- 
hind the recumbent person. 

Gustav Eisen, op. cit., describing Fig. 1236, says: 

From near Santa Lucia, Guatemala, is a stone tablet, most likely a sepulchral 
tablet, having in its center a forced dead head, with outstretched tongue. Above 
the same are seen two crossed bars, perhaps meant to represent two crossed bones. 




W. F. Wakeman (a) makes the following remarks: 

A cross was used by the people of Erin as a symbol of some significance at a pe- 
riod long antecedent to the mission of St. Patrick or the introduction of Christ ianity 
to this island. It is found, not unfrequently, amongst the serif lings picked or carved 
upon rock surfaces and associated with a class of archaic designs, to the meaning 
of which we possess no key. * * * It may be seen on prehistoric monuments in 
America, on objects of pottery found by Dr. Schliemann at Hissarlik and at Mycena-, 
and, in more than one form, on pagan Roman altars still preserved in Germany and 



732 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Britain. With the Chinese it was for untold ages a symbol of the earth. The Rev. 
Samuel Beal, b. a., rector of Flastone, North Tyrone, professor of Chinese in Uni- 
versity College, London, writes: "Now, the earliest symbol of the earth was a plain 
cross, denoting the four cardinal points; hence we have the word chaturanta, i. e., 
the four sides, both in Pali and Sanscrit, for the earth ; and on the Nestorian tablet, 
found at Siganfu some years ago, the mode of saying "God created the earth" is 
simply this: "God created the +•" 

A Avriter in the Edinburgh Review in an article entitled " The Pre- 
Christian Cross," January, 1870, p. 254, remarks: " The Buddhists and 
Brahmins who together constitute nearly half the population of the 
world, tell us that the decussated figure of the cross, whether in a 
simple or complex form, symbolizes the traditional happy abode of 
their primeval ancestors." 

Rudolf Crouau (c), describing Fig. 1237, says that in the Berlin 
Zeughause are swords of the fifteenth ami sixteenth centuries, bearing 




the marks shown in a, 6, c, 
and d, while those having the 
marks e and/' are from swords 
in the Historical Museum at 
Dresden. 

The remarkable resem- 
blance of some of these char- 



JbiG. ri6l.— urnsscs. MYord-nisiker s marks. 

acters to forms on petroglyphs in the three Americas, presented in this 
paper, will at once be noticed. 
DAlviella (c), remarks: 

One of the most frequent forms of the cross is called the gamma cross, because its 
four arms are bent at a right angle so as to form a figure like that of four Greek 
gammas turned in the same direction and joined at the base. We meet it among 
all the peoples of the Old World, from Japan to Iceland, and it is found in the two 
Americas. There is nothing to prevent us from supposing that in the instance it 
was spontaneously conceived everywhere, like the equilateral crosses, circles, trian- 
gles, chevrons, and other geometrical ornaments so frequent in primitive decoration . 
But we see it, at least among the peoples of the Old Continent, invariably passing for 
talisman, appearing in the funeral scenes or on the tombstones of Greece, Scandi- 
navia, Numidia, and Thibet, and adorning the bi'easts of divine personages — of Ap- 
ollo and Buddha — without forgetting certain representations of the Good Shepherd 
in the Catacombs. 

It is, however, impossible within the present limits, to attempt even 
a summary of the vast amount of literature on this topic. Perhaps one 
symbolic use of the form which is not commonly known is of sufficient 
interest to be noted. Travelers say that crosses are exhibited in the 
curtains of the monasteries of the Thibetan Buddhists, to mean peace 
and quietness. With the same conception the loopholes of the Japan- 
ese forts were in time of peace covered with curtains embroidered with 
crosses, which when war broke out were removed. 

It is also impossible to refrain from quoting the following, translated 
with condensation, from de Mortillet (a). The illustration referred to 
is reproduced in the present paper by Pig. 1238, the right-hand figure 



THE CROSS. 



733 



being from the vase, and that on the left the recognized monogram of 
Christ : 

There can no longer he any doubt as to the use of 
the cross as a religious syinhol long before the advent 
of Christianity. The worship of the cross, extensive 
throughout Gaul before the conquest, already existed 
during the bronze age, more than a thousand years 
before Christ. 

It is especially in the sepulchres of Golasecea that 
this worship is revealed in the most complete manner, and there, strange to say, has 
been found a vessel bearing the ancient monogram of Christ, designed perhaps 1,000 
years before the coming of Jesus Christ. Is the isolated presence of this monogram 
of Christ in the midst of numerous crosses, an entirely accidental coincidence? 

Another curious fact, very interesting to prove, is that this great development of 
the worship of the cross before the coming of Christ seems to coincide with the 
absence of idols and indeed of any representation of living objects. Whenever such 
objects appear, it may be said that the crosses become more rare and finally disap- 
pear altogether. The cross has then been, in remote antiquity, long before Christ, 
the sacred emblem of a religious sect which repudiated idolatry. 

The author, with considerable naivete, has evidently determined that 
the form of the cross was significant of a high state of religious culture, 
and that its being succeeded by effigies, which he calls idols, showed a 
lapse into idolatry. The fact is simply that, next after one straight 
line, the combination of two straight lines forming a cross is the easiest 
figure to draw, and its use before art could attain to the drawing of 
animal forms, or their representation in plastic material, is merely an 
evidence of crudeness or imperfection in designing. It is worthy of re- 
mark that Dr. Schliemann, in his " Troja," page 107, presents as his 
Fig. 38 a much more distinct cross than that given by M. de Mortillet, 
with the simple remark that it is " a geometrical ornamentation." 

Probably no cause has more frequently produced archeologic and 
ethnologic blunders than the determination of Christian explorers and 
missionaries to find monograms of Christ in every monument or inscrip- 
tion where the cross figure appears. The early missionaries to America 
were obliged to explain the presence of this figure there by a miracu- 
lous visit of an apostle, St. Thomas being their favorite. Other genera- 
tions of the same good people were worried in the same manner by the 
cross pattee or Thor hammer of the Scandinavians, and by the conven- 
tionalized clover leaf of the Druids. This figure often has been a sym- 
bol and as often an emblem or a mere sign, but it is so common in 
every variety of application that actual evidence is necessary to show 
in any special case what is its real significance. 

Gen. G. P. Thruston (a) gives the following account of PI. Li, which, 
suggests several points of comparison with figures under other head- 
ings in this paper : 

There has been discovered in Sumner county, Tennessee, near the stone graves and 
mounds of Castalian springs, a valuable pictograph, the ancient engraved stone 
which we have taken the liberty to entitle a Group of Tennessee Mound Builders. 




734 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

This engraved stone, the property of the Tennessee Historical Society, is a flat, 
irregular slab of hard limestone, about 19 inches long and 15 inches wide. It hears 
every evidence of very great age. * * * The stone was found on Rocky creek, in 
Sumner county, and was presented, with other relics, to the Tennessee Historical 
Society about twelve years ago. * * * 

It is evidently an ideograph of significance, graven with a steady and skillful hand, 
for a specific purpose, and probably records or commemorates some important treaty 
or public or tribal event. * * * Indian chiefs fully equipped with the insignia 
of office, are arrayed in fine apparel. Two leading characters are vigorously shak- 
ing hands in a confirmatory way. The banner or shield, ornamented with the double 
serpent emblem and other symbols, is, doubtless, an important feature of the occa- 
sion. Among the historic Indians, no treaty was made without the pronen.ce or pre- 
sentation of the belt of wampum. This, the well-dressed female of the group ap- 
pears to grasp in her hand, perhaps as a pledge of the contract. The dressing of the 
hair, the remarkable scalloped skirts, the implements used, the waistbands, the 
wristlets, the garters, the Indian leggings and moccasins, the necklace and breast- 
plates, the two banners, the serpent emblem, the tattoo stripes, the ancient pipe, 
all invest this piclograph with unusual interest. * * * The double serpent em- 
blem or ornament upon the banner may have been the badge or totem of the tribe, 
clan, or family that occupied the extensive earthworks at Castalian springs in 
Sumner county, near where the stone was found. The serpent was a favorite em- 
blem or totem of the Stone Grave race of Tennessee, and is one of the common devices 
engraved on the shell gorgets taken from the ancient cemeteries. * * * The 
circles or sun symbol ornaments on the banners and dresses are the figures most 
frequently graven on the shell gorgets found near Nashville. 

The following summary of the translation, kindly furnished by Mr. 
Pom K. Soh of an article, "Pictures of Dokatu or so-called bronze 
bell," by Mr. K. Wakabayashi (a), in the Bulletin of the Tokyo An- 
thropological Society, refers to PI. lii. The author saw the bell 
described at the town of Takoka, Japan, in August, 1891. The " pic- 
tures " on it were fourteen in number, cast in the metal of the bell, 
each one occupying a separate compartment and running around the 
bell in several bands. The author took rubbings of the pictures, lith- 
ographs of which are published as illustrations of his article, and from 
these the eight pictures now presented in actual size are selected, the 
remainder being of the same general character, and some of them nearly 
identical with those selected. The information obtained is that the 
bell, which is iron and not bronze, was procured before, and perhaps long 
before, the present century from Jisei, in the village of Sasakura in the 
state of Yetsin, and had been excavated from a mountain at Samki. 
Copies of the markings upon it were taken in 1817 to a high authority 
at Yedo, now Tokyo. It is believed that the markings illustrate or 
are related to a national story, " Kanden Ko Hitsu," written by Ban 
Kokei. A few similar bells or fragments of them, some being bronze, 
have been found in various parts of the Japanese empire. One, which 
is bronze, height about feet, and diameter somewhat more than 1 
foot, was dug up in Hanina in the year A. D. 821. 

The interest of the drawings on PI. lii, in the present connection, 
consists in their remarkable similarity, both in form and apparent mo- 
tive, with several of those found in the western continent and figured 



JAPANESE BELL. 



735 



in the present work. Thus, a is to be compared with characters on 
Figs. 437 and 1227 and others referring to the human form, the cross, 
and the dragon-fly; b with Figs. 57, 165 b and 1261 1; the two charac- 
ters in c, respectively, with Fig. 1262 ; the mantis, and Fig. 1129, one 
form of star; d with a common turtle form, as in Fig. 50; e with Fig. 
166, an Ojibwa human form, and also exhibiting gesture, and Fig. 113 a 
Brazilian petroglyph; and /with Fig. 657, a north-eastern Algonquian 
drawing. The three last-mentioned pictures, e and /and </, exhibit the 
peculiar internal life organ (often the conventionalized heart), noticed 
in Figs. 50, 700, and 701, and it is to be remarked that the largest 
quadruped in g has the life organ connected with the mouth, while the 
other quadrupeds, and those in 7t, show no depiction of internal organs. 
The human figure in g is noticeable for the American form of bow, and 
the upper character of h is to be compared with Figs. 104 and 148. 

SECTION 3 . 
COMPOSITE FORMS. 

The figures in this group are selected from a larger number in which 
the union of two animals of different kinds or that of an animal and 
another object indicates the union of the sev- 
eral qualities or at- 
tributes supposed 
to belong to those 
animals or objects. 
The form and use 
of such composite 
figures are familiar 
from the publication 
fig. 1239. 0 f the inscriptions 

on Egyptian monuments and papyri. 

Fig. 1239.— Eagle-Elk. Red-Cloud's Census, 
ing antlers of the elk and the tail of the eagle. 
Fig. 1240.— Eagle - Horse. Eed- Cloud's Census. 

Eagle feathers replace the horse's mane. 
Fig. 1241.— Eagle-Horse. Red-Cloud's 
i Census. This is a variant of the preced- 
ing, the change being shown in the tail. 

Fig. 1242. — Eagle -Swallow. Red- 
Cloud's Census. The characteristics of 
the two birds are obvious. 

Fig. 1243.— Eagle-Bear. Red-Cloud's 
Census. 

Fig. 1244.— Weasel-Bear. Red-Cloud's 
Census. With only hasty view the really 
characteristic form of the weasel might 
be mistaken for a rudely drawn gun. 





Here are the branch- 





736 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 




Fig. 1243. Fig. 1244. Fig. 1245. 

Fig. 1245. — Horned-Horse. Bed-Cloud's Census. 




Fig. 1246. Fig. 1247. 

Fig. 1246. — Bull-Lance. Bed-Cloud's Census. The object attached 
to the bull's muzzle is the common ornamented lance of the Plains 
tribes. 

Fig. 1247. — Shield-Bear. Bed-Cloud's Census. The ornamented 
shield is borne on the bear's body. 




Fig. 1248. Fig. 1249. Fig. 1250. Fig. 1251. 

Fig. 1248.— King-Owl. Bed-Cloud's Census. 

Fig. 124!). — Sunka-wanbli, Dog-Eagle; from theOglala Roster. The 




PICTURES ON DOTAKU, JAPAN. 



COMPOSITE FORMS. 



737 



mingling of the attributes of the dog and the eagle with special reference 
to swiftness may be suggested. 

Fig. 1250. — Zintkala-wicasa, Bird-Man ; also from the Oglala Eoster. 
An indication of a bird gens is suggested without information, but per- 
haps it is only a representation of the usual vision required from and 
therefore obtained by boys before reaching manhood. 

Fig. 1251. — Sunkakan-keton, Horse- with-horns; also from the Oglala 
Eoster. Perhaps this is not intended as a composite animal, but as a 
horse possessing special and mystic power, as is indicated by the gesture 
sign for wakan, and, as elsewhere in pictographs, by lines extending 
from each side of the head. The same sub-chief appears in Bed-Cloud's 
Census with the name translated into English as Horned-Horse. 

This union of the human figure with that of other animals is of inter- 
est in comparison with the well-known forms of sim- 
ilar character in the art of Egypt and Assyria. 

The feet of the accompanying Fig. 1252, reproduced 
from Bastian (b) on the Northwest Coast of America, 
can not be seen, being hidden in the head of the figure 
beneath. It is squatting, with its hands on its knees, 
and has a wolf's head. Arms, legs, mouth, jaws, nos- 
trils, and ear-holes are scarlet; eyebrows, irises, and 
edges of the ears black. 

The drawing Fig. 1253 was made by Mr. J. G. 
Swan while on a visit to the Prince of Wales archi- 
pelago, where he found two carved figures with pan- 
thers' heads, and claws upon the fore feet, and human 
feet attached to the hind legs. These mythical ani- 
mals were placed upon either side of a corpse which 
was lying in state, awaiting burial. 

The Egyptians represented the evil Typhon by the ""flaida"""" 
hippopotamus, the most fierce and savage of their animals; the hawk 
was the symbol for power, and the serpent that for life. Plutarch, in 





Isis and Osiris, 50, says that in Hermopolis these symbols were united, 
a hawk fighting with a serpent being placed on the hippopotamus, thus 
accentuating the idea of the destroyer. The Greeks sometimes substi- 
tuted the eagle for the hawk, and pictured it killing a hare, the most 
prolific of quadrupeds, or fighting a serpent, the same attribute of de- 
10 eth 17 



738 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



struction being portrayed. But the eagle when alone meant simply 
power, as did the hawk in Egypt. The Scandinavians posited the 
eagle on the head of their god Thor and the bull on his breast to ex- 
press a similar union of attributes. 

S E C T ION 4. 
ARTISTIC SKILL AND METHODS. 

Dr. Andree (d), in Das Zeichnen bei den Naturvolkern, makes the 
following remarks, translated with condensation: 

The great ability of the Eskimo and their sunt hern neighbors, the natives of north- 
west America (Koliushes, Thlinkits, etc.), in representative art is well known and 
needs no further insisting. Among all primitive peoples they have made the greatest 
advances in the conventionalization of figures, which indicates long practice in paint- 
ing. The totem figures, carved Loth in stone and in wood and. tattooed on the body, 
show severe conventionalization and have perfect heraldic value. Ismailof, one of 
the earliest Russian explorers that came in contact with the Koliushes, relates that 
European paintings and drawings did not strike them with the least awe. When a 
chief was shown portraits of the Russian imperial family he manifested no aston- 
ishment. Tha.t chief was accompanied by his painter, who examined everything 
very closely, in order to paint it afterward. He was able in particular "to paint 
all manner of objects on wooden tablets and other material (leather)," using blue 
iron earth, iron ocher, colored clays, and other mineral colors. Among these peo- 
ples, too, painting is employed as a substitute for writing, in order to record mem- 
orable things. 

Far below the artistic achievements of the Eskimo and of the natives of the 
American northwest (Haida, Thlinkit, etc.) are those of the redskins east of the Rocky 
mountains. They are, however, very productive in figure drawing; nay, that art 
has advanced to a kind of picture writing, which, it is true, is not distinguished by 
artistic finish. That "fling" which, depending on good observation of nature, ap- 
pears in the drawings of Australians, Bushmen, etc., and the good characterization of 
the figures, are lacking among the Indians; audi hough, as is frequently the case, 
their animals are better represented than the men, yet they can not compare with 
the animal figures of the Eskimo or Bushmen. Dr. Capitan, who had drawings 
made by the Omahas shown in 1883 in the Jardin d'acclimatation of Paris, says con- 
cerning them: "It is singular to note that by the side of very rudimentary repre- 
sentations of human figures the pictures of horses are drawn with a certain degree 
of correctness. If the Indians take pains in anything it is in the painting of their 
buffalo skins, which are often worn as mantles. On red-brown ground are seen 
black figures, especially of animals ; on others, on white ground, the heroic deeds 
and life events of distinguished Indians, represented in black or in other colors. 
You see the wounded enemies, the loss of blood, the killed and the captives, stolen 
horses, all executed in the i>eculiar manner of an art of painting still in the stage of 
infancy, with earth colors black, red, green, and yellow. Almost all the Missouri 
tribes practice painting on buffalo skins; the most skillful are the Pawnees, Man- 
dans, Minitaris, and Crows. Among the Mandans, Wied met individuals who pos- 
sessed "a very decided talent" for drawing. 

The same author, in the same connection, reasserts the old statement 
that there is an established difference in artistic capacity between the 
so-called mound-builders and the present Indians, so great that it 
either shows a genetic difference between them or that the Indians had 
degenerated in that respect. This statement is denied by the Bureau 



ARTISTIC SKILL. 



739 



of Ethnology, but the point to be now considered is whether it is true 
that the historic Xorth American Indians are as low in artistic skill 
as is alleged. 

The French traveler Crevaux, as quoted by Marcauo (g), says that 
he had the happy idea of giving pencils to the Indians, in order to see 
whether they were capable of producing the same drawings. The 
young Tumi rapidly drew for him sketches of man, dog, tiger; in brief, 
of all the animals of the country. Another Indian reproduced all sorts 
of arabesques, which he was wont to paint with genipa. Crevaux saw 
that these savages, who are accused of being absolutely ignorant of the 
fine arts, all drew with extraordinary facility. 

The same idea, i. e., of testing the artistic ability of Indians in sev- 
eral tribes, occurred to the present writer and to many other travelers, 
who generally have been surprised at the skill in free-hand drawing 
and painting exhibited. It would seem that the Indians had about the 
same faults and decidedly more talent than the average uninstructed 
persons of European descent who make similar attempts. An instance 




Fig. 1254.— Moose, K«yimkoojik. 

of special skill in portrait painting is given by Lossing (a), where a 
northern tribe in 1812 made a bark picture of Joseph Barron, a fugi- 
tive, to obtain his identification by sending copies of it to various tribes. 
The portrait given as an illustration in the work cited is very distinct 
and lifelike. This, however, was a special task prompted by foreign 
influence. While the Indians had no more knowledge of perspective 
than the Japanese, they were unable or indisposed to attempt the ac- 
curate imitation of separate natural objects in which the Japanese 
excel. Before European instruction or example they probably never 
produced a true picture. Some illustrations in the present work, which 
show a continuous series of men, animals, and other objects, are no more 
pictures than are the consecutive words of a printed sentence, both 
forms, indeed, being alike in the fact that their significance is ex- 
pressed by the relation between the separate parts. The illustration 
which at a first glance seems to be most distinctively picturesque 



740 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



is Fig. G59, but it will be noticed that the personages are repeated, the 
scene changed, and the time proceeds, so that there is no view of speci- 
fied objects at any one time and place. 

Fig. 1254 shows two drawings from Kejimkoojik, N. S., reduced to 
one-fourth, each supposed to represent a moose, though possibly one 
of them is a caribou, and the mode of execution vividly suggests some 
of the examples of prehistoric art found in Europe and familiar by 
repeatedly published illustrations. 

Fig. 1255 is the etching of a hand from the Kejimkoojik rocks, re- 
duced one-half. Its peculiarity con- 
sists in the details by which the lines 
of the palm and markings on the balls 
of the thumb and fingers are shown. 
If this is the real object of the design 
it shows close observation, though it 
is not suggested that any connection 
with the psuedo-science of palmistry 
is to be inferred. 

In connection with this drawing the 
following translated remarks in Yer- 
handl. Berlin. Gesellsch. fiir Anthrop. 
(d), may be noted: 

The frequency with which partial represen- 
tations of the eye are met with appeared to 
me so striking that I requested Mr. Jacobsen to ask the Bella Coola Indians whether 
they had any special idea in employing the eye so frequently. To my great surprise 
the person addressed pointed to the palmar surface of his finger tips and to the fine 
lineaments which the skin there presents ; in his opinion a rounded or longitudinal 
field, such as appears between the converging or parallel lines, also means an eye, 
and the reason of this is that originally each part of the body terminated in an organ 
of sense, particularly an eye, and was only afterward made to retrovert into such 
rudimentary*~conditions. 

The lower character in PI. liii is copied from Rudolph Cronau (c) 
Geschichte der Solinger Kliugenindustrie, where it is presented as an 
illustration of the knights of the thirteenth century, after a sketch in 
a MS. of the year 1220, in the library of the University of Leipsig. 

The upper character in the same plate is a copy of a drawing made 
in 1884 by an Apache Indian at Anadarko, although the insignia of the 
riders are more like those used by the Cheyenne than those of the 
Apache. A striking similarity will be noticed in the motive of the two 
sketches of the mounted warriors and their steeds as well as in their 
decorations, from which in Europe the devices called heraldic were 
differentiated. Doubtless still better examples could be obtained to 
compare the degree of artistic skill attained by the several draftsmen, 
but these are used as genuine, convenient, and typical. See also the 
Mexican representation of horses and riders under the heading of 
meteors, Fig. 1224. 






GERMAN KNIGHTS AND APACHE WARRIORS. 



MALLERY. 



ARTISTIC SKILL. 



741 



These horses are far less skillfully portrayed than they are by the 
Plains tribes, which may be explained by the fact that the Mexicans 
had not yet become familiar with the animal. 

A story told by Catlin to the general effect that the Siouan stock of 
Indians did not understand the drawing of human faces in profile has 
been repeated in various forms. The last is by Popoff (a) : 

When Catlin was drawing the profile of a chief named Matochiga, the Indians 
around him seemed greatly moved, and asked why he did not draw the other half of 
the chief '8 face. " Matochiga was never ashamed to look a white man square in the 
face." Matochiga had not till then seemed offended at the matter, but one of the In- 
dians said to him sportively, "The Yankee knows that you are only half a man, 
and he has only drawn half of your face because the other half is not worth any- 
thing." 

Another variant of the story is that Catlin was accused of practiciug 
magic, by which the half of the subject's head should get into his power, 
and he was forced to stop his painting and flee for his life. The ex- 
plorer and painter who tells the story is not considered to be altogether 
free from exaggeration, and he may have invented the tale to amuse 
his auditors in his lectures and afterwards his readers, or he may have 
been the victim of a practical joke by the Indians, who are fond of such 
banter, and the well-known superstitions about sorcerers gaining pos- 
session of anything attached to the person would have rendered their 
anger plausible. But certain it is that the people referred to, before 
and after and at the time of the visit of Catlin to them, were in the 
habit of drawing the human face in profile, and, indeed, much more 
frequently than the full or front face. This is abundantly proved by 
many pictures in existence at that time and place which have been seen 
by this writer, and a considerable number of them are copied in the 
present work. Thus much for one of the oft-cited fictions on which the 
allegation of the Indian's stupidity in drawing has been founded. 

Another false statement is copied over and over again by authors, to 
the effect that from a similar superstition the Indians are afraid to, and 
therefore do not, make delineations of the whole human figure. The 
present work shows their drawing of front, side, and rear views of the 
whole human figure, presenting as each view may allow, all the limbs 
and features. This, however, is rare, not from the fear charged, but 
because the artists directed their attention, not to iconography, but to 
ideography, seizing some special feature or characteristic for promi- 
nence and disregarding or intentionally omitting all that was unneces- 
sary to their purpose. 

On the other hand the Indians have sometimes been unduly praised 
for acumen in observation and for skill in their iconography. For in- 
stance, in the lectures of Mr. Edward Muybridge, explaining the highly 
interesting photographs of consecutive movements of animals from 
which he formulates the novel science of zoopraxography, the lecturer 
attributes to the Indians a scientific and artistic method of drawing 
horses in motion which has excelled in that respect all the most famous 



742 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



painters and sculptors. But Mr. Muybridge bases his statement upon 
a small number of Indian drawings, apparently seen by him in Europe, 
the characteristics of which do not appear in the many drawings of 
horses in the possession of the present writer, a considerable number 
of which are published in this work. The position of the legs in the 
drawings praised is doubtless fortuitous. The Indian in his delineation 
ol horses cared little more than to show an animal with the appropriate 
mane, tail, and hoofs, and the legs were extended without the slightest 
regard to natural motion. The drawing of the Indians closely resem- 
bles the masterly abstractions of the living forms devised by the early 
heraldic painters which later were corrupted by an attempt to compro- 
mise with zoology, resulting in a clumsy naturalism if not caricature. 

A comparison of artistic rather than of pictographic skill may fre- 
quently be made, for instance the art of the Haida in carving, which 
shows remarkable similarity to that in Central and South America, 
and made public by Habel, op. cit., and H. H. Bancroft {i). 

The style of drawing is strongly influenced by the material on which 
it is made. This topic must receive some consideration here, though 
too extensive for full treatment. The substances on which and the in- 
struments by which pictographs are made in America are discussed in 
Chaps. YH and Till of this work, and the remarks and illustrations 
there presented apply generally to other forms of drawing and paint- 
ing. Examples of drawing on every kind of material known to the 
American aborigines appear in this work. Carving, pecking, and 
scratching of various kinds of rock are illustrated, also paintings On 
skins and on wood. The Innuit carving on walrus ivory, of which 
numerous illustrations are furnished, is notable for its minuteness as 
well as distinctness. The substance was precious, the working surface 
limited, and the workmanship required time and care. Birch bark, com- 
mon in the whole of thenorthern Algonquian region, was an attractive 
material. It was used much more freely and was worked more easily 
than walrus ivory, and in two modes, one in which outliues are drawn 
by any hard-pointed substance on the inner side of the bark when it 
is soft and which remain permanent when dry, the other made by 
scraping on the rough outer surface, thus producing a difference in color. 
Many examines of the first-mentioned method are shown throughout 
this work, and of the latter in PL xvi and Fig. 659. . Having before 
them this large collection of varied illustrations readers can judge for 
themselves of the effect of the material in determining the style among 
people who had substantially the same concepts. 

It is universally admitted that the material used, whether papyrus 
or parchment, stone or wood, palm leaves or metal, wax or clay, and 
the appropriate instruments, hammer, knife, graver, brush or pen, de- 
cided the special style of incipient artists throughout the world. The 
Chinese at first worked with knives on bamboo and stone, and even 
after they had obtained paper, ink, and fine hair pencils, the influence 



mallerv.] EFFECT OF MATERIAL ON DRAWING. 743 

of the old method continued. The cuneiform characters are due to the 
shape of the wooden style used to impress the figures on unbaked clay. 
It may generally be remarked that in materials having a decided 
" grain," of which bamboo is the most obvious instance, the early stage 
of art with its rude implements was forced to work in lines running 
with the grain. 

Dr. Andree (e) gives the illustration presented here as Fig. 1256 with 
these remarks : 

The advances made by the Kanakas of New Caledonia in drawing are illustrated 
by the bamboo staves covered with engraved drawings, which they carry about as 
objects of fashion, somewhat as we 
do our walking sticks, and a num- 
ber of which are preserved in the 
ethnographic museum of Paris 
(Trocadero). They have been de- 
scribed by E. T. Hamy. In these 
finely incised drawings ornaments 
of the simplest kind (straight lines 
and zigzag models) are combined 
with figures and tree groups. The 
artistic execution is a rather primi- 
tive one, yet the figures by no 
means lack character and vivid- 
ness. There are seen on the bam- 
boo the pointed-roofed huts of the 
chieftains, turtles, fowl, lizards, 
and between them scenes from the 
life of the Kanakas. A man beats 
his wife, men discharge their bows, FlG 1256. -Engravings on bamboo, New Caledonia, 
others stand idle in rank and file, adorned with the cylindric straw hat deserilied 
by Cook, which at this day has almost entirely disappeared. 

The explanation of many peculiar forms of Indian drawing and paint- 
ing is to be found in the stage of mythologic sophiology reached by the 
several tribes. For instance, Mr. W. EL Holmes, op. cit., discovered that 
in Chiriqui all the decorations originated in life forms of animals, none 
being vegetal and none clearly expressive of the human figure or at- 
tempting the portrayal of physiognomy. This peculiarity doubtless 
arose from the exclusively zoomorphic character of the religion of the 
people. Other mythologic concepts have given a special trend to the 
art of other tribes and peoples. This results in conventionalism. The 
sculptures of Persia chiefly express the power and glory of the God- 
King, and the Egyptian statues are canonical idealizations of an ab- 
stract human being, type of the race. It is to be noticed that Indians 
also show conservatism and conventionalization in their ordinary pic- 
tures. Within what may be called a tribal, or more properly stock, 
system, every Indian draws in precisely the same manner. The figures 
of a man, of a horse, and of every other object delineated are made by 
everyone who attempts to make any such figure, with seeming desire 
for all the identity of which their mechanical skill is capable, thus 





744 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



showing their conception and motive to be the same. In this respect 
the drawing of the Indians may be likened to that of boys at a public 
school, who are always drawing, and drawing the same objects and with 
constant repetition of the same errors from one school generation to 
another. 

In discussing artistic skill only in its relation to picture-writing the 
degree of its excellence is not intrinsically important, though it may be 
so for comparison aad identification. The figures required were the 
simplest. Among these were vertical and horizontal straight lines and 
their combinations, circles, squares, triangles, a hand, a foot, an ax or 
a bow, a boat or a sledge. Both natural and artificial objects were 
drawn by a few strokes without elaboration. The fewer the marks the 
more convenient was the pictograph, if it fulfilled its object of being 
recognized by the reader. The simple fact without esthetic effect was 
all that the pictographic artists wanted to show, and when an animal 
was represented it was not by imitation of its whole form, but by em- 
phasis of some characteristic which must be made obvious, even if it 
distorted the figure or group and violated every principle of art as now 
developed. 



CHAPTER XXI. 



MEANS OF INTERPRETATION. 



The power of determining the authorship of pictographs made on 
materials other than rocks, by means of their general style and type, 
can be estimated by a comparison of those of the Abnaki, Ojibwa, 
Dakota, Haida, Innuit, Shoshoni, Moki, etc., presented in various parts 
of this paper. 

Bverard F. im Thurn (1c), in reference to Fig. 1257, remarks: 

Wherever a peculiar, complex, and not very obvious figure occurs in many 
examples it is legitimate to assume that this had some ulterior object and meaning. 
Now this figure, occurring in the shallow engravings of Guiana, is of such kind. 
It is not a figure which an Indian would be likely to invent 
in an idle moment even ouce, for such a man very seldom, 
probably never, except in these particular figures, has been 
known to draw straight lines. Moreover, even if it were a 
figure that one Indian might idly invent, it is certainly highly 
improbable that this would be copied by many other Indians 
in various places. And, lastly, a figure strikingly like the 
one in question, if, indeed, it is not identical, occurs in cer- 
tain Mexican picture writings. For example, in the Mexican 
MSS. [reproduced in Kingsborough, op. cit., i, from Sir 
Thomas Bodley's MSS., pp. 22, 23, and from the Selden MSS., 
also in the Bodleian, p. 3] several figures occur so like that off / 
the shallow engravings of Guiana that there can be but little \ 
doubt of their connection. The recurrence of this peculiar ] 
figure in these writings is surely sufficient evidence of the 
fact that they are not without intention. If it were possible to obtain a clue to the 
meaning of the Mexican figures it might serve as a key to decipher the hieroglyphic 
writings of Guiana. 

With regard to the study of the individual characters themselves to 
identify the delineators of pictographs, the various considerations of 
fauna, religion, customs, tribal signs, indeed most of the headings of 
this paper, will be applicable. 

It is convenient to divide this chapter into : 1 . Marked characters 
of known significance. 2. Distinctive costumes, weapons, and orna- 
ments. 3. Ambiguous characters, with ascertained meaning. 




Fig. 1257.— Typical char 



SECTION 1 . 
MARKED CHARACTERS OF KNOWN SIGNIFICANCE. 

It is obvious that before attempting the interpretation of pictographs 
concerning which no direct information is to be obtained, there should 
be a collection, as complete as possible, of known characters, in 
order that through them the unknown may be learned. When any 
considerable number of objects in a pictograph are actually known the 

745 



746 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



remainder may be ascertained by tlie context, the relation, and the 
position of the several designs, and sometimes by the recognized prin- 
ciples of the art. 

The present writer has been engaged, therefore, for a considerable 
time in collating a large number of characters in a card-catalogue 
arranged primarily by similarity in forms, and in attaching to each 
character any significance ascertained or suggested. As before ex- 
plained, the interpretation upon which reliance is mainly based is that 
which has been made known by direct information from Indians who 
themselves were actually makers of pictographs at the time of giving 
the interpretation. Apart from the comparisons obtained by this col- 
lation, the only mode of ascertaining the meaning of the characters, in 
other words, the only hey yet discovered, is in the study of the gesture 
sign included in many of them. 

A spiral line frequently seen in petroglyphs is explained by the 
Dakota to be a snail shell, and, furthermore, this device is seen in PI. 
xx, and fully described in that connection as used in the recording 
and computation of time. 

The limits of this paper do not allow of presenting a complete list of 
the characters in the pictographs which have become known. But some 
* — — ^ of the characters in the petroglyphs, 
*J Figs. 1258, 1259, and 1260, which are not 

r , — \ discussed under various headings, su- 

] *~ — ^^"^^ pra, should be explained. The following 

1 | \ | is a selection of those which were in- 
fig, i258._Moki devices. terpreted to Mr. Gilbert. 

The left hand device of Fig. 1258 is an inclosure, or pen, in which 
ceremonial dances are performed. That on the right is a headdress 
used in ceremonial dances. 

Compare the drawing from Fairy Eocks, N. S., Fig. 549. 

4> 



Fig. 1259.— Fra 



Fig. 1259 gives sketches of the frames or sticks used in carrying 
wood on the back; also shows different forms of arrows. 




Fig. 1260 represents the blossoms of melons, squashes. 
Tlie appearance of objects showing the influence of European civil- 
ization and christianization should always be carefully noted. An 



MLALERY.] 



KNOWN CHARACTERS. 



747 



instance where an object of that character is found among a multitude 
of others not liable to such suspicion is in the heart surmounted by a 
cross, in the upper line of Fig. 437. This suggests missionary teach- 
ing and corresponding date. 
Maximilian of Wied (g) says : 

Another mode of painting their robes by the Dakotas is to represent the number 
of valuable presents they have made. By these presents, which are often of great 
value, they acquire reputation and respect among their countrymen. On such robes 
we observed long red figures with a Mack circle at the termination placed close to 
each other in transverse rows; they represent whips, indicating the number of 
horses given, because the whip belonging to the horse is always bestowed with the 
animal. Bed or dark-blue transverse figures indicate cloth or blankets given; 
parallel transverse stripes represent firearms, the outlines of which are pretty cor- 
rectly drawn. 

It may be desirable also to note, to avoid misconception, that where, 
throughout this work, mention is made of particulars under the head- 
ings of customs, religion, etc., which might be made the subject of 
graphic illustration in pictographs, and for that reason should be known 
as preliminary to the attempted interpretation of the latter, the sug- 
gestion is not given as a mere hypothesis. Such objective marks and 
conceptions of the character indicated which can readily be made 
objective, are in fact frequently found in pictographs and have been 
understood by means of the preliminary information to which reference 
is made. When interpretations obtained through this line of study 
are properly verified, they can take places in the card catalogue little 
inferior to those of interpretations derived directly from aboriginal 
pictographers. 

The interpretation by means of gesture-signs has already been dis- 
cussed, Chap, xvm, Sec. 4. 

Oapt. Carver (b) describes how an Ojibwa drew the emblem of his 
own tribe as a deer, a Sioux as a man dressed in skins, an Englishman 
as a human figure with a hat on his head, and a Frenchman as a man 
with a handkerchief tied around his head. 

In this connection is the quotation from the Historical Collections 
of Louisiana, Part ill, 1851, p. 124, describing a pictograph, as follows : 
"There were two figures of meu without heads, and some entire. The 
first denoted the dead and the second the prisoners. One of my con- 
ductors told me on this occasion that when there are any French 
among either, they set their arms akimbo, or their hands upon their 
hips, to distinguish them from *he savages, whom they represent with 
their arms hanging down. This distinction is not purely arbirary; it 
proceeds from these people having observed that the French often put 
themselves in this posture, which is not used among them." 

It is also said suggestively, by C. H. Eead (/) in Jour, of the Anthrop. 
Inst, of Gr. Br. and L, that in the carvings of the West African negroes, 
the typical white man is constantly figured with a brandy bottle in one 
hand and a large glass in the other. 



748 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 







[ 



Fig. 12B1.— 

a. A beaver. 

b. A bear. 

c. A mountain sheep (Ori 

d. Three wolf heads. 

c. Three jackass rabbits. 
Cottontail rabbit, 

g. Bear tracks. 

h. An eagle. 

i. Eagle tails. 



lliiiviny is the. explanation : 
A turkey tail. 

Horned toads (Phryosoma sp.?). 



7. Lizi 



rds. 



m. A butterfly. 
11. Snakes. 
o. A rattlesnake. 
p. Deer track. 
q. Three bird tracks, 
r. Bitterns (wading birds). 



FAUNA. 



749 



Instructive particulars regarding pictographs may be discovered in 



the delineation of the fauna in 
reference to its present or former 
habitat in the region where the 
representation of it is found. 

As an example of the number 
and kind of animals pictured as 
well as of their mode of represen- 
tation, the foregoing Fig. 1261, 
comprising many of the Moki 
inscriptions at Oakley Springs, 
Arizona, is presented by Mr. G. 
K. Gilbert. These were selected 
by him from a large number of 




etchings for the purpose of obtain- fig. i262.-Mantis. Kejimkoojik. 

ing the explanation, and they were explained to him by Tubi, an Oraibi 

chief living at Oraibi, one of the Moki villages. 

The large object in Fig. 1202, scratched on the Kejimkoojik rocks, 
Nova Scotia, is probably intended for a mantis or " rear-horse," but 




strongly reminds the observer of the monkey forms in the petroglyphs 
of Central and South America. 

Ten Kate (b) shows in Fig. 1263 those animal forms which were not 
obliterated from the face of the rock of El-Sauce, Sonora; they were 
very nearly in the order in which they are represented. The fish at 
the upper right hand is 20 centimeters long. 

SECTION 2 . 

DISTINCTIVE COSTUMES, WEAPONS, AND ORNAMENTS. 

On examining the relics of ancient peoples or their modern repre- 
sentatives, the instruments and arms accompanying them and the 
clothing upon them mark the social status of the individual. In the 
social life of past generations, and still to-day, certain garments with 



750 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



their adjuncts indicate certain functions. The lawyer, the mechanic, 
the priest, and -the soldier are easily recognizable. These garments do 
not only give general indications, but minute details, so in looking upon 
a certain soldier it is known what country he serves, how many men 
are under his orders, and how many chiefs are above him. It is known 
if he marches on horseback or afoot, if he handles the rifle or the saber, 
works the caunon, designs fortifications, or builds bridges. Also, by 
looking on his decorated breast, it is shown if he has made campaigns 
and participated in historic battles, and whether or not he has gained 
distinction. This is told by the color, cut, and ornaments of his clothes 
and by the weapon he bears. Some details are also furnished by the 
cut of the hair, and even the style of foot-gear. The above remarks 
apply to the highest civilization, but all kinds of personal and class 
designations by means of distinctive costumes, weapons, and adorn- 
ments were and still are most apparent and important among the less 
cultured peoples. 

The American Indians seldom clothed themselves, except in very 
cold weather, save for purposes of ornament. They habitually wore 
no other garment than the breech-cloth, but in their ceremonies and 
social dances they bedecked themselves wi th full and elaborate costumes, 
often regulated with special punctilio for the occasion. The boreal 
tribes, such as the Alaskan, Athapascan, and Chippewayau, who were 
obliged to protect themselves for a large part of the year by furs and 
skins, developed characteristic forms of dress which in pictography 
take the place occupied by painting and tattooing among -tribes where 
the person was more habitually exposed. Among the southern tribes 
there was need of protection against the rays of the sun, as in Mexico, 
where cotton and other fibers were used. In general some of the forms 
of wearing apparel, if only varieties in the make of moccasins or san- 
dals, designated the tribe of the wearers, and therefore often became 
adopted as pictorial signs. Ceremonial clothing is often elaborately 
decorated with beads, porcupine, quills, claws and teeth of animals, 
shells, and feathers. Many of these garments are further ornamented 
with paintings of a totemic or mythologic character, or bear the insig- 
nia of the wearer's rank and social status. 
Metal ornaments, such as armlets, bracelets, 
anklets, earrings and bells, were also worn, 
the material and quantity being in accord- 
Sto--3^ ance with the wearer's ability and pecuni- 
ary condition. Upon both social and cere- ( 
monial occasions the headgear displayed 
eagle feathers and the plumes of other spe- 
cies of birds, and tufts of hair dyed in red or 
other colors. Necklaces were made of claws, 
fig. 1264. shells, deer and antelope hoofs, the teeth of 
various animals, snake-skins, and even human fingers. 





MALLERY.] 



DAKOTAN ORNAMENTS. 



751 



Immediately following are some of the Dakota designations in the 
particulars mentioned : 

Fig. 1264. — Shield. Red Cloud's 
Census. The shield here is without 
device, though frequently one is painted 
on the war shields. Such painting may 
be the picto graph of the gens or of the « 
personal designation, or may show the 
marks of rank. 

Fig. 1265.— Wahacanka, Shield. The 
Oglala Roster. The marks or bearings 
on the shield probably are personal and 
similar to those commonly called heral- 
dic, but in this drawing are too minute 
for accurate blazonry. 

Fig. 1266.— Black - Shield "says his 
fig. 1266. prayers" (in the interpreter's phrase; fig. 1267. 
that is, he performed the rites elsewhere explained) ; and takes the war- 
path to avenge the death of two of his sons who had been 
killed by the Crows. Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1859-'60. 

Fig. 1267.— Eagle-Feather. Red-Cloud's Cen- 
sus.-" This is probably the same name as trans- 
lated Lone-Feather in the following figure, in 
which the feather also comes from an eagle's tail : 
Fig. 1268. — Lone-Feather said his prayers and 
took the warpath to avenge the death of some 
relatives. Cloud- Shield's Winter Count, 1842-'43. 

Fig. 1269. — Feathers. Red -Cloud's Census. 
This figure and the next refer to some special ' 
ornamentation. 

Fig. 1270. — Feathers. Red-Cloud's Census. 









Fig. 1271.— Bone Necklace. Red-Cloud's Census. This figure and 
the three following show special kinds of neck ornaments. 
Fig. 1272.— Beads. Red-Cloud's Census. 
Fig. 1273.— Stone-Necklace. Red-Cloud's Census. 



752 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



!74. — Feather-Necklace. Red-Cloud's Census. 

Fig. 1275.— Wolf-Robe was killed by the Paw- 
nees. American-Horse's Winter Count, 1S50-'51. 

He is killed and scalped while wearing a robe of 
wolf- skin. 







Fig. 1276. — Wears-the-Bounet. Red-Cloud's Census. This is the 
ornamented war bonnet of the Dakotas. 

Fig. 1277. — Garter. Red-Cloud's Census. 
Fig. 1278. — Wicanapsu-owin, Wears-human ringers as ear- 
rings. The Oglala Roster. 

The place for the fingers to be worn is indi- 
cated by the line terminating in a loop. 

The Indian accumulated no wealth except in 
things useful during his life. His ornaments, 
were made from shells which in their natural 
shape are innumerable; from the skins of ani- 
mals which require only skill to take and dress 
them; and from stone and copper, demanding ' 
fig. 1277. ' only strength to procure and transport them. FlG . 12 78. 
The value of an Indian ornament is in the skill, care and patience re- 
quired in making it. Thus the wampum-bead became of intrinsic value, 
similar in that to gold and silver in civilization ; the stone carefully 
wrought into the fashion of a pipe became the emblem of authority 
and the instrument of worship; and copper, slowly and toilful] y delved 
and fashioned with the rudest of tools and appliances, became almost 
a fetich of superstition. So likewise the quill of the porcupine, worked 
into a design in embroidery with the most exquisite care, was an orna- 
ment fit for warriors and chiefs. But on the cradle or basket-nest for 
the expected or new-born child, upon the gown or woman's dress of the * 
favorite daughter, and upon the moccasins and trappings for the growing 
son, hand and head and heart were employed for months and even years. 

The Dakotan bride, swayed by the yearning of expectant maternity, 
perhaps also by ambition to excel in the sole permitted mode of its 
display, adorned her lodge with ornamented cradles, each new one 
becoming in design more beautiful and intricate than the last, until 
her yearning was answered, when the cradles not needed were ex- 
changed for horses and ornaments, which became the endowment of 
the new-born child. 



MALLEHY. ] 



DKESS AND WEAPONS. 



753 



Some note should be made of the sense of correspondence and con- 
trast of colors which the Dakota, at least, exhibits; the rules which 
be originates and observes forming that which is called artistic taste. 
The Indian's use of colors corresponds more nearly than that of most 
barbarians with that common in high civilization, except that he per- 
ceives so little distinction between blue and green that but one name 
generally suffices for both colors. It is remarkable that among the 
wilder and plains tribes of Dakotas dead colors in beads are preferred 
and arranged with good effect, and that among these, specially, the use 
of neutral tints is common. Probably both of these results were pro- 
duced from the old and exclusive employment of clays for pigments — 
clays of almost all colors and shades being found in the country over 
which the Dakotas roamed. 

The peculiarities of dress or undress Avould seem to have first struck 
the people of the eastern hemisphere as well adapted to pictorial repre- 
sentation. Singularly enough to modern ideas, the bracca; or trousers 
were to the Romans the symbol of barbarism, whereas now the absence 
of the garments, called even "indispensable," has the same significance. 
Maj. 0. R. Conder (d) gives this good lesson literally « a propos de bottes :" 

A curious peculiarity of dress also serves to indicate the racial connection. In 
Cappadocia and in Anatolia the monuments represent figures with a boot or shoe 
curled up in front. An Assyrian representation of an Armenian merchant shows the 
same boot. Sir C. Wilson first compared it with the boot now worn by the peasantry 
of Asia Minor. Perrot compares it with the cavalry boot worn 
in Syria and with what we call a Turkish slipper. The Etruscans 
wore a similar shoe railed cak-etis repandus by the homans. On 
the monuments at Karnak the Hittites are represented wearing 
the same shoe, and although it is not of necessity a mark of race, 
it is still curious that this curly-toed boot was common to the 
various Turanian peoples of Syria, Asia Minor, Armenia, and 
Italy. I^K 

Schoolcraft (t) gives the characters on the left hand 
of Fig. 1279 as two Ojibwa war clubs, and the right-hand 
character in the same figure is represented in a Wyom- 
ing petroglyph as a bow. FlG ' 1279 ' Weapons - 

Many other weapons distinctive to their draughtsmen are shown in 
this paper. 

It may be well to insert here Fig. 1280, showing the wommeras and 
clubs of the Australians, taken from Curr (d), not only on account of 
their forms but of the pictorial designs on some of them, which should 
be compared with those of the Moki and other Indian tribes. 

A large number of pictographic figures distinguishing bodies of In- 
dians by different mode of head dress have already been given. Some 
additional detail may be added about the Absaroka who have in this 
regard beeu imitated by the Hidatsa and Arikara. 

They wear horse hair taken from the tail, attached to the back of their 
heads and allowed to hang down their backs. It is arranged in eight 
or ten strands, each about as thick as a finger and laid parallel with 
10 eth 48 



754 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



spaces between them of the width of a single strand. Pine gunris then 
mixed with red ocher or vermilion and by means of other hair, or 
fibers of any kind laid crosswise, the strands are secured and around 
each intersection of hair a ball of gum is plastered to hold it in place, 
secured to the real growth of hair on the back of the head. About four 
inches further down a similar row of gum balls and cross strings is 




Fig. 1280. Australian wommeras and clubs. 



placed, and so on down to the end. The Indians frequently incorpo- 
rate the false hair with their own so as to lengthen the latter without 
any marked evidence of the deception. Nevertheless the transverse 
fastenings with their gum attachments are present. In picture-writing 
this is shown upon the figure of a man by parallel lines drawn down- 
ward from the back of the head, intersected by cross lines, the whole 



HEAD DRESS. 



755 



appearing like small squares or a piece of net. See Figs. 484 and 485, 
supra. 

A quaint account of social designation by the arrangement of the 
hair among the Northeastern Algonquins is recorded in the Jesuit Rela- 
tions of 1639, pp. 44-5: 

When a girl or woman favors some one who seeks her, she cuts the hair in the 
fashion adopted by the maidens of France, hanging over the forehead, which is an 
ugly style as well in this country as in France; St. Paul forbidding women to show 
their hair. The women here wear their hair in bunches at the back of the head, in 
the form of a truss, which they decorate with beads when they have them. If, after 
marying some one, a woman leaves him without cause, or if, being promised and 
having accepted some present, she fails to keep her word, the presumptive husband 
sometimes cuts her hair, which renders her very despicable and prevents her from 
getting another spouse. 

There is a differentiation of this usage among the Pueblos generally, 
who, when accurate and particular in delineation, designate the women 
of that tribe by a huge coil of hair over either ear. This custom pre- 
vails also among the Coyotero Apaches, the women wearing the hair 
in a coil to denote a virgin, while the coil is absent in the case of a 
married woman. 

Regarding the apparent subject matter of pictographs an obvious 
distinction may be made between hunting and land scenes such as 
would be familiar to interior tribes and those showing fishing and 
aquatic habits common to seaboard and lacustrine peoples. Similar 
and more perspicuous modes of discrimination are available. The gen- 
eral scope of known history, traditions, and myths may also serve in 
identification. Known habits and fashions of existing or historically- 
known tribes have the same application, e. g., the portrayal on a draw- 
ing of a human face of labrets or nose rings limits the artist to defined 
regions, and then other considerations may further specify the work. 

When the specific pictorial style of distinctive peoples is ascertained 
its appearance on rocks may give evidence of their habitat and migra- 
tions, and on the other hand their authorship of the petroglyphs being 
received as a working hypothesis, the latter may be confirmed and the 
characters interpreted through the known practices and habits of the 
postulated authors. 

SECTION 3. 

AMBIGUOUS CHARACTERS WITH ASCERTAINED MEANING. 

Under this heading specimens of the card catalogue before mentioned 
are presented. The characters would not probably be recognized for 
the objects they are intended to represent and many of them might be 
mistaken for attempts to delineate other objects. A much larger num- 
ber of similar delineations are to be found under other headings in this 
work, especially in Chap, xm on Totems, titles, and names. 

Prof. 0. Thomas (c) gives a, b, c, and d, in Fig. 1281 as representing 
the turtle. 



756 PICTURE-WHITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



That they do so is shown by the head of the animal, e, taken from 
the Oortesian Godex. This is one of the many examples in which the 
significance of drawings can he ascertained from a series of conven- 
tionalized forms. Other instances are given in the present paper, and 




FIG. 1281 .—Turtle. Maya. 



more in the works of Mr. W. H. Holmes, published in several of the 
^ l\ Animal lieports of the Bureau of Ethnology. 

Fig. 1282 is given in the last cited volume and page 
I^^^JJ as the symbol of the armadillo of Yucatan. 
fig. 1282.— Anna- The drawings of which Fig. 1283 presents copies were 
diiio. Yucatan. ma( j e Dakota tribesmen: a, fox; 6, black fox: c, wolf; 
d, black deer; e, beaver; /, spotted horse; g, porcupine; h, white hawk; 




Fig. 1283.— Dakota drawings. 



i, bald eagle ; 7c, crow ; I, swallow ; m and n, war bonnet ; o, leggins ; p, 
gun ; q, pipe. 

The characters in Fig. 1284 are Ojibwa drawings. With the excep- 



OJIBWA DBA WINGS. 



757 



tion of the last one they are copies of selected sketches made by Gaga 
Sindebi at White Earth, Minn., in 1891, as parts of a Mide' song. 

a, a wolf. The dark chest markings and the large tail are in imita- 
tion of those parts of the timber wolf. The coyote is not now found 
in the region where the author of the song lives; but is more particu- 
larly a prairie animal. 

ft, a wolf. The pronounced jaw indicates his carniverous nature. 

c, a badger. Although the form resembles that of the bear the dif- 
ference is shown by the darkened body to imitate the gray fur. 

d, a bear. 

e, a bear. This style of drawing is not common, it being rather short 
and stout, while the legs and ears are unusually pronounced. 




/, the figure of a bear manido, to which is attached a feather denoting 
the mythic character of the animal. 

g, the figure represents a " lean bear," as is specified by the appear- 
ance of the ribs showing his lean condition. 

h, a lizard. The ribs are ridges, which are found upon some forms 
of Siredon, one species of which occurs in the ponds and small lakes 
of Minnesota. 

i, a toad. 

fc, a raccoon. The bauds of color are indicated in the drawing. 

/, a porcupine. Resembles some forms of the sacred bear manido as 
the latter is sometimes drawn. 

m, the crane. The three round spots over the head represent three 
songs sung by the mide' to the crane manido. 

h, the thunder-bird or eagle, having four heads. This character 
appears to be unique, as it has at no time been noticed upon any of the 



758 PICTUREr WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



numerous mide' records in the possession of the Bureau of Ethnology. 

o, the character represents a man using the rattle, as in the ceremony 
of incantation. The projections above the head denote his superior 
powers. 

p, a mide', holding in his right hand a bear's paw medicine bag, and 
in his left hand an arrow. The character resembles similar drawings 
to denote vessels in which herbs are boiled and from the top of which 
vapor is issuing. 

q, a mide' medicine sack. The character appears like similar draw- 
ings of the otter; in the present instance, however, the ornamentation 
upon the skin shows it to be not a living animal. 

r, a beaver's tail, from Schoolcraft (y). Many other illustrations of 
this general nature are given by Mr. Schoolcraft, nearly all colored 
according to his fancy. 



CHAPTER XXII. 



CONTROVERTED PICTOGRAPHS. 

Xo large amount of space need be occupied in the mention of 
detected pictographic frauds, their present and future importance 
being small, but much more than is now allowed would be required 
for the full discussion of controverted cases. 

There is little inducement, beyond the amusement derived from 
hoaxing, to commit actual frauds in the fabrication of petroglyphs. 
It must, however, be remembered that coloration and carving of a 
deceptive character are sometimes produced by natural causes, e. g., 
pictured rocks on the island of Monhegan, Maine, figured by School- 
craft {z), are classed in "Science" VI, Xo. 132, p. 124, as freaks of 
surface erosion. Mica plates were found in a mound at Lower Sandusky, 
Ohio, which, after some attempts at interpretation, proved to belong to 
the material known as graphic or hieroglyphic mica, the discolorations 
having been caused by the infiltration of mineral solution between the 
lamina?. 

The instances where inscribed stones from mounds have been ascer- 
tained to be forgeries or fictitious drawings are to be explained as 
sometimes produced by simple mischief, sometimes by craving for per- 
sonal notoriety, and in other cases by schemes either to increase the 
marketable value of land supposed to contain more of the articles or 
to sell those exhibited. 

With regard to more familiar and more portable articles, such as 
engraved pipes, painted robes, and like curios, it is well known that 
the fancy prices paid for them by amateurs have stimulated their 
unlimited manufacture by Indians at agencies who make a business of 
sketching upon ordinary robes or plain pipes the characters in com- 
mon use by them, without regard to any real event or person, and 
selling them as significant records. Some enterprising traders have 
been known to furnish the uustained robes, plain pipes, paints, and 
other materials for the purpose, and simply pay a skillful Indian for 
his work, when the fresh antique or imaginary chronicle is delivered. 

As the business of making and selling archaeologic frauds has become 
so extensive in Egypt and Palestine, it can be no matter of surprise 
that it has been attempted by enterprising people of the United States, 
about whom the wooden-nutmeg imputation still clings. The Bureau 
of Ethnology has discovered several centers of the manufacture of an- 
tiquities. 

It was once proclaimed that six inscribed copper plates had been 
found in a mound near Kinderhook, Pike county, Illinois, which were 

759 



760 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



reported to bear a close resemblance to Chinese. This resemblance 
seemed not to be extraordinary when it was ascertained that the plate 
had been engraved by the village blacksmith, copied irom the lid of a 
Chinese tea-chest. 

The following recent notice of a case of alleged fraud is quoted from 
Science, Vol. Ill, No. 58, March 14, 1884, page 334: 

Dr. N. Roe Braduer exhibited [at tlie Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia, 
Pennsylvania] an inscribed stone found inside a skull taken from one of the ancient 
mounds at Newark, Ohio, in 1865. An exploration of the region had been under- 
taken, in consequence of the finding of stones bearing mai kings somewhat resemb- 
ling Hebrew letters, in the hope of finding other specimens of a like character. 
The exploration was supposed to have been entirely unproductive of such objects 
until Dr. Braduer had found the engraved stone, now exhibited, in a skull which 
had been given to him. 

This was supplemented by an editorial note in No. 02 of the same 
publication, page 467, as follows : 

A correspondent from Newark, Ohio, warns us that any inscribed stones said to 
originate from that locality may be looked upon as spurious. Years ago certaiu 
parties in that place made a business of manufacturing and burying inscribed 
stones and other objects in the autumn, and exhuming them the following spring in 
the presence of innocent witnesses. Some of the parties to these frauds afterwards 
confessed to them; and no such objects, except such as were spurious, have ever 
been known from that region. 

The correspondent of Science probably remembered the operations of 
David Wyrick, of Newark, who, to prove his theory that the Hebrews 
were the mound-builders, discovered in I860 a tablet bearing on one 
side a truculent " likeness" of Moses with his name in Hebrew, and on 
the other a Hebrew abridgment of the ten commandments. A Hebrew 
bible afterwards found in Mr. Wyrick's private room threw come light 
on the inscribed characters. 

A grooved stone ax or maul, first described by the late Dr. John 
Evans, of Pemberton, New Jersey, was reproduced by Dr. Wilson («)• 
Several characters are cut in the groove and on the blade. They are 
neither Eunic, Scandinavian, nor Anglo-Saxon. It was found near 
Pemberton, New Jersey, prior to 1859. Dr. E. H. Davis, who saw the 
stone, does not regard the inscription as ancient. The characters had 
been retouched before he saw them. 

A grooved stone ax or maul, sent to Col. Whittlesey in 1874, from 
Butler county, Ohio, about the size of the Pemberton ax, was covered 
with English letters so fresh as to deceive no one versed in antiquities. 
The purport of this inscription is that in 1689 Capt. H. Argill passed 
there and secreted two hundred bags of gold near a spring. 

It was claimed that an inscribed stone had been plowed up on the 
eastern shore of Grand Traverse bay, Michigan, and an imperfect cast 
of it was among the collections of the state of Michigan at the Centen- 
nial Exhibition. The original is or was in the cabinet of the Kent 
county Institute, Grand Rapids, Michigan. It is imperfectly exe- 



SPURIOUS PICTOGRAPHS. 



761 



exited, probably with a knife, and evidently of recent make, in which 
Greek, Bardic, and fictitious letters are jumbled together without or- 
der. 

In 1875 a stone maul was discovered in an ancient mine pit near 
Lake Desor, Isle Royal, Lake Superior, on which were cut several 
lines that were at first regarded as letters. 

An instructive paper by Mr. Win, H. Holmes "On Some Spurious 
Mexican Antiquities and their Relation to Ancient Art," is published 
in the Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1886, Pt. 1, pp. 319-334. 

SECTION 1. 
THE GRAVE CREEK STONE. 

An inscribed stone found in Grave creek mound, near the Ohio 
river, in 1S38, has been the subject of much linguistic contention among 
persons who admitted its authenticity. Twenty-four characters on it 
have been considered by various experts to be alphabetic, and one is 
a supposed hieroglyphic sign. Mr. Schoolcraft says that twenty-two 
of thecharacters are alphabetic, but there has been a difference of opinion 
with regard to their origin. One scholar finds among them four charac- 
ters which he claims are ancient Greek; another claims that four are 
Etruscan; five have been said to be Runic; six, ancient Gaelic; seven, 
old Erse; ten, Phenician; fourteen, old British; and sixteen, Celtibe- 
ric. M. Levy Bing reported at the Congress of Americanists at isancy, 
in 1875, that he found in the inscription twenty-three Canaanite letters, 
and translated it: " What thou sayest, thou dost impose it, thou shinest 
in thy impetuous clan and rapid chamois." (!) M. Maurice Schwab in 
1857 rendered it: "'The Chief of Emigration who reached these places 
(or this island) has fixed these statutes forever." M. Oppert, however, 
gave additional variety by the translation, so that all tastes can be 
suited: "The grave of one who was assassinated here. May God to 
avenge him strike his murderer, cutting off the hand of his existence." 

Col. Chas. Whittlesey (a) gives six copies of the Grave creek stone, 
all purporting to be facsimiles, which have been published and used 
in the elaborate discussions held upon its significance. Of these, three 
are here reproduced with Col. Whittlesey's remarks, as follows : 

Copy 2s o. 1 is reproduced as Fig. 1285, drawn by Capt. Eastman. 

Capt. Seth Eastman -was a graduate and teacher of drawing at West Point. He 
was an accomplished draftsman and painter detailed 
by the War Department to furnish the illustrations 
for "Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes." published by the 
Government. This copy was made in his official capac- 
ity, with the stone before him, and therefore takes the 
first rank as authority. There are between the lines 
twenty-two characters, but one is repeated three times 
and another twice leaving only twenty. The figure, if 
it has any significance, is undoubtedly pictorial. 




762 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



Copy No. 3, now Fig. 1286, was used by Monsieur Jomard at Paris, 
1843. 

From this copy M. Jomard considered the letters to 
be Lybian, a language derived from the Phenician. At 
the right of the upper line one is omitted and another 
bears no resemblance to tho original. The fifth char- 
acter of the second line is equally defective and objec- 
tionable. The second, lifth, and sixth of the lower line 
are little better. In the rude profile of a human face 
beneath an eye has been introduced and the slender 

cross lines attached to it have assumed the proportions 
Fig. 1286.-Grave creek stone. 1 1 . 

of a dagger or sword, tor the linguist or ethnologist 

this copy is entirely worthless. 

Copy No. 4, now Fig. 1287, was sent to Prof. Rafh, Copenhagen, 1843. 

This is so imperfect and has so many additions that it is little better than a bur- 
lesque upon the original. No one will be surprised that the learned Danish anti- 
quarian could find in it no resemblance to the Runic, 
with which he was thoroughly familiar. 

A mere collocation of letters from various 
alphabets is not an alphabet. Words can not 
be formed or ideas communicated by that arti- 
fice. When a people adopts the alphabetical 
signs of another it adopts the general style 
of the characters and more often the charac- 
ters in detail. Such signs had already an 
arrangement into syllables and words which had a vocalic validity as 
well as known significance. A jumble of letters from a variety of 
alphabets bears internal evidence that the manipulator did not have an 
intelligent meaning to convey by them, and did not comprehend the lan- 
guages from which the letters were selected. In the case of the Grave 
creek inscription the futile attempts to extract a meaning from it on 
the theory that it belongs to an intelligent alphabetic system show 
that it holds no such place. If it is genuine it must be treated as 
pictorial and ideographic, unless, indeed, it is cryptographic, which is 
not indicated. 

SECTION 2 . 
THE DIGHTON ROCK. 

In this connection some allusion must be made to the learned dis- 
cussions upon the Dighton rock before mentioned, p. 80. The originally 
Algonquian characters were translated by a Scandinavian antiquary as 
an account of the party of Thorfmn, the Hopeful. A distinguished 
Orientalist made out clearly the word "melek" (king). Another scholar 
triumphantly established the characters to be Scythian, and still 
another identified them as Phenician. But this inscription has been 
so manipulated that it is difficult now to determine the original details. 

An official report made in 1830 by the Rhode Island Historical 
Society and published by the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries, 





MALLERY.] 



THE DIGHTON EOCK. 



in "Antiquitates American ae," by 0. C. Eafn (e), presents the best 
account known concerning the Dighton rock and gives copies made 
from time to time of the inscription, which are here reproduced, PI. liv. 
The test is condensed as follows, but in quoting it the statement that 
the work was not done by the Indians is without approval. 

It is situated about 6£ miles south of Taunton, on the east side of Taunton river, 
a few feet from the shore, and on the west side of Assonet neck, in the town of 
Berkley, county of Bristol, and commonwealth of Massachusetts ; although probably 
from the fact of being generally visited from the opposite side of the river, which is 
in Dighton, it has always been known by the name of the Dighton Writing Eock. 
It faces northwest toward the bed of the river, and is covered by the water 2 or 3 
feet at the highest, and is left 10 or 12 feet from it at the lowest tides; it is also 
completely immersed twice in twenty-four hours. The rock does not occur in situ, 
but shows indubitable evidence of having occupied the spot where it now rests since 
the period of that great and extensive disruption which was followed by the trans- 
portation of immense bowlders to, and a deposit of them in, places at a vast distance 
from their original beds. It is a mass of well characterized, tine grained graywacke. 
Its true color, as exhibited by a fresh fracture, is a bluish gray. There is no rock in 
the immediate neighborhood that would at all answer as a substitute for the 
purpose for which the one bearing the inscription was selected, as they are aggre- 
gates of the large conglomerate variety. Its face, measured at the base is Hi 
feet, and in height it is a little rising 5 feet. The upper surface forms with the 
horizon an inclined plane of about 60 degrees. The whole of the face is covered to 
within a few inches of the ground with unknown hieroglyphics. There appears 
little or no method in the arrangement of them. The lines are from half an inch to 
an inch in width; and in depth, sometimes one-third of an inch, though generally 
very superficial. They were, inferring from the rounded elevations and intervening 
depressions, pecked in upon the rock and not chiseled or smoothly cut out. The 
marks of human power and manual labor are indelibly stamped upon it. No one 
who examines attentively the workmanship will believe it to have been done by 
the Indians. Moreover, it is a well attested fact that nowhere throughout our 
widespread domain is a single instance of their recording or having recorded their 
deeds or history on stone. 

"The committee also examined the various drawings that have been made of this 
inscription. 

"The first was made by Cotton Mather as early as 1712; and may be found in No. 
338, vol. 28, of the Philosophical Transactions, pp. 70 and 71; also in vol. 5, Jones's 
abridgment, under article fourth. 

"Another was made by James Winthrop in 1788, a copy of which may be found in 
the Memoirs of the American Academy, vol. 2, part 2, p. 126. 

"Dr. Baylies and Mr. Goodwin made another drawing in 1790, a copy of which is 
inclosed. 

"Mr. E. A. Kendall in 1807 took another which may be found in the Memoirs of the 
American Academy, vol. 3, part 1, p. 165. 

"And one has been more recently [1812] made by Mr. Job Gardner, a lithograph 
from which is also inclosed. 

"Dr. Isaac Greenwood exhibited a drawing of the inscription before the Society of 
Antiquarians of London bearing the date of 1730. The drawing by the Historical 
Society of Ehode Island bears the date of 1830. 

"We send you a copy of the inscription, as given on said representation of the rock, 
being what you probably desire; but having made an accurate drawing of the rock 
itself for your special use, we have not deemed it necessary to forward the one above 
referred to. We also send a copy of Judge Winthrop's drawing contained in the same 
work, and of one taken by Stephen Sewell in 1768. 



764 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



"You will likewise find among the drawings a copy of what purports to he 'a 
faithful and accurate representation of the inscription,' taken by Dr. Danforth in 
1680. This is not sent with any idea that it will prove serviceable in your present 
inquiry, hut simply to show what, strange tilings have been conjured up by travelers 
and sent to Europe for examination. We are, indeed, at times almost compelled to 
believe there must have been some other inscription rock seen ; and yet from the 
accompanying accounts it would appear that all refer to the same one ; besides, there 
is a degree of similarity in the complicated triangular figures which appear on all." 

See, also, the illustration from Schoolcraft, Fig. 49, supra, with fur- 
ther account. The fact was mentioned on p. 87 that the characters on 
the Dighton Eock strougly resembled those on the Indian God Rock, 
Pennsylvania, and some others specified. Lately some observers have 
noticed the same fact with a different deduction. They presuppose 
that the Dighton inscription is Eunic, and therefore that the one in 
Pennsylvania was carved by the Norsemen. This logic would bring 
the Vikings very far inland into West Virginia and Ohio. 

SECTION 3. 
IMITATIONS AND FORCED INTERPRETATIONS. 

From considerations mentioned elsewhere, and others that are obvi- 
ous, any inscriptions purporting to be pre-Columbian, showing apparent 
use of alphabetic characters, signs of the zodiac, or other evidences of 
a culture higher than that known among the North American Indians, 
must be received with caution, but the pictographs may be altogether 
genuine, and their erroneous interpretation may be the sole ground for 
discrediting them. 

The course above explained, viz, to attempt the interpretation of all 
unknown American pictographs by the aid of actual pictographers 
among the living Indians, should be adopted regarding all remarkable 
"finds." This course was pursued by Mr. Horatio N. Rust, of Pasa- 
dena, California, regarding the much discussed Davenport Tablets, in 
the genuineness of which he believes. Mr. Rust exhibited the draw- 
ings to Dakotas with the result made public at the Montreal meeting 
of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, and also 
in a letter, an extract from which is as follows: 

As I made the acquaintance of several of the older and more intelligent members 
of the tribe, I took the opportunity to show them the drawings. Explaining that 
they were pictures copied from stones found in a mound, I asked what they meant. 
They readily gave me the same interpretation (and in no instance did either inter- 
preter know that another had seen the pictures, so there could be no collusion). In 
Plate I, of the Davenport Inscribed Tablets [so numbered in the Proceedings of the 
Davenport Academy, vol. n], the lower central figure represents a dome-shaped 
lodge, with smoke issuing from the top, behind and to either side of which appears a 
number of individuals with hands joined, w hile t hree persons are depicted as lying 
upon the ground. Upon the right and left central margins are the sun and moon, 
the whole surmounted by three arched lines, bet ween each of which, as well as above 
them, are numerous unintelligible characters. * * * The central figure, which 
has been supposed by some to represent a funeral pile, was simply the picture of a 



MALLEKY.] 



IMITATED PICTOGRAPHS. 



765 



dirt lodge. The irregular markings apparently upon the side and to the left of the 
lodge represent a fence made of sticks and brush set in the ground. The same style 
of fence may be seen now in any Sioux village. 

The lines of human figures standing hand-in-hand indicate that a dance was being 
conducted in the lodge. The three prostrate forms at right and left sides of the lodge 
represent two men and a woman who, being overcome by the excitement and fatigue 
of the dance, had been carried out in the air to recover. The difference in the shape 
of the prostrate forms indicates the different sexes. 

The curling figures or rings above the lodge represent smoke, and indicate that 
the dance was held in winter, when fire was used. 




An amusing example of forced interpretation of a genuine petn 
is given by Lieut. J. W. Gunnison (a), and is 
presented in the present work in connection with 
Fig. 81, supra. 

Fig. 1288 is a copy of a drawing taken from 
an Ojibwa pipestem, obtained by Dr. Hoffman 
from an officer of the United States Army, who 
had procured it from an Indian in St. Paul, 
Minnesota. On more minute examination, it ap- 
peared that the pipestem had been purchased at 
a shop in St. Paul, which had furnished a large 
number of similar objects — so large as to awaken 
suspicion that they were in the course of daily 
manufacture. The figures and characters on 
the pipestem were drawn in colors. In the 
present figure, which is without colors, the hori- 
zontal lines represent blue and the vertical red, 
according to the heraldic scheme. The outlines 
were drawn in a dark neutral tint, in some lines 
approaching black; the triangular characters, 
representing lodges, being also in a neutral tint, 
or an ashen hue, and approaching black in 
several instances. The explanation of the figures, 
made before there was any suspicion of their 
authenticity, is as follows : 

The first figure is that of a bear, representing 
the person to whom the record pertains. The 
heart above the line, according to an expression 
in gesture language, would signify a brave heart, 
increased- numbers indicating much or many, so 
that the three hearts mean a large brave heart. 

The second figure, a circle inclosing a triradi- 
ate character, refers to the personal totem. The 
character in the middle somewhat resembles 
the pictograph sometimes representing stars, 
though in the latter the lines center upon the 
disks and not at a common point. 



glyph 




766 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



The seven triangular characters represent the lodges of a village to 
which the person referred to belongs. 

The serpentine lines immediately below these signify a stream or river, 
near which the village is situated. 

The two persons holding guns in their left hands, together with 
another holding a spear, appear to be the companions of the speaker 
or recorder, all of whom are members of the turtle gens, as shown by 
that animal. 

The curve from left to right is a representation of the sky, the sun 
having appeared upon the left or eastern horizon. The drawing, so 
far, might represent the morning when a female member of the crane 
gens, was killed — shown by the headless body of a woman. 

The lower figure of a bear is the same apparently as the upper, 
though turned to the right. The hearts are drawn below the line, i. e., 
down, to denote sadness, grief, remorse, as it would be expressed in 
gesture language, and to atone for the misdeed committed the pipe 
is brought and offering made for peace. 

Altogether the act depicted appears to have been accidental, the 
woman belonging to the same tribe, as can be learned from the gens of 
which she was a member. The regret or sorrow signified in the bear, 
next to the last figure, corresponds with that supposition, as such 
feelings would not be manifested on the death of an enemy. 

The point of interest in this drawing is, that the figures are very 
skillfully copied from the numerous characters of the same kind repre- 
senting Ojibwa pictographs, and given by Schoolcraft. The arrange- 
ment of these copied characters is precisely what would be common in 
the similar work of Indians. In fact, the group constitutes an intelli- 
gent pictograph and affords a good illustration of the manner in which 
one can be made. The fact that it was sold under false representations 
is its objectionable feature. 

Another case brought officially to the Bureau of Ethnology shows 
evidence of a more determined fraud. In 1888 and earlier a so-called 
" Shawnee doctor" had displayed as a chart in the nature of an aborig- 
inal diploma, a brightly colored picture 36 by 40 inches, a copy of 
which was sent, to be deciphered, to the Bureau by a gentleman who is 
not supposed to have been engaged in fraud or hoax. The mystic chart 
is copied in Fig. 1289. There was little difficulty in its explanation. 

The large figures on the border can not be pretended to be of Indian 
origin. The smaller interior figures constituting the body of the chart 
are all, with trifling exceptions, exact copies of figures published and 
fully explained in G. Copway's " Traditional History, etc., of the 
Ojibway Nation." op. cit. Several of the same figures appear above in 
the present work. The principal exceptions are, first, a modern knife; 
second, a bird with a decidedly un-Indian human head, and, third, a 
cross with two horizontal arms of equal length. The figures from 
Copway are not in the exact order given in his list and it is possible 



FRAUDULENT PICTOGRAPHY. 



767 



that they may have been placed in their present order to simulate the 
appearance of some connected narrative or communication, which could 
readily be done in the same manner as the words of a dictionary could 
be cut out and pasted in some intelligent sequence. 




Among the curiosities of literature in connection with the interpre- 
tation of pictographs may be mentioned La Verite sixr le Livre des 
Sauvages, par I/Abbe Em. Doruenech, Paris, 1861, and Researches into 
the Lost Histories of America, by W. S. Blacket, London and Phila- 
delphia, 1884. 

The following remarks of Dr. Edkins (h) are also in point: 

The early Jesuits were accustomed to interpret Chinese characters on the wildest 
principles. They detected religious mysteries in the most unexpected situations. 
Kwei "treacherous," is written with Kieu "nine," and ahove it one of the cover- 
ing radicals, Fig. 1290a. This, then, was Satan at the 

head of the nine ranks of angels. The character, same %. * f f£f A 

Fig., 6, c'hwen "a hoat," was believed to contain an Jj^i T#T 
allusion to the deluge. On the left side is the ark and on / U ' <J LJ 

the right are the signs for eight and for persons. The (%, b 
day for this mode of explaining the Chinese characters Fig. 1290.— Chinese characters, 
has gone by. 



OHAPTEE XXIII. 



GENERAL CONCLUSIONS. 

The result of the writer's studies upou petroglyphs as distinct from 
other forms of picture writing may now be summarized. 

Perhaps the most important lesson learned from these studies is that 
no attempt should be made at symbolic interpretation unless the sym- 
bolic nature of the particular characters under examination is known, 
or can be logically inferred from independent facts. To start with a 
theory, or even a hypothesis, that the rock writings are all symbolic 
and may be interpreted by the imagination of the observer or by trans- 
lation either from or into known symbols of similar form found in other 
regions, were a limitless delusion. Doubtless many of the characters 
are genuine symbols or emblems, and some have been ascertained 
through extrinsic information to be such. Sometimes the more modern 
forms are explained by Indians who have kept up the pictograpliic 
practice, and the modern forms occasionally throw light upon the more 
ancient. But the rock inscriptions do not evince mysticism or esoteri- 
cism, cryptography, or steganography. With certain exceptions they 
were intended to be understood by all observers either as rude objec- 
tive representations or as ideograms, which indeed were often so imper- 
fect as to require elucidation, but not by any hermeneutic key. While 
they often related to religious ceremonies or myths, such figures were 
generally drawn in the same spirit with which any interesting matter 
was portrayed. 

While the interpretation of petroglyphs by Indians should be obtain- 
ed if possible, it. must be received with caution. They very seldom 
know by tradition the meaning of the older forms, and their inferences 
are often made from local and limited pictograpliic practices. There 
is no more conscientious and intelligent Indian authority than Frank 
La Fleche, an Omaha, and he explains the marks on a rock in Ne- 
braska as associated with the figures of deceased men and exhibiting 
the object which caused their death, such as an arrow or ax. This may 
be a local or tribal practice, but it certainly does not apply to similar 
figures throughout the Algonquian and Iroquoian areas, where, ac- 
cording to the concurrent testimony for more than two centuries, 
similar figures are either designations of tribes and associations, or in 
their combinations are records of achievements. 

Lossing (b) gives the following explanation of markings on a well 
known rock : 

Among the brave warriors in the battle [of Maumee] who were the last to flee be- 
fore Wayne's legion, was Me-sa-sa, or Turkey-foot, an Ottawa chief, who lived on 
Blanchards Fork of the AuGlaize Eiver. He was greatly beloved by his people. 
768 



SUSPICIOUS INTERPRETATIONS. 



769 



His courage was conspicuous. When he found the line of dusky warriors giving 
way at the foot of Presque Isle hill, he leaped upon a small bowlder, and by voice 
and gesture endeavored to make them stand firm. He almost immediately fell, 
pierced by a musket ball, and expired by the side of the rock. * * * They carved 
many rude figures of a turkey's foot on the stone, as a memorial of the English name 
of the lamented Me-sa-sa. The stone is still there, by the side of the highway at the 
foot of Presque Isle hill, within a few rods of the swift-flowing Maumee. Many of 
the carvings are still quite deep and distinct, while others have been obliterated by 
the abrasion of the elements. 

This tale may be true, but it surely does not account for the turkey- 
foot marks which are so common in the northeastern Algonquian re- 
gion, extending from Dighton rock to Ohio, that they form a typical 
characteristic of its pictographs. They have been considered to be the 
sign for the bird, the turkey, which was a frequent totem. Lossing's 
story is an example of the readiness of an Indian, when in an amiable 
and communicative mood, to answer queries in a manner which he sup- 
poses will be satisfactory to his interviewer. He will then give any 
desired amount of information on any subject without the slightest 
restriction by the vulgar bounds of fact. It is dangerous to believe 
explanations on such subjects as are now under consideration, unless 
they are made without leading questions by a number of Indian au- 
thorities independently. 

Specially convenient places for halting and resting on a journey, either 
by land or water, such as is mentioned supra, on Machias bay, generally 
exhibit petroglyphs if rocks of the proper character are favorably situ- 
ated there. The markings may be mere graffiti, the product of leisure 
hours, or may be of the more serious descriptions mentioned below. 

Some points are ascertained with regard to the motives of the 
painters and sculptors on rocks. Some of the characters were mere 
records of the visits of individuals to important springs or to fords on 
regularly established trails. In this practice there may have been in 
the intention of the Indians very much the same spirit which induces 
the civilized man to record his name or initials upon objects in the 
neighborhood of places of general resort. But there was real utility 
in the Indian practice, which more nearly approached to the signature 
in a visitor's book at a hotel or public building, both to establish the 
identity of the traveler and to give the news to friends of his presence 
and passage. At Oakley springs, Arizona territory, totemic marks 
have been found, evidently made by the same individual at successive 
visits, showing that on the number of occasions indicated he had 
passed by those springs, probably camping there, and the habit of 
making such record was continued until quite recently by the neigh- 
boring Indians. The same repetition of totemic names has been found 
in great numbers in the pipestone quarries of Minnesota, on the rocks 
near Odanah, Wisconsin, and also at some old fords in West Virginia. 
These totemic marks are so designed and executed as to have in- 
trinsic significance and value, wholly different in this respect from 
10 eth 49 



770 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

names in alphabetic form, which grammatically are proper but prac- 
tically may be common. 

Eock carvings are frequently noticed at waterfalls and other points 
on rivers and on lake shores favorable for fishing, which frequency is 
accounted for by the periodical resort of Indians to such places. Some- 
times they only mark their stay, but occasionally there also appear to 
be records of conflict with rival or inimical tribes which sought to use 
the same waters. 

Evidence is presented in the present work that the characters on 
rock pictures sometimes were pointers or " sign-posts" to show the 
direction of springs, the line of established trails, or of paths that 
would shorten distances in travel. It has been supposed that similar 
indications were used guiding to burial mounds and other places of 
peculiar sanctity or interest, but the evidence of this employment is 
not conclusive. Many inquiries have been made of the Bureau of 
Ethnology concerning Indian marks supposed to indicate the sites of 
gold, silver, and copper mines and buried treasure generally, which 
inquiries were answered only because it was recognized as the duty of 
an office of the government to respond, so far as possible, to requests 
for information, however silly, which are made in good faith. 

Petroglyphs are now most frequently found in those parts of the 
world which are still, or recently have been, inhabited by savage or 
barbarian tribes. Persons of these tribes when questioned about the 
authorship of the rock drawings have generally attributed them to 
supernatural beings. Statements to this effect from many peoples of 
the three Americas and of other regions, together with the names of 
rockwriting deities, are abundantly cited in the present work. This is 
not surprising, nor is it instructive, except as to the mere fact that the 
drawings are ancient. Man has always attributed to supernatural ac- 
tion whatever he did not understand. Also, it appears that in modern 
times shamans have encouraged this belief and taken advantage of it 
to interpret for their own purposes the drawings, some of which have 
been made by themselves. But notwithstanding these errors and 
frauds, a large proportion of the petroglyphs in America are legiti- 
mately connected with the myths and the religious practices of the au- 
thors. The information obtained during late years regarding tribes 
such as the Zuni, Moki, Navajo, and Ojibwa, which have kept up on the 
one hand their old religious practices and on the other that of picture 
writing, is conclusive on this point. The rites and ceremonies of these 
tribes are to some extent shown pictorially on the rocks, some of the 
characters on which have until lately been wholly meaningless, but are 
now identified as drawings of the paraphernalia used in or as diagrams 
of the drama of their rituals. Unless those rituals, with the creeds 
and cosmologies connected with them had been learned, the petro- 
glyphs would never have been interpreted. The fact that they are now 
understood does not add any new information, except that perhaps in 



MALLEKY.] 



OBJECTS USED SYMBOLICALLY. 



771 



some instances their age may show the antiquity and continuity of the 
present rites. 

A potent reason for caution in making deductions based only on 
copies of figures published incidentally in works of travel is that it can 
seldom be ascertained with exactness what is the true depiction of those 
figures as actually existing or as originally made. The personal equa- 
tion affects the drawings and paintings intended to be copies from the 
rock surfaces and also the engravings and other forms of reproductions, 
and the student must rely upon very uncertain reproductions for most 
of his material. The more ancient petroglyphs also require the aid of 
the imagination to supply eroded lines or faded colors. Travelers and 
explorers are seldom so conscientious as to publish an obscure copy of 
of the obscure original. It is either made to appear distinct or is not 
furnished at all, and if the author were conscientious the publisher 
would probably overrule him. 

Thorough knowledge of the historic tribes, including their sociology, 
sophiology, technology, and especially their sign language, will prob- 
ably result in the interpretation of many more petroglyphs than are 
now understood, but the converse is not true. The rock characters 
studied independently will not give much primary information about 
customs and concepts, though it may and does corroborate what has 
been obtained by other modes of investigation. A knowledge of In- 
dian customs, costumes, including arrangement of hair, paint, and all 
tribal designations, and of their histories and traditions, is essential 
to the understanding of their drawings ; for which reason some of those 
particulars known to have influenced pictography have been set forth 
in this work and objects have been mentioned which were known to 
have been portrayed graphically with special intent. 

Other objects are used symbolically or emblematically which, so far 
as known, have never appeared in any form of pictographs, but might 
be found in any of them. For instance, Mr. Schoolcraft says of the 
Dakotas that ''some of the chiefs had the skins of skunks tied to their 
heels to symbolize that they never ran, as that animal is noted for its 
slow and self-possessed movements." This is one of the many customs 
to be remembered in the attempted interpretations of pictographs. The 
present writer does not know that a skunk skin or a strip of skin which 
might be supposed to be a skunk skin attached to a human heel has 
ever been separately used pictorially as the ideogram of courage or 
steadfastness, but with the knowledge of this objective use of the skins, 
if they were found so represented pictorially, the interpretation would 
be suggested without any direct explanation from Indians. 

A partial view of petroglyphs has excited hope that by their corre- 
lation the priscan homes and migrations of peoples may be ascertained. 
Undoubtedly striking similarities are found in regions far apart from as 
well as near to each other. A glance at the bas-reliefs of Boro Boudour 
in Java, now copied and published by the Dutch authorities, at once re- 
calls figures of the lotus and uraeus of Egypt, the horns of Assyria, the 



772 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 

thunderbolt of Greece, the Buddhist fig tree, and other noted characters 
common in several parts of the world. If the petroglyphs of America 
are considered as the texts with which all others may be compared, it is 
believed that the present work shows illustrations nearly identical with 
many much-discussed carvings and paintings on the rocks of the east- 
ern hemisphere, those in Siberia being most strongly suggestive of 
connection. But from the present collection it would seem that the 
similarity of styles in various regions is more worthy of study than is 
the mere resemblance or even identity of characters, the significance 
of which is unknown and may have differed in the intent of the several 
authors. Indeed it is clear that even in limited areas of North Amer- 
ica, diverse significance is attached to the same figure and differing 
figures are made to express the same concept. 

The present work shows a surprising resemblance between the typi- 
cal forms among the petroglpyhs found iu Brazil, Venezuela, Peru, 
Guiana, part of Mexico, and those in the Pacific slope of North Amer- 
ica. This similarity includes the forms in Guatemala and Alaska, 
which, on account of the material used, are of less assured antiquity. 
Indeed it would be safe to include Japan and New Zealand in this gen- 
eral class. In this connection an important letter from Mr. James G. 
Swan, respecting the carved wooden images of the Haidas, accentuates 
the deduction derived ouly from comparison. Mr. Swan says that he 
showed to the Indians of various coast tribes the plates of Dr. HabePs 
work on sculptures in Guatemala, and that they all recognized several 
of the pictures which he notes. They also recognized and understood 
the pictures of the Zuhi ceremonials, masks, and masquerades scenes 
published by Mr. F. H. Gushing. 

Without entering upon the discussion whether America was peopled 
from east to west, or from either, or from any other part of the earth, 
it is for the present enough to suggest that the petroglyphs and other 
pictographs in the three Americas indicate that their pre-Columbian 
inhabitants had at one time frequent communication with each other, 
perhaps not then being separated by the present distances of habitat. 
Styles of drawing and painting could thus readily be diffused, and, in- 
deed, to mention briefly the extralimital influence, if as many Japa- 
nese and Chinese vessels were driven upon the west American coast in 
prehistoric times as are known by historic statistics to have been so 
driven, the involuntary immigrants skilled in drawing and painting 
might readily have impressed their styles upon the Americans near 
their landing place to be thence indefinitely diffused. This hypothesis 
would not involve migration. 

Interest has been felt in petroglyphs, because it has been supposed 
that if interpreted they would furnish records of vanished peoples or 
races, and connected with that supposition was one naturally affili- 
ated that the old rock sculptures were made by peoples so far advanced 
in culture as to use alphabets or at least syllabaries, thus supporting 



DETERMINATIVE DESIGNS*-. 



773 



the theory about the mythical mound builders or some other suppo- 
sititious race. All suggestions of this nature should at once be aban- 
doned. The practice of pictography does not belong to civilization 
and declines when an alphabet becomes popularly known. Neither is 
there the slightest evidence that an alphabet or syllabary was ever 
used in pre-Columbian America by the aborignes, though there is 
some trace of Eunic inscriptions. The fact that the Maya and Aztec 
peoples were rapidly approaching to such modes of expressing thought, 
and that the Dakota and Ojibwa had well entered upon that line of 
evolution, shows that they had proceeded no farther, and it is admitted 
that they were favorable representatives of the tribes of the continent 
in this branch of art. The theory mentioned requires the assumption, 
without a particle of evidence, that the rock sculptures are alphabetic, 
and therefore were made by a supposititious and extinct race. Topers 
of the mysterious may delight in such dazing infusions of perverted 
fancy, but they are repulsive to the sober student. 

The foregoing remarks apply mainly to rock inscriptions and not to 
pictographs on other substances, the discussion and illustration of 
which occupy the greater part of the present work. In that division 
there is no need of warning against wild theories or uncertain data. 
The objects are in hand and their current use as well as their signifi- 
cance is understood. Their description and illustration by classes is 
presented in the above chapters with such detail that further discus- 
sion here would be mere repetition. 

One line of thought, however, is so connected with several of the 
classifications that it may here be mentioned with the suggestion that 
the preceding headings, with the illustrations presented under each, may 
be reviewed in reference to the methodical progress of pictography 
toward a determined and convenient form of writing. This exhibition 
of evolution was arrested by foreign invasion before the indirect signs 
of sound had superseded the direct presentments of sight for communi- 
cation and record. Traces of it appear throughout the present paper, 
but are more intelligently noticed on a second examination than in 
cursory reading. In the Winter Counts of Battiste Good there are 
many characters where the figure of a human being is connected with 
an object, which shows his tribal status or the disease of which he 
died, and the characters representing the tribe or disease are purely 
determinative. 

The discrimination which is made between animals and objects por- 
trayed simply as such, and as supernatural or mystic, is shown in the 
many illustrations of Ojibwa and Zuni devices, in which the heart is con- 
nected with a line extending to the mouth, and those of the Ojibwa and 
the Dakota, where the spirals indicate spirit or wakan. Animals are 
often portrayed without such lines, in which cases it is understood that 
they are only the animals in natural condition, but with the designa- 
tions or determinatives they are intended to be supernatural. Among 



774 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



the Ojibwa animals connected with certain ceremonies are represented 
as encircled by a belt or baldric, an ornamented baldric of the same 
character being nsed by the participants in the ceremonial chant 
dance ; so that the baldric around the animal determines that the fig- 
ure is that of a supernatural and mystic, not an ordinary, animal. 
This is an indication of the start from simple pictography towards an 
alphabet by the use of determinatives as was done by the Chinese. 

It is not believed that much information of historical value will be 
obtained directly from the interpretation of the petroglyphs in Amer- 
ica. The greater part of those already known are simply peckings, 
carvings, or paintings connected with their myths or with their every- 
day lives. It is, however, probable that others were intended to com- 
memorate events, but the events, which to their authors were of 
moment, would be of little importance as history, if, as is to be ex- 
pected, they were selected in the same manner as is done by modern 
Indian pictographers. They referred generally to some insignificant 
fight or some season of plenty or of famine, or to other circumstances 
the interest in which has long ago died away. 

The question may properly be asked, why, with such small prospect 
of gaining historic information, so much attention has been directed 
to the collection and study of petroglyphs. A sufficient answer might 
be submitted, that the fact mentioned could not be made evident until 
after that collection and study, and that it is of some use to establish 
the limits of any particular line of investigation, especially one largely 
discussed with mystical inferences to support false hypotheses. But 
though the petroglyphs do not and probably never will disclose the 
kind of information hoped for by some enthusiasts, they surely are 
valuable as marking the steps in one period of human evolution and 
in presenting evidence of man's early practices. Also though the 
occurrences interesting to their authors and therefore recorded or 
indicated by them are not important as facts of history, they are proper 
subjects of examination, simply because in fact they were the chief 
objects of interest to their authors, and for that reason become of 
ethnologic import. It is not denied that some of the drawings on rocks 
were made without special purpose, for mere pastime, but they are of 
import even as mere graffiti. The character of the drawings and the 
mode of their execution tell something of their makers. If they do 
not tell who those authors were, they at least suggest what kind of peo- 
ple they were as regards art, customs, and sometimes religion. But 
there is a broader mode of estimating the quality of known picto- 
graphs. Musicians are eloquent in lauding of the great composers 
of songs without words. The ideography, which is the prominent fea- 
ture of picture writing, displays both primordially and practically the 
higher and purer concept of thoughts without sound. 

The experience of the present writer induces him to offer the follow- 
ing suggestions for the benefit of travelers and other observers who 
may meet with petroglyphs which they may desire to copy and describe. 



SUGGESTIONS TO OBSERVEES. 



775 



As a small drawing of large rock inscriptions must leave in doubt 
the degree of its finish and perhaps the essential objects of its pro- 
duction, it is requisite, in every instance, to affix the scale of the draw- 
ing, or to give a principal dimension to serve as a guide. A conven- 
ient scale for ordinary petroglyphs is one-sixteenth of actual size. The 
copy should be with sufficient detail to show the character of the work. 
It is useful to show the lithologic character of the rock or bowlder 
used; whether the drawing has been scratched into the face of the rock, 
or incised more deeply with a sharp implement, and the depth of 
such incision; whether the design is merely outlined, or the whole 
body of the figures pecked out, and whether paint has been applied to 
the pecked surface, or the design executed with paint only. The com- 
position of paint should be ascertained when possible. The amount of 
weathering or erosion, together with the exposure, or any other fea- 
ture bearing on the question of antiquity, might prove important. If 
actual colors are not accessible for representation the ordinary heraldic 
scheme of colors can be used. 

That sketches, even by artists of ability, are not of high value in 
accuracy, is shown by the discrepant copies of some of the most care- 
fully studied pictographs, which discrepancies sometimes leave in 
uncertainty the points most needed for interpretation. Sketches, or 
still better, photographs are desirable to present a connected and gen- 
eral view of the characters and the surface upon which they are found. 
For accuracy of details " squeezes" should be obtained when practicable. 

A simple method of obtaining squeezes of petroglyphs, when the lines 
are sufficiently deep to roceive an impression, is to take ordinary mauilla 
paper of loose texture, and to spread the sheet, after being thoroughly 
wetted, over the surface, commencing at the top. The top edge may 
be temporarily secured by a small streak of starch or flour paste. The 
paper is then pressed upon the surface of the rock by means of a soft 
bristle brush, so that its texture is gently forced into every depression. 
Torn portions of the paper may be supplied by applying small patches 
of wet paper until every opening is thoroughly covered. A coating of 
ordinary paste, as above mentioned, is now applied to tbe entire sur- 
face, and a new sheet of paper, similarly softened by water, is laid over 
this and pressed down with the brush. This process is continued until 
three or four thicknesses of paper have been used. Upon drying, the 
entire mold will usually fall off by contraction. The edge at the top, 
if previously pasted to the rock, should be cut. The entire sheet can 
then be rolled up, or if inconveniently large can be cut in sections and 
properly marked for future purposes. This process yields the nega- 
tive. To obtain the positive the inner coating of the negative may be 
oiled, and the former process renewed upon the cast. 

The characters when painted with bright tints and upon a light- 
colored surface, may readily be traced upon tracing linen, such as is 
employed by topographers. Should the rock be of a dark color, and 
the characters indistinct, a simple process is to first follow the charac- 



776 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



ters in outline with colored crayons, red chalk, or dry colors mixed with 
water and applied with a brush, after which a piece of muslin is placed 
over the surface and pressed so as to receive sufficient coloring matter 
to indicate general form and relative position. After these impres- 
sions are touched up, the true position may be obtained by painting 
the lines upon the back of the sheet of muslin, or by making a true 
tracing of the negative. 

An old mode of securing the outline was to clear out the channels of 
the intaglios, then, after painting them heavily, to press a sheet of 
muslin into the freshly painted depressions. The obvious objection 
to this method is the damage to the inscription. Before such treat- 
ment, if the only one practicable, all particulars of the work to be 
covered by paint should be carefully recorded. 

The locality should be reported with detail of State (or territory), 
county, township, and distance and direction from the nearest post- 
office, railway station, or country road. In addition the name of any 
contiguous stream, hill, bluff, or other remarkable natural feature 
should be given. The name of the owner of the land is of temporary 
value, as it is liable to frequent changes. The site or station should 
be particularly described with reference to its natural characteristics 
and geological history. When petroglyphs are in numbers and groups, 
their relation to each other to the points of the compass or to topo- 
graphical features, should be noted, if possible, by an accurate survey, 
otherwise by numeration and sketching. 

The following details should be carefully noted: The direction of 
the face of the rock ; the presence of probable trails and gaps which 
may have been used in shortening distances in travel; localities of 
mounds and caves, if any, in the vicinity; ancient camping grounds, 
indicated by fragments of pottery, flint chips or other refuse; exist- 
ence of aboriginal relics, particularly flints which may have been used 
in pecking (these may be found at the base of the rocks upon which 
petroglyphs occur); the presence of small mortar-holes which may 
have served in the preparation of colors. 

With reference to pictographs on other objects than rock it is im- 
portant to report the material upon which they appear and the imple- 
ments ascertained to be used in their execution examples of which are 
given'in other parts of this work. 

With reference to all kinds of pictographs, it should be remembered 
that mere descriptions without graphic representations are of little 
value. Probable age and origin and traditions relating to them should 
be ascertained. Their interpretation by natives of the locality who 
themselves make pictographs or who belong to people who have lately 
made pictographs is most valuable, especially in reference to such de- 
signs as may be either conventional, religious, or connected with lines 
of gesture-signs. 



LIST OF WORKS AND AUTHORS CITED. 



The object of this alphabetical list is to permit convenient reference to authorities 
•without either deforming the pages of the present work by footnotes or cumbering 
the text with more or less abbreviated indications of editions, volumes, and pases, as 
well as titles and names, which in some cases would have required many repetitions. 
The list is by no means intended as a bibliography of the subject, nor even as a state- 
ment of the printed and MS. works actually studied and consulted by the present 
writer in the preparation of his copy. The details and niceties of bibliographic 
description are not attempted, the titles being abbreviated, except in a few instances 
where they are believed to be of special interest. The purpose is to include only the 
works which have been actually quoted or cited in the text, and, indeed, not all of 
those, as it was deemed unnecessary to transfer to the list some well-known works 
of which there are no confusing numbers of editions. When a publication is cited 
in the text but once, sufficient reference is sometimes made at the place of citation. 
When it would seem that the reference should be more particular the work is men- 
tioned in the text, generally by the name of the author, followed by an italic letter 
of the alphabet in a parenthesis, which letter is repeated in the same form under 
the authors name in the alphabetical list followed by mention of the edition from 
which the citation was taken, the number of the volume when there is more than 
one volume of that edition, and the page ; also a reference, when needed, to the 
illustration reproduced or described. 

Example: When the voluminous official publication of Schoolcraft is first quoted 
on p. 35, the reference is to p. 351 of his first volume, and the name Schoolcraft " is 
followed by (a). On turning to that name in the list there appears under it a note of 
the work and the letter (a) is followed by " i, p. 351." The references to this author 
are so many that all the letters of the alphabet are successively employed — indeed, 
some of them do duty several times, as several references in the text are to tbe same 
page or plate. The references to this single author would therefore have required at 
least thirty footnotes, or corresponding words iu the text, instead of thirty italic 
letters divided between the several places of citation. 

The abbreviation and simplicity of the plan is shown where there are many edi- 
tions of the work cited. One of the most troublesome for reference of all publica- 
tions is that of the Travels, etc., of Lewis and Clarke. The letter (a) after those 
names on p. 419, repeated under the same names in the list, refers to p. 66 of the 
edition specified. 

When the italic letter in parenthesis precedes the title of a work in the list, 
reference is made to that work as a whole without specific quotation. So also 
when no such italic letter appears. Occasionally the title and imprint of a maga- 
zine or other continuous publication appears in the list without note of volume 
and page. This occurs where the authority is noted elsewhere, generally more than 
once, with only curt reference to the serial publication, and is intended to avoid repe- 
tition. 

The simple scheme is designed, while avoiding bibliographic prolixity, to give 
practical assistance to the reader in finding the authorities cited, when desired. 
Scientific pretense has sometimes been sacrificed for simplicity and convenience. 

777 



778 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



LIST. 

ADAIR (James). 

The History of the American Indians ; particularly those Nations adjoining to the 
Mississippi, East and West Florida, Georgia, South and North Carolina, and 
Virginia. * * * By James Adair, Esquire, a Trader with the Indians, and 
Resident in their Country for Forty Years. London ; 1775. 4°. 

(a) p. 389. 

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. 

The American Anthropologist, published quarterly under the auspices of the 
Anthropological .Society of Washington. Washington, D. C. Vol. I [-VI]. 8°. 
(a) ii, 1889, No. 4, p.*323. (b) ibid., p. 524. 
AMERICAN NATURALIST. 

The American Naturalist-, a monthly journal devoted to the natural sciences in 
their widest sense. Philadelphia. Vol. i[-xxvn]. 8°. 

AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY. 

Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, held at Philadelphia, for 
promoting useful knowledge. Philadelphia (Penna.). Vol. i[-xxx]. 8°. 
(a) xxix, p. 216. 

AND REE (Dr. Richard). 

Das Zeichnen bei den Naturvolkern. Separatabdruck aus den Mittheilungen 
der Anthropologischen Gescllschaft in Wien. Bd. xvn, der neuen Folge Bd. 
vii. Wien; 1887. 8°. 

(a) p. 6. (6) p. 4. (c)ib. (d) V )8. (e) p. 5. 
Ethnographische Parallelen unci Vergleiche, von Richard Audree. Mit 6 Tafeln 
und 21 Holzschnitten. Stuttgart; 1878. 8°. 
(a) p. 260. (1)) p. 194. 

ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. 

The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. 
London; 1872 [-1892]. 8°. 

(a) xix, May, 1890, p. 368. (6) xvi, Feb., 1887, p. 309. (c) i, 1872, p. 334. 
(d) x, Feb., 1880, p. 104. (e) m, Feb., 1873, p. 131. (/) xvn, Nov., 1887, 
p. 86. 

ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF TOKYO. 

See Tokyo Anthropological Society of. 
ANTHROPOLOGIE. 

See V Anthropologic. 
ANTHROFOLOGISCHE GESELLSCHAFT IN BERLIN. 

See Berliner Gescllschaft fit r Anthropologic 
ANTHROPOLOGISCHE GESELLSCHAFT IN WIEN. 

Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien. In Commission bei 
Alfred Holder, k. k. Hot- und Uiiiversitats-Buckhandler. Wien; 4°. 
(a) xvi, hi. and iv. Heft, 1886, Tafel x. 
APPUN (C. F.). 

Siidamerikanischen, mit Sculpturen bedeckten Felsens. In Verhandlungen der 
Berliner Gescllschaft fiir Anthropologic, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte. Ber- 
lin; Mai. 1877. 

(a) pp. 6 and 7, PI. xvi. 
ARARIPE (Tristao de Alencar). 

Cidades Petriiicades e Inscripcoes Lapidares no Brazil. By Tristao de Alencar 
Araripe In Revista Trim, do lust. Hist, e Geog. Brazil, Tome L, 2° folheto. 
Rio de Janeiro ; 1887. 

(a) p. 275 et seq. (6) p. 291. (c) p. 277. 



malleey.] LIST OF WORKS AND AUTHORS CITED. 



779 



ARCHAIC ROCK INSCRIPTIONS. 

Archaic Rock Inscriptions; an Account of the Cup and Ring Markings on the 
Sculptured Stones of the Old and New Worlds. * * * A Reader, Orange Street, 
Red Lion Square, London ; 1891. Sm. 8°. 

ATJSLAND, Das 

Das Ausland. Wochenschrift fur Erd- und Volkerkunde. Herausgesfeben von 
Siegmund Giinther. Stuttgart. Verlag der J. G. Cotta'schen Buchhandlung, 
Nachfolger. 4°. 

(a) 1884, No. 1, p. 12. 

BANCROFT (Hubert Howe). 

The Native Races of the Pacific States of North America. By Hubert Howe 
Bancroft. San Francisco ; 1882. Vol. i[-v]. 8°. 

(a) i, p. 379. (6) I, p. 48. (c) I, p. 332. (d) II, p. 802. (e) I, p. 333. (/) I, 
p. 387. (g) i, p. 403. (h) u, p. 374. (0 iv, pp. 40-50. 

BANDELIER (A. F.). 

Report of an Archaeological Tour in Mexico in 1881. By A. F. Bandelier. Papers 
of the Archseological Institute of America. American Series, n. Boston; 
1884. 8°. 
(o) p. 184. 
BARTLETT (John Russell). 

Personal Narrative of Explorations and Incidents in Texas, New Mexico, Cali- 
fornia, Sonora, and Chihuahua, connected with the United States and Mexican 
Boundary Commission, during the years 1850, '51, '52, and '53. By John Rus- 
sell Bartlett, United States Commissioner during that period. New York; 
.1854. 2 vols. 8°. 

(a) ii, pp. 192-206. (6) ibid., pp. 170-173. 

BASTIAN (A.). 

(&) Amerika'sNordwest-Kuste. NeuesteErgebnisse ethnologischer Reisen. Aus 
den Sammlungen der koniglichen Museen zu Berlin. Herausgegeben von der 
Direction der ethnologischen Abtheilung. Berlin; 1884. Folio. 

Ethnologisches Bilderbuch (mit erklarendem Text), 25 Tafeln. Von Adolf Bas- 
tian. Berlin; 1887, Folio, 
(a) PI. vi. 

BELDEN (G. P.). 

Belden, the White Chief, or Twelve Years among the Wild Indians of the Plains. 
From the diaries and manuscripts of George P. Belden, * * * Edited by 
Gen. James S. Brisbin, U. S. A. Cincinnati and New York; 1870. 8°. 
(a) p. 277. (6) p. 145. (c) p. 144. 
BERLINER GE SELL S CH AFT FUR ANTHROPOLOGIC. 

Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft fur Anthropologic, Ethnologie und 
Urgeschichte. Redigirt von Rud. Virchow. Berlin. 8°. 

(a) No. 20, March, 1886. (6) Sitzung 16, November, 1889, p. 655. (c) ibid., - 
p. 651. (d) March 20, 1886, p. 208. 

BERTHELOT (S.). 

Notice sur les Caracteres Hieroglyphiques Grave's sur les Roches Volcaniques 
aux lies Canaries. In Bulletin de la Socie'te' de Ge"ographie, re"dig6 avec le 
Concours de la Section de Publication par les Secr6taires de la Commission 
Centrale. Sixieme Serie, Tome Neuvieme, anne"e 1875. Paris ; 1875. 
(a) p. 117 et seq. (&) p. 189. 

BERTHOUD (Capt. E.L.). 

(a) In Kansas City Review of Science and Industry, vn, 1883, No. 8, pp. 489, 490. 



780 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



BLOXAM(G.W.). 

Aroko, or Symbolic Letters. In Journal Anthrop. Inst. Great Britain and Ire- 
land. 1887. 

(a) pp. 291 et seq. (6) p. 295. (c) p. 298. 

BOAS (Dr. Franz). 

Report on the Northwestern Tribes of the Dominion of Canada. In Report of 
the Fifty-ninth Annual Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement 
of Science. London; 1889. 

(c) p. 12. (e) pp. 852, 853. (/) p. 841. 
Felsenzeichnung von Vancouver Island. In Verhandlungeu der Berliner Gesell- 
schaft fiir Anthropologie, ausserordentliche Sitzung am 14. Februar 1891. 
(fl)p. 160. Fig. p. 161. 
The Houses of the Kwakiutl Indians, British Columbia. In Proceedings of the 
U. S. National Museum for 1888. Washington. 8°. 
(5) pp. 197 et seq. {d) p. 212, PL XL. (g) p. 208. 

BOBAN (Eugene). 

Documents pour servir a l'Histoire du Mexique. Catalogue raisonne de la Col- 
lection de M. E. -Eugene Goupil (Ancienne coll. J.-M.-A. Aubin). Manuscrits 
figuratifs et autres sur papier indigene d'agave Mexicana et sur papier euro- 
pe"en anterieurs et posterieurs a la Conquete du Mexique. (xvi e siecle). Avec 
une introduction de M. E. -Eugene Goupil et une lettre-preTaee de M. Auguste 
Genin. Paris; 1891. 2 vols. 4°, and atlas folio, 
(a) ii, p. 273. (&) ii, pp. 331, 342. 

BOCK (Carl). 

The Head-Hunters of Borneo : A narrative of travel up the Mahakkam and down 
theBarrito; also journeyings in Sumatra. By Carl Bock. London; 1881. 8°. 
(a) p. 67. (6) p. 41. 

BOLLER (Henry A.). 

Among the Indians. Eight years in the Far West: 1858-1866. Embracing 
sketches of Montana and Salt Lake. By Henry A. Boiler. Philadelphia; 
1868. 12°. 
(a) p. 284. 

BOSCAWEN (W. St. Chad). 

The Prehistoric Civilization of Babylonia. In Journal of the Anthropological 
Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. viii, No. 1; August, 1878. 

(a) p. 23. 

BOSSU (Capt.). 

Travels through that part of North America formerly called Louisiana. By Mr. 
Bossu, captain in the French marines. Translated from the French by John 
Rheinhold Forster. Illustrated with Notes, relative chiefly to Natural His- 
tory. London; 1771. 2 vols. 8°. 
(a) I, p. 164. 

BOTURINI (Benaduci). 

Idea de una Nueva Historia < J oner a 1 do la. America- Septentrional, fuiidada sobre 
material copioso de Fignras, Symbolos, Caracteres y Geroglificos, Cantares y 
Manuscritos de Autores Indies, ultimamente descubiertos. Dedicada al Rey 
N tro Senor en su real y supremo consejo de las Indias el Cavallero Lorenzo Bo- 
turini Benaduci, Senor de la Torre, y de Pono. Madrid; 1746. 4°. 
(a) pp. 54-56. 



LIST OF WORKS AND AUTHORS CITED. 



781 



BOURKE (Capt. Johx G.). 

The Snake-Dance of the Moquis of Arizona; being a Narrative of a Journey from 
Santa Fe\ New Mexico, to the Villages of the Moqui Indians of Arizona, etc. 
By John G. Bourke, Captain, Third U. S. Cavalry. New York; 1884. 8°. 
(/) P- 120. 

The Medicine Men of the Apaches. By John G. Bourke, Captain, Third Cavalry, 
U. S. Army. In the Ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. 
(«) p. 550 et seq. (b) p. 562. (c) ib. (d) p. 580. (e) p. 588. (/) ib. 
BOVALLIUS (Carl). 

Nicaraguan Antiquities. By Carl Bovallius; pub. by Swed. Soc. Anthrop. and 
Geog. Stockholm; 1886. 8°. 
(a) PI. 39. 
BOYLE (David). 

4th Ann. Rep. Canadian Institute, 1890. 
(a) p. 23. (6)ib. 
BRANSFORD (Dr. J. F.). 

Archaeological Researches in Nicaragua. By J. F. Bransford, m. d., Passed As- 
sistant Surgeon, U. S. Navy. [Constitutes No. 383, Smithsonian Contributions 
to Knowledge.] Washington; 1881. 
(a) p. 64, fig. 123. (b) p. 65. 
BRASSETJR DE BOURBOTJRG (Abbe Charles Etienne). 
See Landa. 

BRAZILEIRO, REVISTA TRIMENSAL. 

See Eevista Trimensal do Jnstituto Hist, e Geog. Brazileiro. 

BRINTON (Prof. Daniel G.). 

On the " Stone of the Giants." In Report of the Proceedings of the Numismatic 
and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia for the years 1887-1889. Philadelphia ; 
1891. 

(a) p. 78 et seq. (c) ib. 
On the Ikonomatie Method of Phonetic Writing, with special reference to American 
Archaeology. Read before the Am. Philosoph. Soc. Oct. 1, 1886. 
(6) p. 3. 

The Names of the Gods in the Kiche Myths, Central America. By Daniel G. Brin- 
ton, m. d. Separate and inProc. Am. Philos. Soc. 8° 
(d) xix, p. 613. 

(e.) The Maya Chronicles. Edited by Daniel G. Brinton, M. D. Philadelphia; 

1882. 8°. Number 1 of Brinton's Library of Aboriginal American Literature. 
(/) The Lenape and their Legends, with the complete text and symbols of the 

Walam Olum. By Daniel G. Brinton, M. D. Philadelphia; 1885. 8°. 
(g) The Myths of the New World. A treatise on the symbolism and mythology of 

the red race of America. By D. G. Brinton. New York; 1876. 8°. 

BROWN (Chas. B.). 

The Indian Picture Writing in British Guiana. By Charles B. Brown. In Jour- 
nal of the Anthropological Inst, of Gt. Britain and Ireland. 
(a) ii, 1873, pp. 254-257. 

BROWN (Edward). 

The Pictured Cave of La Crosse Valley, near West Salem, Wisconsin. In Report 
and Collections of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin for the years 1877, 
1878, and 1879, Vol. vui, Madison ; 1879. 
(a) pp. 174-181, Figs. 2, 5, 9, 14. 
BRUXELLES, SOCIETE D'ANTHROPOLOGIE DE. 
See Societc d' Anthropologic dv Bruxelles. 



782 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



BUCKLAND (Miss A. W.). 

On Tattooing. In Journal Anthrop. Inst. Gt. Britain and Ireland, xvn, No. 4. 
May, 1888. 

(a) p. 318 et seq. 

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 

Annual Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian 
Institution. Washington. Roy. 8°. i[-x]. 

First Annual Report [for 1879-'80]. 1881. Sign Language among North 
American Indians compared with that among other peonies and deaf 
mutes. By Garrick Mallery. pp. 263-552. 
(«) p. 498. 

Same Report. A Further Contribution to the Study of the Mortuary Customs 
of the North American Indians. By Dr. H. C. Yarrow, Act. Asst. Surg. U. S. 
A. pp. 87-203. 
(ft) p. 195. 

Fourth Annual Report [for 1882-'83] . 1886. Pictographs of North American 
Indians. A Preliminary Paper. By Garrick Mallery. pp. 3-256. 
References to other authors in this series appear under their respective names. 

CADILLAC (Capt. de Lamothe). 

(ft) Collier qui doit etre porte a Montreal. In Margrv, Part v, pp. 290-291. 
(6) In Margry, Part v, p. 90. 

CANADA. ROYAL SOCIETY OF. 

Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada. i[-ix]. Mon- 
treal and Toronto. Large 4°. 

CANADA, Report of the Deputy Superintendent-General of Indian Affairs of. 
Ottawa; 1879. 8°. 
(a) p. 113. 

CANADIAN INSTITUTE. 

Proceedings of the Canadian Institute of Toronto, being a continuation of the 
Canadian Journal of Science, Literature, and History. 20 vols, in 3 series, 
commencing 1852. Toronto. First series 4°, last series 8°. 

CARNE (Perkier du). 

(a) In L'Anthropologie, II, 1891, No. 2, p. 269. 

CARPENTER (Edward). 

From Adam's Peak to Elephanta. Sketches in Ceylon and India. By Edward 
Carpenter. London; 1892. 8°. 
(«) p. 129. 
CARTAILHAC (Emile). 

La France prehistorique d'apres les s6pultures et les monuments. Par Emile 
Cartailhac. Paris; 1889. 8°. 
(a) p. 234. 

CARVER (Capt. Jonathan). 

Travels through the Interior Parts of North America, in the years 1766, 1767, and 
1768. By J. Carver, esq., captain of a company of Provincial troops during 
the late war with France. Illustrated with copper plates. London ; 1778. 8°. 
(«) p. 418. (6) ib. (c) p. 357. 

CATLIN (George). 

Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and Condition of the North American 
Indians. Fourth edition. London; 1844. 2 vols. 8°. 
(a) n, p. 98. 



jallbry.] LIST OF WORKS AND AUTHORS CITED. 



783 



CHAMPLAIN (Le Sieur Samuel de). 

Les voyages de la Novvelle France occidentale, dicte Canada, faits par le S r de 
Chanrplain Xainctongeois, Capitaine pour le Roy en la Marine du Ponant, & 
toutes les Descouuertes qu'il a faites en ce pais depuis Tan 1603 iusques en l'an 
1629. Ou se voit cornme ce pays a est<5 prernierement deseouuert par les Francois, 
sous l'authorite de nos Roys tres-Chrestiens, iusques au regne de sa Majoste h 
present regnante Lovis XIII. Roy de France & de Nauarre. Auec vn traitte" 
des qualitez & conditions requises a vn bon & parlaict Nauigateur pour cog- 
noistre la diuersite des Estiraes qui se font en la Navigation ; Les Marques & 
enseignments que la prouidence de Dieu a mises dans les Mers pour redresser 
les Mariniers en leur routte, sans lesquelles ils tomberoient en de grands dan- 
gers, Et la maniere de bien dresser Cartes marines auec leurs Ports, Rades, 
Isles, Sondes & autre cbose necessaire a la Nauigation. Ensemble vne Carte 
generalle de la description dudit pays faicte en son Meridien selon la declinaison 
de la guide Aymant, & vn Catechisme ou Instruction traduicte du Francois au 
langage des pen pics Sauuages de quelque contree, auec ce qui s'est passe en 
ladite No uuelle France en l'ann^e 1631. Paris; 1632. Sm. 4°. 

(Euvres ili' Champlain pnblices sous le patronage de l'Universitc Laval par l'abbe" 
C. H. Laverdiere, M. A., professor d'histoire k la faculty des arts et bibliothe"- 
caire de l'universit6; Seconde Edition. Quebec; 1870. [6 vols. Sm. 4° (the 
fifth in two parts), paged consecutively at bottom. 2 p. 11., pp. i-lxxvi, 1- 
1478, 1 1. The pagination of the original edition appears at the top. Vol. v is 
a reprint in facsimile as to arrangement, of the 1632 edition of Les Voyages], 
(a) v, 1st pt., p. 159. (6) ib. 157. (c) in, p. 57. (d) v, 2d pt., p. 40. (e) in, 
p. 194. (/) ii. p. 19. 

CHAMPOLLION (Jean Francois, le jeune). 

Grammaire Egyptienne, ou principes gen^raux de l'ecriture sacre"e cgyptienne 
appliquees a la representation de la langue parlee. Publiee sur le manuscrit 
autographe. Paris; 1836-'41. Sm. folio, 
(a) p. 113. (d)p.519. (flf)p. 91. (h) p. 57. 
Dictionnaire Egyptien, en ecriture hieroglyphique; publie d'apres les manu- 
scrits autographes, par M. Champollion-Figeac. Paris; 1842-44. Folio. 
(6) p. 429. (c)p. 31. (e)p. 1. (/) p. 3. 
CHARBNCEY (Count Hyacinthe de). 

(a) Des Couleurs consid6rees comme Symboies des points de l'Horizon chez les 
Peuples. From Actes de la Socie'te' Philologique. Tome vi, No. 3, Oct., 1876; 
Paris; 1877. 

Essai sur la symboliqne des points de l'horizon dans l'extreme orient. Hya- 
cinthe de Charencey. Caen; 1876. 8°. 

CHARLEVOIX (Pere F. X. de). 

History and General Description of New France. By the Rev. Pere Francois 
Xavier de Charlevoix. Translated with Notes by John Gilmary Shea. New 
York; 1866-1872. 2 vols. Imperial 8°. 
(a) i, p. 266. 

CHAVERO (Alfredo). 

La piedra del Sol. Estudio arqueologico por Alfredo Chavero. In Anales del 
Museo Nacional de Mexico, 
(a) in, p. 124. 

CLEMENT (Clara Erskine). 

A Handbook of Legendary and Mythological Art. By Clara Erskine Clement. 
Boston; 1883. Small 8°. 

(a) p. 7. 



784 PICTURE- WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



COALE (Charles B.). 

Life and Adventures of William Waters. By Charles B. Coale. Richmond; 
1878. 12°. 
(a) p. 136. 

COMMISSION SCIENTIFIQUE AU MEXIQUE. 

See Mexique, Mixtion Scientijique au. 
CONDER (Maj. Claude R.) 

Hittite Ethnology. In Journal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and 
Ireland, xvn, pt. 2, Nov., 1887. 
(d) p. 141. 

Palestine Exploration Fund. Quarterly Statement for July, 1881. London; 
1881. 

(a) pp. 214-218. (v) p. 16. 
On the Canaanites. In Journal of the Transactions of the Victoria Institute, 
Vol. xxiv, No. 93. London; 1889, pp. 56-62. 
(6) p. 57. 

CONGRES INTERNATIONAL DES AMERICANISTES. 

Compte-rendu de la cinquieme session, Copenhague, 1883. Copenhague, 1884. 8°. 

CONTRIBUTIONS TO NORTH AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY. 

Vol. i [-vi]. Washington. Government Printing Office; 1877[-1890]. 4°. 
(Department of the Interior. U. S. Geographical and Geological Survey of the 
Rocky Mountain Region. J. W. Powell in charge.) 
COOPER (W. R.). 

The Serpent Myths of Ancient Egypt. By W. R. Cooper, v. R. s. L. London; 
1873. 8°. . 
(a) p. 24. (6) p. 43. 
COPE (Prof. E. D.). 

Report on the Remains of Population observed in Northwestern New Mexico. 
By Prof. E. D. Cope. In Report upon United States Geographical Surveys 
west of the one hundredth meridian, in charge of First Lieut. Geo. M. 
Wheeler. 7 vols. Washington, 4°. 
(a) vn, 1879, p. 358. 

COPWAY (G.). 

The Traditional History and characteristic sketches of the Ojibway Nation. By 
G. Cop way, or Kah-gi-ga-gah-bowh, chief of the Ojibway Nation. London; 
1850. Sm. 8°. 

(a) p. 134. (6) p. 136. (c) pp. 135, 136. (d) p. 135. (e) p. 134. (/) p. 135. 
(g) p. 134. (ft) ibid. 
CRANE (Miss Agnes). 

Ancient Mexican Heraldry. By Agnes Crane. In Science, Vol. xx, No. 503. 
(a) p. 175. 
CRAWFURD (John). 

History of the Indian Archipelago. By John Crawfurd * * *. Edinburgh : 
1820.' 3 vols. 8°. 
(a) i, p. 290. 

CRONAU (Rudolf). 

Geschichte der Solinger Klingenindustrie. Von Rudolf Cronau. Stuttgart; 
1885. Folio. 
(6) p. 17. (c) pp. 18,19. 
Im Wilden Westen. Line Kiinstlerfahrt (lurch die Prairien und Felsengebirgo 
der Union. Von Rudolf Cronau. * * * Braunschweig; 1889. 8°, 
(a) p. 85. 



MALLERY.] 



LIST OF WORKS AND AUTHORS CITED. 



785 



CUMMING (R. Gordon). 

Sporting Adventures in South Africa. By Gordon Cumming. London; 1856. 
2 vols. 8°. 
(a) I, p. 207. 
CURR (Edward M.). 

The Australian Race. By Edward M. Curr. London; 1886. 3 vols. 8°, and 
folio atlas. 

(a) i, p. 149 et seq. (b) ibid., p. 94. (c) m, p. 544, (d) I, plate facing p. 145. 
CUSHING (Frank Hamilton). 

Preliminary Notes on the origin, working hypothesis and primary researches of 
the Hemenway Southwestern Archaeological Expedition. In Congres Interna- 
tional des Americanistes. Compte-rendu de la septieme session. Berlin; 1890. 
(a) p. 151. 
D'ALBERTIS (L. M.). 

New Guinea; What I did and what I saw. By L. M. D'Albertis. Boston ; 1881. 
2 vols. 8°. 

(«) ii, p. 66. (b) ibid., p. 301. (c) i, pp. 213, 215, 519. (d) i, 262 and 264. 
DALL (William H.). 

On Masks, Labrets and certain aboriginal customs, with an inquiry into the 
bearing of their geographical distribution. In Third Annual Report of the 
Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1885 ; pp. 67-202. 
(d) p. 75. (e) p. 111. 
Contributions to North American Ethnology, I. 

(a) p. 79. (/) p. 86. 
Alaska and its Resources. London; 1870. 8°. 
(a) p. 142. (6) p. 412. (c) p.95. 
D' ALVIELL A (Count Goblet). 

The Migration of symbols. By the Count Goblet D'Alviella. In Popular Sci- 
ence Monthly ; 1890. (Sept. and Oct ) (Trans, from Revue des Deux Mondes ; 
Paris; May 1, 1890, p. 121.) 

(a) pp. 674, 779. (6) p. 676. (c) p. 677. 
DAVIDSON (Alexander) and STRUVE (Bernard). 

History of Illinois from 1673 to 1884, by Alexander Da vidson and Bernard Struve". 
Springfield, 111. ; 1884. 8°. 
(a) p. 62. 
DAVIS (W. W.H.). 

The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico. By W. W. H. Davis. Doylestown, Pa. ; 
1869. 8°. 
(a) p. 405. (b) p. 292. 
DAWSON (Dr. George M.). 

Notes on the Shuswap people of British Columbia, By George M. Dawson, ll. 
d., f. R. S., Assistant Director Geological Society of Canada, In Transactions 
of Royal Soc. of Canada, Section n, 1891. 
(a) p. 14. 
DE CLERCQ (F.S. A.). 

Ethnographische Beschrijving van de West- en Noordkust van Nederlandsch 
Nieuw-Guinea door F. S. A. De Clercq, met medewerking van J. D. E. Schmeltz. 
Leiden; 1893. 4°. 
(a) p. 31. 
DELLENBAUGH (F. S.). 

The Shinumos. A Prehistoric People of the Rocky Mountain Region. By F. S. 
Dellenbaugh. In Bull. Buifalo Soc. Nat. Sciences; Buffalo, N. Y. ; Vol. m, 
1875-1877. 
(«) p. 172. 
10 ETH 50 



786 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



DB SMET (Rev. Peter). 

See Smet (Pere Peter de). 
DE SCHWEINITZ (Bishop Edmund). 

The life and times of David Zeisbei'ger, the western pioneer and apostle of the 
Indians. By Edmund De Schweinitz. Philadelphia; 1870. 8°. 
(a) p. 160. 

DETROIT (Siege of, Diary of the). 

Diary of the Siege of Detroit in the War with Pontiac. Albany; 1860. 4°.' 
(a) p. 29. 

DIDRON (M.). 

Iconographie Chretienne. Histoire de Dieu. Par M. Didron, de la Bibliotheque 
Royale, Secretaire du Comite Historique des Arts et Monuments. Paris ; 1843. 
4°. 

(a) p. 338. (6) p. 330. (c) p. 343. (d) p. 145. 
DODGE (Col, R.I.). 

Our Wild Indians; Thirty-three years' personal experience among the Red Men 
of the Great West. * * * By Colonel Richard Irving Dodge, U. S. Army. 
Hartford; 1882. 8°. 
(a) p. 163. 
DORMAN (Rushton M.). 

The Origin of Primitive Superstitions and their development into the worship 
of spirits and the doctrine of spiritual agency among the aborigines of Amer- 
ica. By Rushton M. Dorman. Philadelphia; 1881. 8°. 
DORSEY (Rev. J. Owen). 

Teton Folk-lore. In American Anthropologist, Vol. II, No. 2. Washington ; 1889. 
(a) p. 144. (fc)p.l47. 
DU CHAILLU (Paul B.). 

The Viking Age. The early history, manners, and customs of the ancestors of the 
English-speaking nations. By Paul B. Du Chaillu. * " * New York ; 1889. 
2 vols. 8°. 

(a) ii, p. 116 et seq. (6) ibid., p. 133. (o) ibid., p. 10. 
DUNBAR (John B.). 

The Pawnee Indians. Their History and Ethnology. In Magazine of American 
History. New York and Chicago ; 1881. 
(a) iv, No. 4, p. 259. (b) vni, p. 744. 
DUPAIX (M.). 

In Kingsborouyh's Mexican Antiquities. See K'nujsborough. 
(a) V, p. 241 . PI. in iv, Pt. 2, No. 44. 
DURAN (Fr. Diego). 

Historia de las Indias de Nueva-Espana y Islas de Tierra Firma. Por El Padre 
Fray Diego Durau. Mexico; 1867. 4°. 
EASTMAN (Mary). 

Dahcotah; or, Life and Legends of the Sioux around Fort Snelling. By Mrs. 
Mary Eastman; with Preface by Mrs. CM. Kirkland. New York ; 1849. 8°. 
(a) p. 72. (6) p. 207. (c) p. 262. (d) p. xxvi. (e) p. xxviii. 
EDKINS (Rev. Dr. J.). 

Introduction to the Study of the Chinese Characters. By J. Edkina, d. d. Lon- 
don; 1876. 8°. 

(a) p. 26. (b) p. 42. (<•) p. 41. (d) Append. A, p. 3. (e) p. 20. (/) p. 35. 
(</) P- W. 0>) V- viii. 
EDWARDS (Mrs. A.B.). 

A Thousand Miles up the Nile. By Mrs. A. B. Edwards. London ; 1889. 8°. 
(a) p. 205. 



LIST OF WOEKS AND AUTHORS CITED. 



787 



EELLS (Rev. M.). 

Twana Indians of the Skokomish Reservation in Washington Terr. In Bull. 
U. S. Geolog. Survey, Vol. m, pp. 57-114. Washington ; 1877. 8°. 

EISEN (Gustav). 

Some Ancient Sculptures from the Pacific Slope of Guatemala. In Mem. of the 

California Academy of Sciences, Vol. n, No. 2. San Francisco ; July, 1888. 
• (a) p. 17. 

EMORY (Lt. Col. William Helmsley). 

Notes of a Military Reconnoissance from Fort Leavenworth, in Missouri, to San 
Diego, in California, etc. By Lieut. Col. W. H. Emory, made in 1846-'47. 
[Thirtieth Congress, first session ; Ex. Doc. No. 41.] Washington; 1848. 8°. 
(a) p. 89. (b) p. 63. 

ETHERIDGE (R,, jr.). 

The Aboriginal Rock-Carvings at the Head of Bantry Bay. In Records of the 
Geological Survey of New South Wales, Vol. n, Pt. 1 ; 1890. 
(a) p. 26 et seq. 

ETHNOLOGY, CONTRIBUTIONS TO NORTH AMERICAN. 

See Contribution* to North American Ethnology. 

ETHNOLOGY | BUREAU OP). 

See Bureau of Ethnology. 

EWBANK (Thomas). 

North American Rock-writing and other aboriginal modes of recording and 
transmitting thought. By Thomas Ewbank, Vice-President of the Ethno- 
logical Society. Morrisania, .N. Y. ; 1866. Pamph., pp. 49. 
EXPLORING EXPEDITION (United States). 

See Wilkes (Commodore Charles. 
FABER (Ernest). 

Prehistoric China. By Ernest Faber. In Journal of the China Branch of the 
Royal Asiatic Society, n. s., xxiv. 
FEWKES (Dr. J. Walter). 

Journ. of Aniei can Folk Lore; Oct.-Dec, 1890. 

(a) p. 10. 
Am. Anthrop., v, No. 1, 1892. 
(6) p. 9. 

Journ. Am. Ethnol. and Archaeol., n. 
(c) p. 159. 
FLETCHER (Dr. Robert). 

Tattooing among civilized people. In Transactions of the Anthropological 
Society of Washington, n, p. 411. 
FORLONG (Gen. J. G. R.). 

River of Life, or Sources and Streams of the Faiths of Man in all Lands. * * * 
By Maj.-Gen. J. G. R. Forlong. London; 1883. 2 vols. 4°. 
(a) i, p. 509. (6) ii, p. 434. 
FRAZER (Prof. Persifor, jr.). 

The Geology of Lancaster County. In Second Geological Survey of Pennsyl- 
vania: Report of Progress in 1877. CCC, Harrisburg; 1880. 
(a) pp. 92, 94, 95. (b) p. 62. 
GATSCHET (Albert S.). 

A Migration Legend of the Creek Indians, with a linguistic, historic, and ethno- 
graphic introduction. By Albert S. Gatschet. * * * Philadelphia ; 1884. 
2 vols. 8°. [Printed in Brinton's Library <>f Aboriginal American Literature. 
No. iv.] 



788 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



GIBBS (Dr. George). 

Tribes of Western Washington and Northern 'Oregon. In Contributions to North 
American Ethnology, Vol. i, pp. 159-240. Washington; 1877. 4°. 
(a) p. 222. (6) ib. 
GILDER (William H.). 

Schwatka's Search. Sledging in the Arctic in quest of the Franklin records. 
By William H. Gilder. New York; 1881. 8°. 
(a) p. 250. 

GONGORA Y MARTINEZ (Manuel de). 

Antiguedades Prehistoricas de Andalucia, monumentos, inscripciones, arnias, 
utensilios y otros importantes objetos pertenecientes a los tiempos mas remotos 
de su poblacion. Por Don Manuel de Gongora y Martinez. * * * Madrid; 
1868. 8°. 
(a) p. 64. 
GREEN (Henry). 

Shakespeare and the Emblem Writers; an exposition of their similarities of 
thought and expression. Preceded by a view of emblem-literature down to 
A. D. 1616. By Henry Green, M. A. London; 1870. 8°. 
(a) pp. 4-12. (ft) p. 13. 

GREGG (Josiah). 

Commerce of the Prairies, or the Journal of a Santa Fe Trader, during eight 
expeditions across the Great Western Prairies and a residence of nearly nine 
years in Northern Mexico. By Josiah Gregg. Second ed. New York ; 1845. 
2 vols. 12°. 
(a) II, p. 286. 
GUNNISON (Lieut. J. W.). 

The Mormons, or Latter-Day Saints in the Valley of the Great Salt Lake; a 
History of the Mormons. By Lieut. J. W. Gunnison of the Topographical 
Engineers. Philadelphia; 1852. 12°. 
(a) pp. 62-63. 
GUNTHER (C). 

Die anthropologische Untersuchung der Bella-Coola. In Verhandlungen der 
Berliner Gesellschaft fur Anthropologic Etlmologie und Urgeschiehte. Sit- 
zung vom 20. Miirz 1886. Berlin ; 1886. 
(a) pp. 208, 209. 
HAAST (Dr. Julius von). 

Some Ancient Rock Paintings in New Zealand. Journal Anthropological Insti- 
tute of Great Britain and Ireland. Vol. vm. 1878. 
(a) p. 50 et seq. 
HABEL (Dr. S.). 

The Sculptures of Santa Lucia Cosumal-Whuapa in Guatemala. By S. Habel. 
Washington; 1879. Constitutes No. 269 of Smithsoniau Contributions to 
Knowledge, 1878, Vol. xxn. 

(a) pp. 64-66. (b) p. 85. (c) p. 66. Sculp. No. 1, PI. I. (d) Sculp. No. 4. 
PI. II, p. 68. (e) pp. 67-68. (/) p. 77. 
HABERLANDT (M.). 

Ueber Schrifttafeln von der Osteriusel. In Mittheilungen der anthropologischen 
Gesellschaft in Wien. xvi. Band (der neuen Folge VI. Band), ill. und IV. 
Heft. .1886. 
HADDON (Alfred C). 

The Ethnography of the Western Tribe of Torres Straits. In Journal of the 
Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. Vol. Xix, No. 3. 
1890. 

(a) p. 366. (b) p. 365. (c) ib. 



LIST OF WORKS AND AUTHORS CITED. 



789 



HAKLUYT (Richard). 

Collection of the Early Voyages, Travels, and Discoveries of the English Nation. 
A new edition, with additions. London; 1809 [-1812]. 5 vols, and supple- 
ment. 4°. 

(a) in, 1810, p. 372. (b) ib., p. 276. (c) ib., p. 415. (d) Lb., p. 369. (e) ib., 
p. 40. (/) ib., p. 508. (g) ib., p. 615. 
HARIOT (Thomas). 

A brief and true report of the new found land of Virginia, of the commodities 
and of the nature and mauners of the naturall inhabitants. * * * By 
Thomas Hariot. Frankfurti ad Mcenvra. De Bry, anno 1590. Reprinted in 
facs. by J. Sabin & Sons. New York; 1872. 4°. 
(a) PI. xxiii. 

HARTMAN (Prof. R.). 

(a) p. 6 of the session of May 26, 1877, of the Berliner Gesellschaft fur 
Anthropologie. 
HAYWOOD (John). 

The Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee up to the first Settlements 
therein by the White People in the year 1768. By John Haywood. Nash- 
ville; 1823. 8°. 

(a) p. 113. (6) p. 160. (c) p. 169. (d) pp. 322-323. (e) p. 228. 

HEATH (Dr. E. R.). 

The Exploration of the River Beni. In Journal of the American Geographical 
Society of New York, Vol. xiv. pp. 157-164. New York; 1882. 
(a) p. 157. (6) p. 161. 
HERNDON (Lieut. Wm. Lewis) and Gibbon (Lieut. Lardner). 

Exploration of the Valley of the Amazon, made under direction of the Navy 
Department. By Wm. Lewis Herndon and Lardner Gibbon, Lieutenants 
United States Navy. Washington; 1853. 2 vols. 8°. [Ex. Doc. 36, Senate, 
32d Cong., 2d Sess.] 

(a) i, p. 319. (b) ibid., p. 201. 

HERRERA (Antonio de). 

The General History of the Vast Continent and Islands of America Commonly 
call'd the West-Indies, from the First Discovery thereof; with the best Ac- 
count the People could give of their Antiquities. Collected from the Original 
Relations sent to the Kings of Spain. By Antonio de Herrera, Historiographer 
to his Catholic Majesty. Translated into English by Capt. John Stevens. 
* * * Second edition, London; 1740. 6 vols. 8°. 
(a) Decade n, B. 10, Chap. 4. 
HIND (Henry Youle). 

Explorations in the Interior of the Labrador Peninsula, etc. By Henry Youle 
Hind. London; 1863; 2 vols. 8°. 
(a) ii, p. 105. (b) i, p. 270. 
HOCHSTETTER (Dr. Ferdinand von). 

New Zealand, its physical geography, geology and natural history. By Dr. 
Ferdinand von Hochstetter, Professor at the Polytechnic Inst, of Vienna, etc. 
Stuttgart; 1867. 8°. 
(a) p. 437. (6) p. 423. 
HOFFMAN (Dr. W. J.) 

(a) The Midewiwin or "Grand Medicine Society" of the Ojibwa. In Seventh 
Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology; Washington; 1891; pp. 143-300. 

(b) Pictography and Shamanistic Rites of the Ojibwa. In The American An- 
thropologist; Washington; July, 1888; pp. 209-229. 



790 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



HOLM (G.). 

Etknologisk Skizze af Anginagsalikerne (Sicrtryk af Meddelelser om GrOnland. X.) 
Kjtfbenhavn; 1887. 8°. 
(a) p. 101. (6) p. 108. 
HOLMES (William Henry). 

Report oil the Ancient Ruins of Southwestern Colorado, examined during the 
summers of 1875 and 1876. Washington ; 1879. [Extract from 10th Ann. Rep. 
of U. S. Geological Survey, 1879.] 
(a) pp. 401-405, Pis. xlii and xliii. 
Ancient Art of the Province of Chiriqui, United States of Colombia, by William 
H.Holmes. Washington ; 1888. 8°. In the Sixth Annual Report of the Bu- 
reau of Ethnology. 
(6) p. 21. (e)p.l81. 

Art in Shell of the Ancient Americans. In Second Ann. Report of the Bureau of 
Ethnology. 

(c) p. 253 etseq. (d) PL lii. 

HOLUB (Dr. EnnT). 

On the Central South African Tribes from the South Coast to the Zambesi. In 
Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. x, 
No. 1. August, 1880. 
(a) p. 6. (6) p. 7. 
HOUZE (Dr. E.) and JACQUES (Dr. Victor). 

Etude d'anthropologie. Les Australiens du Musee du Nord. By Dr. E. Houze' 
and Dr. Victor Jacques. Bruxelles; 1885. 8°. 
(a) p. 92. 
HO WITT (Alfred W.). 

On Some Australian Ceremonies of Initiation. By A. W. Howitt, F. G. s. Lon- 
dou; 1884. 8°. 

(«)p.l7. (d)p.8. (/)p.2. 
Notes on Songs and Song Makers of Some Australian Tribes. By A. W. Howitt, 
f.g. s. London; 1887. 8°. 
(6) p. 328. 

The Dieri and other kindred Tribes of Central Australia. In Journal of the An- 
throp. Inst, of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. xx, No. 1. 1890. 
(c)p.71. (c)p.72. (g)ib. (ft)ib. 
HUMBOLDT (Alexander von). 

Aspects of Nature. By Alexander von Humboldt. London; 1850. 2 vols. 8°. 
(a) I, pp. 196-201. 

IMPERIAL Academy of Sciences. 

Scientific papers of the Imperial Academy of Sciences, Vol. m, pt. 5. St. Peters- 
burg; 1855. 
IM THURN (Everaud F.). 

Among the Indians of Guiana; being Sketches chiefly Anthropologic from the 
Interior of British Guiana. London; 1883. 8°. 

(a) p.391et seq. (ft) p. 410. (c) p. 316. (d) p. 39. (e) p. 319. (/) p. 195. 
(#)p.219. (70 p. 196. (i) pp. 392, 393, Figs. 25 and 26. (fc)p.405. 

INDIAN AFFAIRS. 

Canada, Report of the Deputy Superintendent-! Jencral of. (See Canada.) 

IRVING (Washington). 

Astoria; or Anecdotes of an enterprise beyond the Rocky Mountains. By Wash- 
ington Irving. Philadelphia; 1836. 2 vols. 8°. 
(a) i, p. 226. (6 ) ib., p. 227. (c) ib., p. 169. 



malleky.] LIST OF WORKS AND AUTHORS CITED. 



791 



JACQUES (V.) and STORMS (E.). 

Notes sur l'Ethnologie de la Partie Orientale de l'Afrique Equatoriale. By V. 

Jacques and E\ Storms. In Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop. de Bruxelles. Tome v. 

Bruxelles; 1887. 
JAGOR (F.). 

Die Badagas im Nilgiri-Gebirge. In Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft 

fur Anthropologic, etc. Jahrgang 1876. p. 195. 
liber die Hieroglyphen der Osterinsel und iiber Felseinritzungen in Chil . In 

Verhandl. der Berliner Gesellsch. fur Anthrop., etc. Jahrgang 1876, pp. 16, 

17, Figs. 2, 3. 

(a) Verhandl. der Berliner Gesellsch. fur Anthrop., etc., Jahrgang 1882, p. 170. 
JAMBS (Dr. Edwin). 

See Tanner (John). 
JAMBS' LONG'S EXPEDITION. 

See Long (Major Stephen Harriman). 
JAPAN. 

Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Yokohama. * * * Tokyo. 8°. 
JEMISON (Mary). 

See Seaver (James E.). 
JESUIT RELATIONS. 

Relations des Jesuites; contenant ce qui s'est passe" de plus re narquable dans 
les Missions des peres de la Compagnie de Jesus, dans la Nouvelle France. 
Qu6bec; 1858; 3 vols. 8°. 
(a) ii, 1646, p. 48. 
JOHNSTON (H. H.). 

The River Congo, from its mouth to Bolobo; with a general description of the 
natural history and anthropology of its western basin. By H. H. Johnston, 
f. f. s., F. R. G. s. * * * Second ed. London; 1884. 8°. 
(a) p. 420. 
JONES (A. D.). 

Illinois and the West. By A. D. Jones. Boston ; 1838. 8°. 
(a) p. 59. 
JONES (Charles C, jr.). 

Antiquities of the Southern Indians, particularly of the Georgia Tribes. By 
Charles C. Jones, jr. New York , 1873. 8°. 
(a) pp. 377-379. (b) ib. 

JONES (Rev. Pf/tek). 

History of the O.jebway Iadians. By Rev. Peter Jones. London; 1861. 12°. 
(a) p. 121. '(b) p. 94. 

JONES (Capt. William A.). 

Report upon the Reconnaissance of Northwestern Wyoming. By William A. 
Jones, U. S. A. Washington; 1875. 8°. 
(a) p. 268. (6) p. 269. (c) p. 207, fig. 33. 
KANE (Paul). 

Wanderings of an artist among the Indians of North America. * * * London; 
1859. 

(a) p. 393. 

KEATING' S LONG'S EXPEDITION. 

See Long (Major Stephen Harriman). 
KELLER (Franz). 

The Amazon and Madeira Rivers. Sketches and descriptions from the note-book 
of an explorer. By Franz Keller, engineer. Philadelphia ; 1875. Large 8°. 
(a) p. 65 et seq. (b) p. 159 et seq. 



792 PICTURE-WETTING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



KENDALL (Edward Augustus). 

Travels through the northern parts of the United States, iu the years 1807 and 
1808. By Edward Augustus Kendall, Esq. New York ; 1809. 3 vols. 8°. 
KINGSBOROUGH (Edward King, Lord). 

Antiquities of Mexico: Containing fac-similes of Ancient Mexican Paintings and 
Hieroglyphics * * * together with the Monuments of New Spain, hy M. 
Dupaix. London ; 1831-'48. 9 vols. Imp. folio. 

(a) Vol. vi, Codex Telleriano Remensis, p. 150 (vol. I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, 
PI. 33). (b) vi, Codex T. R., p. 135 (vol. i, Codex T. R.,pt.4, PI. 4). (c) VI, 
Codex T. R., p. 141 (i, Codex T. R., pt. 4, PI. 19). (d) vi, Codex T. R., p. 148 
(i, Codex T. R., pt. 4, PI. 29). (e) VI, Codex T. R., p. 150 (i, Codex T. R., pt. 4, 
PI. 32). (/) vi, Coll. Mendoza, p. 74 (i, Coll. Mendoza, PI. 67). (g) vi, 
Codex T. R., p. 136 (i, Codex T. R., pt. 4, PI. 7). (7() vi, Codex T. R., p. 141 
(i, Codex T. R., pt, 4, PI. 20). (i) VI, Coll. Mend., p. 86 (i, Coll. Mend., 
PI. 71, Fig. 30). (fc) vi, Codex Vaticanus, p. 222 (n, Codex Vat., PI. 75). 
(I) vi. Codex T. R., p. 136 (i, Codex T. R., pt. 4, PI. 7). (m) vi, Coll. 
Mend., p, 69 (i, Coll. Mend., PI. 64, Fig. 5). («) (n, Codex Vat., PI. 100.) 
(o) vi, Codex T. R., p. 142 (i, Codex T. R.. pt. 4, PI. 22). (p) vi, Coll. 
Mend., p. 71 (I Coll. Mend., PI. 75). 
In the above citations the double references, one in and owe not in parentheses, 

are necessary because the text and the copies of paiutings are in different volumes. 

The above references not in parentheses refer to the text alone. The several parts 

of the volumes containing the plates are mentioned because the pagination of those 

volumes is not continuous. 

KOHL (J. G.). 

Kitchi-Gami. Wanderings round Lake Superior. By J. G. Kohl. London ; 
1860. 8°. 
(a) p. 18. 

LACOUPERIE (Prof. Dr. Terrien de). 

Beginnings of Writing in and around Thibet. In Journ. Royal Asiatic Society. 
New series, Vol. xvn, Pt. in. London; 1885. 

(a) p. 442 et seq. (b) ib. (c) p. 443. (d) p. 424. (e) p. 428. (/) p. 459. 
LAFITATJ (Pere Joseph Francois) . 

Mceurs des Sauvages Ameriquaiues, Comparees aux Moeurs des Premiers Temps. 
By le Pere Lafitau. Paris ; 1724. 2 vols. 4°. 

(a) II, p. 261. (b) II, p. 43. (c) ib. (d) ib., p. 266. 
LAHONTAN (Baron). 

New Voyages to North America. Containing an Account of the Several Nations 
of that vast continent, etc. By the Baron Lahontan, Lord Lieutenant of the 
French Colony at Placentia in Newfoundland. * * London; 1703. 2 

vols. 8°. 

(a) II, p. 82. (b) ib., p. 84. (c) ib., p. 246. (d) ib., p. 225. 
LAMOTHE. See Cadillac. 
LANDA (Diego de). 

Relation des Choses de Yucatan de Diego de Landa; Texte Espagnol et Traduc- 
tion Francaise en regard, comprenant les Signes duCalendrier et de 1' Alphabet 
Hieroglyphique de la Langue Maya, accompagne de documents divers histori- 
ques et chronologiques, avec uue Grammaire et un Vocabulaire Abreges Fran- 
cais-Maya, prec6des d'un essai sur les sources de l'histoire primitive du Mexique 
et de l'Amerique Centrale, etc., d'apres les monuments Egyptiens etde l'His- 
toire primitive de l'Egypte d'apres les monuments Americains. Par l'Abbe" 
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Ancien Administrates eccle'siastique des Indians de 
Rabiual (Guatemala), Membre de la Commission scientirique du Mexique, etc. 
Paris and Madrid; 1864. 8°. 
(a) p. 316. (b) ib. 



LIST OF WORKS AND AUTHORS CITED. 



793 



LANDRIN (Armand). 

(a) Ecriture figurative et Comptabilite en Bretagne; par Armand Landrin, 

Conservateur du Musee d'Ethn. In Revue d'Ethnographie. Tome premier, 

No. 5, Sept.-Oct. Paris; 1882. 
LANGEN (A.). 

Key-Inseln und die dortigen Geistergrotten. In Verhandlungen der Berliner 
Gesellschaft fur Anthropologic, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, Sitzung vom 
17. October 1885. 1885. 
(«) pp. 407-409. Taf. xi. 
L ANTHROPOLOGIC. 

L*Anthropologie. Paraissant tous les deux mois sous la direction de MM. Car- 
tailhac, Hamy, Topinard. * * * Paris; 1890. 8°. [The present journal 
is a consolidation of "Materiaux pour Thistoire de l'homme, " '• Revue d' An- 
thropologic," and "Revue d'Ethnographie. '"] 

(a) ii, No. 6, p. 693. (6) i, No. 5, p. 566. (c) n. No. 2, 1891, p. 150. (rf)n.No. 2, 
Mar.-Avr. 1891, p. 148. 
LA PLATA. See Museo de la Plain. 
LAUDONNIERE ( Ca/pt. Rene) . 

The Second voyage- into Florida made and written by Captain Laudonniere, 
which fortified and inhabited there two summers and one whole winter. In 
Hakluyt's Collection of the Early Voyages, Travels, and Discoveries of the 
English nation, q. v. 
(a) in, pp. 384-419. 
LAWSON (A.C.). 

Ancient Ruck Inscriptions on the Lake of the Woods. In The American Natural- 
ist, Vol. xix, Philadelphia, 1885. pp. 654-657. 
(a) PL xix and Fig. 1. 
LAWSON (John). 

The History of Carolina, containing the exact Description and Natural History 
of that country, together with the Present State thereof and a Journal of a 
Thousand miles traveled through several Nations of Indians. Giving a par- 
ticular Account of their Customs, Manners, etc. By John Lawson, Gent., Sur- 
vey or-General of North Carolina. London; 1714. 12°. 
(a) p. 190. 
LE CLERCQ (Fere Chretien). 

Nouvelle Relation de la Gaspesie, qui contient les Moeurs & la Religion des Sal- 
vages Gaspesiens Porte-Croix, adorateurs du Soleil, & d'autres Peuples de 
l'Amerique Septentrionale, dite le Canada. Dediee a Madame la Princesse 
d'Epinoy. Par le Pere Chretien Le Clercq, Missionnaire Recollet de la Province 
de Saint Antoine de Pade en Artois, & Guardian du Convent de Lens. Paris ; 
1691. 16 c . 
(a) p. 139. 
LELAND (Charles G.). 

The Algonquin Legends ot New England. * * * By Charles G. Leland. Bos- 
ton; 1884. 8°. 

(a) p. 40. (ft) p. 44. 
LEMLY (Lieul.ll. R.). 

Who was El Dorado ? By Lieut. H. R. Lemly, U. S. Army. In Century Magazine 
for October, 1891. 
(a) p. 889. 
LE PAGE DTJ PRATZ. 

Histoire de la Louisiane. Contenant la Decouverte de ce vaste Pays. Par M. 
Le Page du Pratz. Paris; 1758. 3 vols. 12°. 



794 



PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



LE PLONGEON (Dr. Augustus). 

Vestiges of the Mayas ; or, Facts tending to prove that communications and inti- 
mate relat ions must have existed in very remote limes between the inhabitants 
of Maya l> and those of Asia and Africa. By Augustus Lc Plongeon, M. D. New 
York; 1881. 8°. 
(a) p. 29. 

LEWIS (Capt. Meriwether) ani> CLARKE (Capt.). 

Travels to the source of the Missouri River, etc., and across the American Con- 
tinent to the Pacific Ocean, * * * in the years 1304, 1805, and 1806. By 
Captains Lewis and Clarke. Published from the Official Report. * * * 
London; 1814. 8°. 

(a) p. 66. (6) p. 375. (c) p. 379. 
LEWIS (T. H.). 

Incised Bowlders in the upper Minnesota Valley. In The American Naturalist 
for July, 1887. 

(a) p. 642. (6) p. 639 et seq. (c) ib. 
(d) Sculptured Rock at Treinpeleau, Wisconsin. By T. H. Lewis. In The Amer- 
ican Naturalist for September, 1889, pp. 782, 783. 
LONG (John). 

Voyages and Travels of an Indian Interpreter and Trader, Describing the Man- 
ners and Customs of the North American Indians; with an Account of the 
Posts situated on the river St. Lawrence, Lake Ontario, etc. To which is 
added, A Vocabulary of the Chippeway Language. * * * By J. Long, 
London; 1791. 4°. 
(a) p. 47. 

LONG (Maj. Stephen Harriman). 

Account of an expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains in 181!I and 
1829, under command of Major Stephen H. Long. Compiled by Edwin James. 
Phila. ; 1823. 2 vols. 8°. [Commonly known as James' Long's Expedition], 
(ft) i, p. 478. (c) ib., p. 287. (d) ib., p. 207. (/) ib., p. 125. (h) ib., p. 296. (i) 
ib.,p.208. (k) ib., p. 240. 
Narrative of an expedition to the source of St. Peter's River, etc., performed in 
the year 1823 under the command of Stephen H. Long, Major U. S. T. E. Com- 
piled by William H. Keating. Phila. ; 1824. 2 vols. 8°. [Commonly called 
Keating's Long's Expedition.] 

(«) i, p. 217. (e) ib., p. 334. (g) ib., p. 226. 
LOSSING (Benson J.). 

The American Revolution and the war of 1812 ; or, Illustrations by pen and pencil 
of the History, Biography, Scenery, Relies, and Traditions of our wars with 
Great Britain. By Benson J. Lossing. New York Book Concern; 1875. 3 
vols. Large 8°. 
(ft) in, p. 55. 

The Pictorial Fi61d-Book of the War of 1812. * * * By Benson J. Lossing. 
New York ; 1868. 
(a) p. 191, footnote. 
LUBBOCK (Sir JOHN). 

Prehistoric Times as illustrated by ancient remains and the manners and cus- 
toms of modern savages. By Sir John Lubbock, Bart., M. P., etc. London; 
1878. 8°. 
(a) p. 11. 
LYND (James W.). 

The Religion of the Dakotas. In Collections of the Minnesota Historical So- 
ciety. St. Paul ; 1860. 3 vols. 8°. 

(a) II, pt. 2, pp. 79, 80. (6) ib., pp. 59, 60. (c) ib., p. 68. (d) ib., p. 80. 



MALLERY. ] 



LIST OF WORKS AND AUTHORS CITED. 



795 



MACKENZIE (Sir Alexander). 

Voyages from Montreal on the River St. Lawrence, through the Continent of 
North America, to the Frozen and Pacific Oceans; in the years 1789 and 1793. 
* * * By Sir Alexander Mackenzie. Philadelphia; 1802. 8°. 
(«)p.236. (6) p. 33. (c)p.l73. 
MADISON (Bt. Eev. James). 

On the supposed fortifications of the western country. In Transactions of the 
American Philosophical Society, vi, pt. 1, 1804. 
(a) pp. 141,142. 
MAGNAT (Casimir). 

Traite du Langage Symholique, emblematique et religieux des Fleurs. Par 
Casimir Magnat. Paris; 1855. 8°. 
MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

Collections of the Maine Historical Society. * * * Portland Tand Bath;] 
1831 [-1876]. 7 vols. 8°. 
(a) vii, p. 393. 
MALLERY (Col. Garrick). 

See Bureau of Ethnology. 
MARCANO (Dr. G.). 

Ethnographie Precolombienne du Vgne'zue'la. Region des Raudals de l'Or6noque. 
In Memoires de la Societe d'Anthropologie de Paris; 2 e Serie, Tome Qua- 
trieme, Deuxieme Fascicule. Paris ; 1890. pp. 99-218. 

(a) p. 197. (6) p. 203. (c)p.l99. (<2)p.210. PL xxx. Fig. 25. (e)p.200. 
(/) P. 210. 
MARCOY (Paul). 

Travels in South America. By Paul Marcoy. New York ; 1875. 2 vols. 8°. 
(a) ii, p. 353. (b)ib. 
MARGRY (Pierre). 

Decouvertes et etablissements des Francais dans l'ouest et dans le sud de l'Am6- 
rique septentrionale (1614-1754). Memoires et documents originaux recuillis et 
publies par Pierre Margry. Paris; 1875-1886. 6 vols. 8°. 

(a) vi, p. 518. (6) IV, p. 172. (c) in, p. 363. (d) I. p. 159. (e) n, p. 325. (/) 
v, p. 454. (</)i, p. 264. 
MARSHALL (Frederic). 

Curiosities of Ceremonies. By Frederic Marshall. London ; 1880. 8°. 
(a) p. 190. (6) p. 65. 
MARSHALL ( Heut.-Col. William E.). 

Travels amongst the Todas, or the Study of a Primitive Tribe in South India. 
By William E. Marshall, Lieutenant-Colonel of her Majesty's Bengal Staff 
Corps. London; 1873. 8°. 
(a) p. 109. (b) p. 65. 
MARTYR (Peter). 

The History of the West Indies. * * * By Peter Martyr. Benzoni's trans. 
Basel; 1582. 

(a) Lib. i, Chap. xxvi. (b) u, p. cccx. 
Histori von der Franzosen Zug in die Landscbafft Floridam. 
(c) Cap. in, Die Neue Welt, Basel; 1583. 
MASON (Prof. Otis T.). 

Basket-work of the North American aborigines. In Report of the Smithsonian 
Institution, for 1884. Washington; 1885. Pt. n, pp. 591-306. 
(a) p. 296. 

MATERIATJX pour l'Histoire primitive et naturelle de l'Homme. Revue Mensuelle 
Illustree dirig6e par M. Emile Castailhac. Toulouse et Paris. 8° 



796 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



MATTHEWS (Dr. Washington, U. S. A.). 

The Mountain Chant. A Navajo ceremony. By Dr. Washington Matthews, U. 
S. A. In the Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 379-467. 
MAURAULT (Abhe J. A.). 

Histoire des Abenaquis rlepuis 1605 jusqu'a nos jours. Par TAbbe" J. A. Mau- 
rault. Quebec. Gazette de Sorel ; 1866. 8°. 
(a) p. 138. 
MAXIMILIAN (Prince of Wied). 

See Whtl-Xcuwicd (Maximilian, Prince of). 
McADAMS (Wm.). 

Records of Ancient Races in the Mississippi Valley; being an account of some 
of the pictographs, sculptured hieroglyphics, symbolic devices, emblems, and 
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McGUIRE (Joseph D.). Materials, Apparatus, and Processes of the Aboriginal 
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Sketches of a Tour to the Lakes; of the Character and Customs of the Chippe- 
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798 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



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PINART (Alphonse L.). 

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POTHERIE (Bacqueville de la). 

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POWELL (Dr. J. W.). 

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POWERS ( Stephen ). 

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PUTNAM (A. W.). 

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PUTNAM (Prof. F. W.). 

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RAU (Dr. Charles). 

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REBER (Dr. Franz von). 

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RECLUS (Elisee). 

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MALLERY.] 



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RENAN (Ernest). 

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An Elementary Grammar of the Ancient Egyptian Language, in the hiero- 
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REVISTA TRIMENSAL do Institute Historico e Geographico Braziliero. 

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Peruvian Antiquities. By Mariano Edward Rivero, * - * and John James 
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Archaeological Notes on Ancient Sculptnrings on Rocks in Kumaon, India, simi- 
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ROGERS (Rev. Charles). 

Social Life in Scotland from early to recent times. By the Rev. Charles Rogers. 
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ROSNY (Leon de). 

Archives PabSographiques, * * * Par Leon de Rosny. Paris; 1870. 8°. 
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ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY. 

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RUTHERFORD (David Greig). 

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SAGARD (Gabriel). 

Histoire dn Canada- et Voyages que les frcres Mineurs recollet y out faicts pour 
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SAYCE (Prof. A. H.). 

Address to the Anthropological Section of the British Association at Manches- 
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SCHOOLCRAFT (Henry R.). 

Historical and Statistical Information respecting the History, Conditiou, and 
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SHTUKIN (N. S.). 

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On Ancient Sculpturtngs of Cups and Concentric Rings, * * ■ * In Proceed- 
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Narrative of the Discoveries of the North Coast of America; effected V>y the 
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SOUTH CAROLINA, DOCUMENTS CONNECTED WITH THE HISTORY 
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SPENCER (Herbert). 

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Geology and Mineralogy of Georgia. By Dr. M. F. Stephenson. Atlanta; 1871. 
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Ceremonial of llasjelti Dail.jis and Mythical Sand Painting of the Navajo Indians. 
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Narrative of the Captivity and Adventures of John Tanner * # * during 
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Some Ethnographic Observations in the California Peninsula aud in Sonora. 
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THOMAS (Prof. Cyrus). 

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THOMSON (Paymaster William J., U. S. X.). 

Te Pito Te Henua; or Easter Island. In Report U. S. National Museum for 
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(a) p. 480. PI. xxin. 
THURN ( Eyerard F. im). 

See im Thurn (E.F.). 
THRUSTON (Gates P.). 

The Antiquities of Tennessee and the adjacent States, and the state of aborig- 
inal society in the scale of civilization represented by them. By Gates P. 
Thruston. Cincinnati; 1890. 8°. 
(a) pp. 90-96. 
TOKYO (Anthropological Society of.) 

The Bulletin of the Tokyo Anthropological Society. Tokyo Anthrop. Society 
office, Hougo. Tokyo. Vols. i-[vu]. 8°. 
(n) vii. No. 67. Oct. 1891, p. 30. 
TREICHEL (A.). 

Die Verbreitnng des Schulzenstabes uud ver wandter Gerathe.. In Verhandlungen 
der Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologic, Ethnologic nnd Urgeschickte. 
Sitzung vom 20. Marz 1886. Berlin; 1886. 8°. p. 251." 
TRUMBULL (Henry Clay). 

The Blood Covenant a Primitive Rite and its Bearings on Scripture. By H. Clay 
Trumbull. New York; 1885. 8°. 
(a) pp. 236-7. (b) p. 342. 
TSCHUDI (Dr. J. J. vox). 

Travels in Peru. By Dr. J. J. von Tschudi. New York; 1847. 8°. 

(a) Pt. II, pp. 344, 345. (6) p. 284. 
See also Rivero (Mariano Edward) and von Tschudi (Dr. J. J.). 
TURNER (George). 

Samoa a hundred years ago and long before. By George Turner. London ; 1884. 
8 C . 

(a) p. 302. (6) p. 88. (c) p. 185. 
TYLOR (Prof. Edward Burxett). 

Researches into the Early, History of Mankind. By Edward Burnett Tylor. 
New York; 1878. 8 C . 
(6) p. 103. 

(a) Notes on Powhatan's Mantle. In Internationales Archiv fur Ethnographie, 
I, 1888, p. 215. 

TYOUT ET DE MOG-HAR <Les Dessixs des Roches de). 

In Revue Geographique Internationale, 9 e annee, Paris ; d^cembre 1884. No. 110, 
p. 197. Editorial. 
UNITED STATES NATIONAL MUSEUM. 

See Xational Museum. 
VETROMILE (Rev. Eugexe). 

A Dictionary of the Abnaki Language. English-Abnaki and Abnaki-English. 
By the Rev. Eugene Vetromile. MS. in the Library of the Bureau of Ethnol- 
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VICTORIA INSTITUTE. 

Journal of the Transactions of the Victoria Institute, or Philosophical Society 
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VINING (Edward P.). 

An Inglorious Columbus, or Evidence that Hwui Shan and a Party of Buddhist 
Monks from Afghanistan discovered America in the Fifth Century A. D. By 
Edward P. Vining. New York ; 1885. 8 C . 



806 PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. 



WAKABAYASHIA (K.). 

(a) Pietureson Dotaku or so-called Bronze Bell. By Mr. K. Wakabayaskia. la 
Bulletin of the Tokyo Anthropological Society, Vol. vn, No. 67, Oct. , 1891, with 
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WAKEFIELD (Edward Jerningham). 

Adventures in New Zealand from 1839 to 1844. By Edward Jerningham Wake- 
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(a) I, p. 64. 

WAKE MAN (W. P.'). 

On the Earlier Forms of Inscribed Christian Crosses found in Ireland. In Jour- 
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5th ser. 1st quar. 1891. 8°. 
(a) p. 350. 
WALLACE (Prof. Alfred R.). 

A Narrative of Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro. * * * By Alfred R. 
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WARREN (Wm. 1 .). 

Paradise Found; the Cradle of the Human Race at the North Pole; a Study of 
the Prehistoric World. By Wm. F. Warren. Boston; 1885. 8°. 

WARREN (W. W.). 

Memoir of W. W. Warren; a History of the Ojibwa. In Coll. of the Minnesota 
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(a) pp. 89-90. 
WESTON (P. C. J. ). See South Carolina. 

WEITZECKER (Giacomo). 

Bushman Pictograph. In Bollet. della Societ:i Geografica Ital. Ser. n, Vol.xn. 
Fasc. Apr., 1887. Roma; 1887. 
(a) pp. 297-301. 

WHIPPLE {Lieut. A.W.). 

Report upon the Indian Tribes. By Lieut. A. W. Whipple, Thomas Ewbank, 
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(a) p. 42. (6) ib., pi. 36. (c) pp. 36-37, pis. 28, 29, 30. (d) p. 39, pi. 32. (e) 
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WHITFIELD (J.). 

In Journ. of Anthrop. Inst, of Gt. Br. and I. 
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WHITTLESEY (Col. Charles). 

Antiquities of Ohio. Report of the Committee of the State Archaeological So- 
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Archteological Frauds. Western Reserve and Northern Ohio Historical Society, 
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WHYMPER (Frederick). 

Travels and Adventures in the Territory of Alaska, formerly Russian American — 
now ceded to the United States — and in various other parts of the North 
Pacific. New York; 1869. 8°. 
(a) p. 101. 



LIST OF WORKS AND AUTHORS CITED. 



807 



WIED-NEUWIED (Maximilian Alexander Phillip, Prinz von). 

Travels in the Interior of North America. By Maximilian, Prince of Wied. 
London; 1843. Imp. folio, 
(o) p. 387. (b) p. 149, et seq. (c) pp. 339,386. (d) p. 153. (e) p. 255. 
(/)p. 340. (<7)p. 341. (ft) p. 352. 
WIENER (Chakles). 

Perou et Bolivie, r6cit de voyage, suivi d'etudes areheologiques et ethnogra- 
phiques et de notes snr l'6criture et les langues des populations indiennes. 
Par Charles Wiener. Paris; 1880. 8°. 

(a) p. 759. (6) p. 763. (e)p.l67. (d) p. 705. (e)p.770. (/)p.763. (g)v- 
77. (ft) p. 706. (i) p. 669. 111. on pp. 772 and 773. 
WILKES (Commodore Charles, U.S.N.). 

Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition during the years 1838, 1839, 
1840, 1841, 1842. By Charles Wilkes, U. S. N. Philadelphia ; 1850. 5 vols. 4°. 
(a) v, p. 128. (b) ib., p. 185. 
WILKINSON (.Sir J. Gardner). 

The Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians. By Sir Gardner Wilkinson, 
D. c. l. f. r. s., f. r. G. s. A new edition, revised and corrected by Samuel 
Birch, ll.d., d. c. l. Boston; 1883. 3 vols. 8°. 
(a) ii, Ch. x. 
WILLIAMS (Dr. S. Wells). 

The Middle Kingdom. A Survey of the Geography, Government, Literature, 
Social Life, Arts and History of the Chinese Empire and its Inhabitants. By 
S. Wells Williams, ll. d. New York; 1883 . 2 vols. 8°. 
(a) ii, p. 248. 
WILSON (Sir Daniel). 

Prehistoric Man. Researches into the Origin of Civilization in the Old and the 
New World. By Daniel Wilson, ll.d. Cambridge and London; 1862. 2 
vols. 8°. 
(a) n, p. 185. 

The Huron-Iroquois of Canada ; a Typical Race of American Aborigines. In 
Proceedings of the Royal Society of Canada. 
(a) n., 1884, p. 82. 
WINCHELL (Prof. N. H.). 

The Geology of Minnesota. Vol. i of the final report. By N. H. Winchell. Min- 
neapolis, Minn. ; 1884. Imp. 8°. 
(a) pp. 555-561, Pis. I, J, K, and L. 
WISCONSIN (Annual Reports and Collections of the State Historical Society of). 

Madison, Wis. Vols, i, 1854 [-xi]. 12°. 
WORSNOP (Thomas). 

The Pre-Historic Arts of the Aborigines of Australia, By Thos. Worsnop. Ade- 
laide; 1887. 

(a) pp. 7-9. (b) p. 22. 
YARROW (Dr. H. C). 

See Bureau of Ethnology. 
ZAMACOIS (D. Niceto de). 

Historia de Mexico. Barcelona and Mexico ; 1877-'80. 11 vols. 8°. 
(a) i, p. 238. 
ZEITSCHRIPT FUR ETHNOLOGIE. 

Organ der Berliner Gesellschaft fur Anthropologic, Ethnologie und Urge- 
schichte. Unter Mitwirkung des Vertreters* desselben R. Virchow herausge- 
geben von A. Bastian und R. Hartmann. Berlin. i[-xxv]. 1869-92. 
(a) viii, 1876, p. 195. 



INDEX. 



[The names of authors and works which appear in the List of Works and Authors cited (pp. 
777-808) are not included in this index.] 



'ice of Chinese 

and Greeks 226 

Abiqui, New Mexico, petroglyphs near.. 97 

Abnaki Indians, study of pictographs of. XII 

petroglyphs of 32 

gods of, presiding over petroglyphs. . 32 

birch-bark pictographs of 201, 

213-214, 468-469 

wlkhegan, or birch-bark letter of. ..330-331 

notices of direct i< >n and t imc used by 334 

notice of condition used by 347 

masks worn as insignia of authority 

by women of 425 

designation of Queen Victoria by 443 

Absaroka or Crow Indians, tribal desig- 

sign for medicine man of 466 

war color of 631 

headdress of 753-755 

Abstract ideas expressed pictorially . .584-607 
After, 585; age, 585-586; bad, 586; be- 
fore, 586; big, 586-587; center, 587; 
deaf, 587; direction, 588; disease, 
588-590; fast. 590; fear, 590-591; 
freshet, 591-592; good. 592; high, 
592-593; lean, 593-594 : little, 594-595 : 
lone, 595-596; many, much, 596; 
obscure, 597; opposition, 597-598: 
possession, 598; prisoner, 598-600; 
short, 600; sight, 600-601; slow, 
601; tall, 601-602; trade, 602; union, 
602-603; whirlwind, 603-604; win- 
ter, cold, snow, 605-606. 
ftccounting, pictographic methods of... 259-264 

Africa, petroglyphs in.... 178-185 

message of peace used in 361 

aroko or symbolic letters used in. ..371-374 

cowries of 374-375 

message of complaint for debt used 

in 374-375 

tattooing in 415-416 

scarification in 417 

property marks in . . _ . 442 

mourning ceremony in 630 

war colors in 633 

After, pictographs for 585 

Age, pictographs for ..585-586 



Page. 

Ahuitzotzin, Mexican emperor, pieto- 

graph for 134-135 

Ainos, tattooing among _. 412-413 

inscriptions probably made by 185-186 

Alaskan Indians, petroglyphs of 47 

notices of hunt by 332-333 

notices of direction by ..333-334 

notices of condition by ..350-353 

tattoo of 402-405 

mythic drawings on ivory by 476-477 

shamanism of .497-500 

shaman's lodge of 507-508 

votive offering to the dead by 519 

grave-posts of _ ..520-521 

pictographic records of customs of .541-542 

biographic records of 581-582 

signal of discovery by 645 

Alfara, Anastasio. gold ornaments from 

Costa Rica donated by XXII 

Algeria, petroglyphs in, at Tyout and 

Moghar 178-U9 

Algonquian bibliography, work on ..XX-XXI 

Algonquian Indians, petroglyphs by ... 106, 
109-110. Ill, 112 

wampum belts of 228-229 

military drill of 258 

insignia of military rank of 258 

pictographic notice of departure and 

declaration of war by _. 358 

invitation sticks of 364-365 

emblems of 377 

tribal designation of 378-379 

grave-posts of ..517-518 

record of battle by 554-555 

record of victory by 557-558 

mourning color of 629 

colors of war and peace of 631 

petroglyphs of 676-680 

hair dressing of 755 

Alton. Illinois, petroglyphs near 80 

Indians, birch-bark notice of 

trip by 334-336 

tribal emblem of 379 

decorative body painting by 

Indians on the 620 

North, petroglyphs in 37-140 



810 



INDEX. 



>o of_. 



decoration of head by... 621 

Annamite tradition concerning tattoo... 413 
Anthropological Institute of New York, 

plctographs published by 106 

Apache Indians, izze-cloth or medicine 

cord of 225 

time records of 258-259 

charms and amulets of... 502-503 

hair dressing of women of 755 

drawings of, compared with German 

sketches. 740 

Appointment, records of 257-258 

Appun, C. F., sculptured rock described 

by _. ..147-148 

Arabs, tattooing among 414 

Arapaho Indians, tribal designation of . . 381 

gesture signs of 643 

Arch Spring, near Zuni, New Mexico, 

petroglyphs at 96 

Areiiuipa. Peru, petroglyphs near 157-159 

Argentine republic, petroglyphs in 157 

Arikara or Ree Indians, pictographs on 

wood by 214 

decorating and coloring of skins by . . 220 

tribal designations of 381-385 

sign of achievement by 436 

property marks of 441 

hunting and other pictographs of . ..537, 538 
conventional device of, for dead man . 660 
Arison, William, pictographs copied by.. Ill 

Arizona, work in XVII 

petroglyphs in 48-51, 476, 512, 682 683 

Armenia, inscriptions on tombstones in. 524 

colors used for mourning in 630 

Aroko, or symbolic letters of West 

Africa ....371-374 

Artificial objects, pictographs on 215-217 

Aruba island, West Indies, petroglyphs 

in 139-140 

Asheville, North Carolina, petroglyphs 

near 99 

Asia, petroglyphs in 185-188 

Assinilioin, Montana, rock pictures in... 33 

Assiniboin tribal designation 381 

Athapascan dialects of Oregon, linguistic 

study of XIX 

Athapascan Indians, chart-making by. . 341 

practice of tattoo by . 395 

emblem of. 612 

Atosis, Abnakimyth of 471 

Australia, petroglyphs in ..161-165 

Australian natives, decoration of body 

with feathers by 207 

pictographs on skins by 219 

songs and song writers of 250 

messengers and mode of invitation 

Of 368, 369 

message sticks of 369-371 

scarification of 416-417 

messengers of vengeance (pinya; of. 433 

mythic personages of 489-490 

charm of fetich of 504 



Australian natives, magic and initiation 

ceremonies of 513-514 

messenger of death of 525 

ceremonial use of color by 628 

war colors of 633 

conventional representations by 652-653 

wommeras and clubs of 753 

Authors and works cited, list of 777-808 

Ava, Illinois, petroglyphs near 77 

Aztec inscription. Mexico 133-134 

Azuza Canyon, California, rock paint- 



Babylonians, significance of color among 

Bad, pictographs for. 

Bahama islands, petroglyphs in — 137- 

Bailey, Vernon, petroglyphs reported by 
Bald Friar rock. Maryland, petroglyphs 

on 8i 

Bandelier, A., petroglyphs reported and 

sketched by 98, 

Bantry bay, Australia, petroglyphs at. 164 

Bark, pictographs on 

Barnes, Mr., petroglyphs reported by 

Barnesville Track rock, Ohio 102- 

Barre, Wisconsin, petroglyphs at 

Barres Indians of Brazil, dyes used by.. 222 
Barton. W. E., petroglyphs described by. 81 
Battiste Good, Winter Count of .268-269, 287-328 

revelation of 289-290 

Baskets, pictographs on 217 

Basutoland, South Africa, petroglyphs 

in 182-183 

Battle records 554-566 

Iroquois and Algonkin 551-555. 556 

Ojibwa 556-557 

Algonkin 557-558 

French, from Indian account 558 

from Winter Counts 561-563 

of Little Bighorn ....563-566 

Before, pictographs for 589 

BellaCoolalndians.ceremonialdress of. 431 
Bendire, Capt. Charles, petroglyphs re- 
ported by.. 122 

Bengal, account sticks or strings used by 

natives of 264 

Benton, Owens Valley, Cal.. petroglyphs 

near 58 



Big. pictographs for 586-587 

Big Indian Rock, Pennsylvania 106-107 

Big Road. Oglala chief 420 

Bilqula Indians, tattoo of ._ 407 

Biography, pictographic forms of 571-582 

classification of 571 

continuous record .571-575 

particular events 575-582 

Birchbark pictographs, Abnaki . ..201,213-214 
468-469 

Amalecite 334-336 

Blackfeet Indians, figures sketched by.. 130 
Black Rock spring, near Milford, Utah, 

petroglyphs at 117 



INDEX. 



811 



Page. 

Blake, Lady Edith, petroglyphs de- 
scribed and sketched by 137-139 

Boas, Franz, work of XXIII 

Bone, pictographs on 206 

Book cliff canyon. Utah, petroglyphs in. 117 

Borneo, mourning color used in 630 

Borrinquenos, ancient inhabitants of 

Puerto Rico 137 

Brazil, petroglyphs in 150-157, 689, 691. 692 

cup sculptures in 195-196 

tattoo in 407 

Brazilian petroglyphs, compared with 

Spanish petroglyphs 690 

British Columbia, petroglyphs in — 44-48 

British Guiana, dyes used by Indians of. 222 

petroglyphs in 686-687 

British islands, cup sculptures in. 189 

Brittany, France, petroglyphs in 176-177 

methods of account-keeping in 264 

Broken leg, pictographic representation 

of.... - ..716-717 

Brown, C. Barrington, rock paintings 

mentioned by 144 

Brown, L. W., petroglyphs reported by. Ill, 112 
Brown, Mrs. Wallace myths related by.. 468 
Browns cave, La Crosse valley. Wiscon- 
sin, petroglyphs in — 126 

Browns valley, Minnesota, petroglyphs 

in 90 



Browns valley, South Dakota, petro- 
glyphs near 114 

Brule Dakota, tribal designation of 382 

origin of, as pictographically re- 
corded 567 

Burmah, tattooing in 413 

Bushmen, inscriptions by 180-1 83 

C. 

Cachoeira do Riberao, Brazil, petro- 
glyphs on .150-151 

Caicara, Venezuela, sculptured rock 

148 



California, linguistic v 



X1V-XV, 

XVI-XVII 

petroglyphs in 52-72 

gesture signs in petroglyphs of 637 -639 

California Indians, pictographs uy. on 

feather blankets _ 207 

coloring matter used by _ 221 

method of keeping accounts of 262-263 

mode of challenge of 362 

mode of collecting debts by.. 374 

tattoo of 406 

face painting by 619 

emblems of royalty of 633 

Canada, linguistic work in XVII 

petroglyphs in 37-45 

Canadian Indians, quill pictographs of .. 207 

Canary islands, pictographs of, compar- 
ed with California petroglyphs.. 58,59 
petroglyphs in 183-185 

Canyon de Chelly, New Mexico, petro- 
glyphs in 96 

Canyon Segy, Arizona, petroglyphs in.. 50 

Cara Pintada. Mexico 131 



Page. 

Cardinal points, colors attributed to.... 623-626 
Carisa plain, California, petroglyphs in. 68 

Carson river, petroglyphs on 92 

Catlin, George, cited 741 

Cayuga Indians, tree-carvings by 213 

Cayuga lake, pictographs on 213 

Cayuse vocabulary obtained XIV 

Ceara, Brazil, petroglyphs in 155-157 

Center, pictographs for 587 

Central America, petroglyphs in 141-142 

Chaleur Bay, face decoration of Indian 

women of 220 

Challenge, pictographic form of 362 

Chalk grade, Owens valley, California, 

petroglyphs at 58,59 

Chandeswar, India, cup scultures at 196 

Charencey, Count de, cited on Mexican 

symbolic colors 625 

Charms and amulets 501-505 

Chasm island. Australia.petroglyphs at. 161 
Chelan lake, Washington, petroglyphs 

at 33,122-123 

Cherokee Indians, linguistic work 

among XV-XVI 

work on language of XIX 

battle of, with Shawnees 122 

map made by 341 

symbolic use of colors by 624-634 

war color of 631 

alphabet of 665 

Cheyenne Indians, letter- writing by... 363-364 

tribal designations of 382-383 

Chibcha Indians, symbols used by 615-616 

Chicaguarapids. Venezuela, petroglyphs 

at __ 148-150 

Chihuahua, Mexico, petroglyphs in 131 

Chikasa Indians, tattoo of 394 

Child, gesture signs for 643-644 

Chile, petroglyphs in 159-160 

Chilkat Indians, pictographs by 217 

cedar bark blankets made by 217 

ceremonial garments of 429-430 

China, petroglyphs in 185 

Chinese, mnemonic devices of 226, 227 

topographic representations by 344 

ideographs by, for sickness 590 

ideographs for prisoners by 600 

symbolic writing of 618 

conventional characters of ...649-650 

mourning colors of 631 

ideographs and gesture signs of 637, 

642, 643, 644, 645. 

Chinook Indians, medicine bag of 504 

burial vaults of 523-524 

i 'hippewa Indians, practice of tattoo by. 406-407 

mourning color of 630 

Chiriqui, cup sculptures in ..193-194 

Chiulee creek, Arizona, petroglyphs on. 51 

Choctaw Indians, ancient notices of 347 

mode of divination of 494-495 

Christian art. significance of color in. ..622-623 

Chronology, pictographic 265-328 

Chukchis of Siberia, tattooing of 414 

Chumanas Indians of Brazil, dyes used 

by- — ,-— 222 

Ciguaner Indians, war colors of.. 632-633 



812 



INDEX. 



Claim or demand, mode of presenting. .374-375 
Clarke, W. M.. petroglyphs reported by. 115 
Clarksville. Tennessee, pel rogly pits near. 114 

Clouds, signs and symbols for 700-701 

Cloud-Shield, Winter Count of 269-523 

Cold, pictographs f or ...605-606 

Color, significance of 618-637 

decorative use of 619-622 

ideocrasy of ....622-623 

ceremonial use of 623-629 

relative to death and mourning 629-631 

for war and peace .631-633 

designating social status 633-635 

symbolic use of, in general.. 635-636 

Coloring matter and its application in 

pictography 219-222 

Colorado, petroglyphs in 72-75 

Colorado river, Utah, petroglyphs on... 118 
119, 120 

Columbia river, Washington, petroglyphs 

on 123 

Comanche Indians, drawings on bone by. 206 

gesture signs of 645 

Connecticut, petroglyphs in... 75-76 

Controverted pictographs 759-767 

Conventional pictographic devices 650-664 

Peace, 650-651 : war, 651-652; chief, 652- 
653; council. 653-654; plenty of 
food, 654-655; famine, 655-656; 
starvation, 656. 

Conventionalizing in pictography 649-675 

development of ...649-650 

Copper, pictographs on 212-213 

Corbusier.William, petroglyphs reported 

by .129-130 

account of Dakota customs by 265 

religious ceremonies described by ..505-507 

Corados, pictured notices by 357 

Coronel, A. F., ethnologic collection of.. 71 

cited 72 

Costa Rica, Anastasia Alfaro donates 

gold ornaments from XXII 

Costumes, weapons, and ornaments (dis- 
tinctive), pictographs of 749-756 

Cree Indians, exploit marks of 440 

notice of death given by 518 

Criley, John, petroglyphs reported by .. 77 
Cross, pictographs, symbols, and signifi- 
cations of the 724-735 

Crow Indians, tribal designation of 380 

Cueva Pintada, petrogly ph at 98 

Cult societies, pictographic devices of ..528-530 
Cunningham, Charles W., petroglyphs 

reported by. 356-35? 

Cunninghams island, Lake Erie, petro- 
glyphs on 678 

Cup sculptures 189-200 

classification of ...189-192 

Curtin, Jeremiah, work of ...XVI-XVII. XIX 
dishing, Frank Hamilton, Zuni sand 

painting described by 210-211 

Customs, illustrated in pictographs ....528-550 

, 3D. 

Dakota or Sioux Indians, gods of 32-33 

dye stuffs used by 220 



Page. 

Dakota or Sioux Indians, notched sticks 

used by, for recording time 227 

system of chronology of 265 

Ojibwa name for 272 

tribal names of 272 

mythic records of 290-293 

Battiste Good's record of 293-328 

topographic representation by 344-345 

tribal designations of 383 

gentile designations of 389-390 

superstition of, regarding tattoo 395 

devices of. for personal names 442-443, 

459-460 

god Haokah of ...479-480 

thunder birds of 483-485 

pictographs of, connected with thun- 
der-bird myth 486 

shamanism or medicine-making of .493-495 

fetiches of 501,503 

ceremonial colors of 512 

burial scaffolds of _ 518-519 

commemoration of dead by 523 

pictographs of, relating to customs, 

hunting, war, etc 534-537,539-540 

games of 547 

records of expeditions by 552-554 

records of notable events by 567-570 

records in general by 576, 578-581 

ideographic records by 585-605 

mourning ceremony of — 629 

war color of 631 

significant use of color by various 

tribes of 633-634 

pictographs for gesture signs of — 639-641 
conventional devices of, for peace, 
war, chief, counsel, plenty of food, 
famine, starvation, horses, horse- 
stealing, kill and death, shot.... 650-661 
composite forms in pictographs of. .735-736 

painted robes of 747 

distinctive dress, ornaments, and 

weapons of 751-753 

drawings of '56 

Dakota language, translation made from 

Teton dialect of XIX 

work on XIX 

Davenport tablets, the 764-765 

Da vidson. William C, vases donated by. XXI 

Dayaks, tattooing among — 413 

Dead mountain, Nevada, petroglyphs at . 95 

Deaf, pictographs for 587 

Death valley, California, petroglyphs 

in..... 60-61 

Declaration of war pictographically rep- 
resented 358-359 

Denison. James S., communication from. 105 

Dellenbaugh, F. S., drawings by 51 

Departure and return. Algonquian picto- 
graphic notice of 330 

Depuch island. Australia, petroglyphs 

on 162-163 

Desgodins, Pere, Mo-so manuscript 

copied by 673-674 

Dighton rock, Massachusetts, descrip- 
tions Of 86-87,762-764 

Direction, pictographic notices of 334 



INDEX. 



813 



Page. 

Direction indicated by drawing topo- 
graphic features 341-347 

Director, report of ._ Ill- XXX 

Disease, pictographie representation 

of__ 588-590 

Dorsey. J. Owen, work of XVni-XLX 

cited concerning Omaha names 92 

report by, on use of colors by Osage 

Indians _ 221 

explanation of Osage records by 251 

notes on Indian personal names by.. 446 
Douglas. Prof., remarks by. on cup sculp- 

Downing. Alfred, petroglyphs described 

by 123 

Drawing, instruments for 219 

Drums, magic 514-517 

Duck river. Tennessee, petroglyphs on.. 114 
Dutch, of Brazil, petroglyphs attributed 

to — - 150 

Dwellings, pictographs of 719-722 

E. 

Eakins. D. W., customs of Muskoki In- 
dians described by 258 

Earth, pictographs on.. 210-212 

Easterisland. Oceanica. petroglyphs in .169-171 

Eclipse of the sun. pictographs of 722 

Effigy mounds _ 212 

Egypt, petroglyphs in .__ 179-180 

Egyptians i ancient i. symbols of deities 

of 466 

mourning ceremonies of 631 

symbolic color of... 634 

symbolic characters of 642. 643. 645 

El Paso county. Texas, Indian map on 

El Paso del Norte. Texas, petroglyphs 

near 115 

Emblems, use of. in early and modern 

times 376-373 

signification of 610-61 1 

Emmert. John W., work of XL XEI 

Enchanted mountain. Georgia, petro- 
glyphs in 76 

England, turf monuments in 172-173 

Epone. France, petroglyphs in _._ 175-176 

Escamela. Mexico, stone of the giants at. 133 
Escondido. California, petroglyphs near. 62-63 

Esopus. New York, petroglyphs at 98 

Espanola. New Mexico, petroglyphs 

Esquimau tattooing 392-396 

Esselen vocabulary obtained-,- XV 

Europe, petroglyphs in 171-178 

Expenditures during the year,.. XXX 

Extra-limital petroglyphs ...161-188 

TP. 

Face decoration by Indian women of Bay 

ofChaleur 220 

Fairy rocks, Kejimkoojik lake. Nova 

Scotia, inscriptions on 38-12 

Fancher. G. L.. pottery donated by. XXI-XXII 

Fast, pictograph for 590 



Page. 

Fayette county. Pennsylvania, glyphs 

from Indian grave in 112 

Fear, pictograph for 590-591 

Feathers and quills, pictographs on 207-208 

Featherstonhaugh. Thomas. Indian rel- 
ics donated by ...XXII 

Feet and tracks, human and animal, pic- 
tographs of _ 715-716 

Fictile fabrics, pictographs on 215 

Fieldwork .._ X-X VII 

Financial statement yyy 

Finke river, Australia, petroglyphs on.. 162 

Florida chief. Satouriona, tattoo of 393 

Florida Indians, declaration of war by. . 359 

decorative painting by 619 

Flower messages of Turks and Persians. 368 

Fauna, delineation of 749 

Fool creek canyon. Utah, pictographs at. 117 
Forsyth county. Georgia, petroglyphsin. 76 
Fort Washakie. Wyoming, petroglyphs 

near .-.129-130 

Fort Wrangell. Alaska, petroglyphs near. 47 

Fowke. Gerard, work of XI 

France, petroglyphs in 175-177 

emblems on tombstones in. 524 

gambling pebbles from 549-550 

Fremont, Samuel, aid by.. XYni-XTX 

French Acadians. story of. told by Louis 

Labrador 42 

defeat of , at Port Royal 42 

Freshet, pictograph for 591-592 

Frost. L. L.. pictographs reported by 69 

Fulton. R. L.. petroglyphs described by.. 92-95 



Galibis. natives of South America, ap- 
pointment notices of 257 

Games pictured _ _ _ 547-550 

j Garden rock. AshevUle, North Carolina. 99 

Gaston. Oregon, petrogyphs. near 105 

; Gatschet, Albert S., work of XVII, XLX 

petroglyphs reported by 105 

report by. on coloring matter used by 

Klamath Indians 221 

on use of colors by Pueblos 624 

Geneva Picture rock, Pennsylvania Ill 

Gentile and clan designations 388-391 

' Georgia, petroglyphs in.. _ 76 

German swordmaker's marks _ 446 

German sketches imediaevel'. compared 

with Apache drawings 740 

Gesture and posture signs depicted 637-642 

Giant bird Kaloo. myth of 472-473 

Giant petroglyph. England 173 

Gibbs, George, petroglyphs described by 123 

Gila river, Arizona, pictographs on 49 

Gila river valley. Arizona, petroglyphs 

Gilbert, G. K.. communication by 48 

petroglyphs described by 50 

drawings by 77 

inscriptions copied and described by_116. 117 
petroglyphs described by 329 

Gill. De Lancey W.. aid by XXE 

acknowledgment to 30 



814 



INDEX. 



Page. 

Glooscap. hero-god of Abnaki 469-470. 473 

Gods of Abnaki presiding over petro- 
glyphs 32 

Good, pictograph for 592 

Gourds, pictographs on 208-209 

Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa 

investigated XIII 

Grave Creek stone, the 761-762 

Grave posts, Algonquian 517-518 

Great Britain and Ireland, petroglyphs 

Greek mnemonic device.. 226 

Greenland Innuit tattoo 392 

Greenland native map 346 

Guadeloupe, petroglyphs in 139 

Guatemala, petroglyphs in 142 

Guatemalan Indians, symbols used by. 61 4-615 

mourning color of 630 

colors for social distinction of 633 

priest of 431 

gesture signs of .647-648 

Guiana, petroglyphs in 144-147 

Guiana Indians, superstition of 146 

appointment notices of 257-258 

name-system of .444-445 

painting of body by 620 

Gypsy notice of direction 340 

H. 

Haida Indians, demon of 47 

basket work of 217 

pictographs by 217 

tattoo of 396-405 

myths of 477-478,479 

thunder-birds of .. 

gambling sticks of 547-548 

totem post of. 684 

composite forms in pictographs 737 

Haiti, religious and ceremonial use of 
color in 

Hamats, custom of biting among 

Handkerchief rock, Tazewell county, 

Virginia 122 

Hallock, Charles, cited 

pictographs reported by _ 

pictographs described by 42,43 

petroglyphs reported by 

Harpeth river, Tennessee, petroglyphs 

on... 114,115 

Hawaii, account books used by natives 

of 226-227 

Healdsburg, California, petroglyphs 

Henshaw, H.W., work of, XI V-X V, XVIII, XXI 

Hewitt, J. N. B., work of XVII, XX 

on etymology of Iroquoian word for 

Hidatsa Indians, instruments for pictog- 
raphy used by 21 £ 

paintings by, on robes or skins 

use of notched sticks by, for recording 

tribal designation of 

pictographic notices by ....336 

map made by 342 

individual designations of 



Page. 

Hidatsa Indians, exploit marks of 437-440 

pietographs of hunting and fruit- 
gathering by .1 ...533-534 

record of chief of 581 

High, pictograph for 592-593 

Hill, Edwin A., petroglyphs reported by. 97 

Hillers, J. K., work of XXIII 

pictograph copied by 353 

Hindoo and Egyptian symbol, lotus 

flower 618 

Hindu women, superstition of 196 

Hindu pictographs in rice flour 21 1 

Hindustan, cup sculptures in. 196 

Hinman, S. D., classification of picto- 
graphy by 204 

pictorial roster obtained by 420 

History, pictographic methods of record- 
ing ....551-570 

Hittite emblems of sound. 662-664 

Hoddentin used by Zuni Indians 221 

Hoffman, W. J., work of ....XIII, XIV, XVIII 

acknowledgments to 30 

rock paintings reported and de- 
scribed by ..52-53, 56, 60, 64, 71-72, 99-100 
petroglyphs described and copied by. 106 
109, 121, 127 

report by, on Hualpa Indians 221 

report by, on Indian mnemonic de- 
vices 223 

information furnished by 358 

report by, on Ojibwa Grand Medicine 

Society ...626-627 

Hog island, Maine, petroglyphs on 83 

Holman, Paul, report by, concerning 

pictographs.. 49 

Holmes, William H, work of X, XXI 

petroglyphs copied and described by. 88-89 

paper by, mentioned 209, 211 

rock sculpt tires described by 475 

Holstonriver.Tennessee, petroglyphs on. 115 

Hopi Indians, game of 548-549 

Howitt, A. W., pictographs described by. 219 
Hualpai Indians, decoration of body by . . 22& 

Huaytara. Peru, petroglyphs in 156 

Hubbell collection of ancient Indian pot- 
tery examined and photographed. XVII 
Hudson Bay Indians, significant use of 

color by...' 634 

Human body, pictographs on 205 

Human form, pictographs of 703-716 

Head and face, 707-711; hand, 711-715; 
feet, 715,716. 
Humboldt county. Nevada, petroglyphs 

in 95- 

Huron Indians, wampum messages of . . . 229 

met hod of recording used by 257 

declaration of war by 358 

tattooing of 393-394 

conventional war tokens of 652 

I. 

Idaho, petroglyphs in — 77,680 

Ideography 583-648 

preliminary remarks on .. - 5X3 -584 

progressive stages of 584 

Illinois, petroglyphs in 77-80 



INDEX. 



815 



Page. 

Illinois river, petroglyphs on 79-80 

Imitations and forced interpretations of 

pictographs 764-767 

Independence stone. Ohio 102 

India, petroglyphs in 186 

cup sculptures in. _ ....196-198 

declaration of war by natives of 361 

tattooing in — 413 

Indian god rock, Pennsylvania _ 109-110 

Indian personal names, work on XIX 

Indian physiognomy, work on XXIII 

Individual designation 419-460 

Individual achievements, signs of 433-441 

Innuit Indians, instruments used by, for 

carving on bone 218 

method of keeping accounts of 264 

pictograph of whale hunting by 531 

Inscription rock. El Moro. Xew Mexico. . 96 

Insignia or tokens of authority. 419-433 

Interpretation, means of 745-758 

Invitation sticks 364-366 

Iowa, petroglyphs in 80 

Iroquoian bibliography, work on XX 

Iroquois Indians, war post of 227 

use of wampum beads by... 228-230 

tribal designations of 377-378 

tattoo designs of 394 

insignia of chiefs of 419 

record of battles by... 554-555 

military terms of 555 

record of events by 575-576 

illustration of prisoner by 600 

conventional devices of. for dead men 

and death ^.660-661 

Instruments by which pictographs are 

made 218-222 

Ireland, petroglyphs in 171 

cup sculptures in 194 

Italy, petroglyphs in 17s 

ltamaraca. rock of, Brazil — 151-152 

J. 

Japan, petroglyphs in 185-186 

Japanese, mnemonic devices of 226 

letter- writing of. 368 

mourning colors of 631 

Java, symbolic colors of the cardinal 

points in 625 

Jebu messages of complaint 374-375 

Jessakkid curing disease. 254 

Johnson, G. K.. pottery donated by XXI 

Johnson, Willard D., pictographs re- 
ported by 77 

Jones, C. C. vessels donated by XXI 

K. 

Kaibab ( Arizona' Indians, personal 

names of 444 

Kaiowa Indians, tribal designations of.. 384 

gourd pictograph by __ 208-209 

emblemof _ 613 

Kalosh (Alaska) Indians, graves of 524 

Kanawha, West Virginia, petroglyphs at 34 
Kanawha river, West Virginia, petro- 
glyphs on 125 



Page. 

Kansas, petroglyphs in 80-81 

Karankawa vocabulary obtained XVII 

Kauder. Christian, works of. in Micmac 

1 angu age 667-670 

Keam.Thomas V..rock drawings reported 

by - 50 

on ceremonial use of colors by Moki 

Indians. 623 

Keam's Canyon. Arizona, rock drawings 

in... _ 50 

ideographic petroglyphs in 604,605 

Kei (or Arue) islands, Oceaniea, petro- 
glyphs in ...167-168 

Kekeewin and kekeenowin. definition of. 35 

Kentucky, petroglyphs in 81 

Kejirnkoojik lake. Nova Scotia, work on 

pictographs at XII 

inscribed rocks at 38-42 

mythic petroglyphs at 468^487 

drawings at 740-749 

Kickapoo Indians, mnemonic songs of . . 250 

Kickapoo ( Shawnee I prophet 508-509 

Kinahan, G. H., cup sculptures described 

by ._ 194 

KitshiManido. Ojibwa mythic personage 255 

Kiwach, myth of 473 

Klamath language, work on XIX 

Klamath Indians, coloring matter used 

by 221 

tattoo of 406 

Knotted cords and objects tied 223-227 

Kta-i Tupakshi (Standing Rock). Oregon 106 
Kwakiutl Indians. British Columbia, to- 

temic carvings of 391 

tattoo of 407 

myth of..... 479 

L. 

Labrador, ethnologic work in XXIV 

La Crosse, Wisconsin, copies made of 

pictographs near XIV 

La Flesche, Francis, petroglyphs de- 
scribed by 91-92 

Lake of the Woods, Manitoba, petro- 
glyphs on. ...... _ 43 

Lake Superior, Wisconsin, petroglyphs 

on 126 

painting of body by Indians on. 620 

Lake Tyrrell, Australia, pictograph on 

bark from __ _ 222 

Las Flechas, Mexico, petroglyph at 131 

Layton, Pennsylvania, petroglyphs at .. Ill 

Lean, pictographfor 593-594 

Lean Wolf, a Hidatsa chief, drawings 

by 342,424 

Leland, Charles G.. communication from 346 
Lightning, gesture signs and symbols 

for ..707-702 

Lisieres, France, petroglyph in 177 

Little, pictograph for .594-595 

Little Bighorn, battle of 563-566 

Little Coal river, West Virginia, petro- 
glyphs on 125 

Little Indian rock, Pennsylvania 106, 107 

Little Standing Buffalo, aid by XIX 

Lolos of China, written characters of . . . 674 



810 



INDEX. 





Page. 


Lone, pictograph for 


595-596 


Lone Dos;, Winter Count of 


266, 273-287 


LoneButte, Nevada, petroglyphs 


on 92 


Los Angeles, California, mnemc 


nic de- 


vices of Indians of 


223 


Los Letreros, Canary islands, 




glyphs of 


183-185 


Lower California, rock paintings in 131 



petroglyphs in . 



Machiasport, Maine, petroglyphs in 81-83 

Madeira and Mamore rivers. Brazil, pe- 
troglyphs on ....152-155 

Magiguadavic river. Maine, rock carv- 
ings on 32 

Mahadeo, Hindu god, worship of .196-198 

Maine, work on pictographs in XII 

petroglyphs in 81-83 

Malay natives, tattooing of 412 

Malecite Indians, birch-bark picto- 
graphs of ..XII-XIII 

Mallery, Garrick, work of. ... XII-XIII, XVIII 
notice and summary of paper on pic- 
ture writing by ....XXVI-XXX 

paper on pict ure writingof the Amer- 
ican Indians by 1-807 

Mandan Indians, oracle stone of 32 

tribal designations of 385 

signs of exploit worn by warriors of. 436 

decorative painting of body by 619-620 

Mangaia, tattooing in 413 

Manitoba, petroglyphs in 43-44 

Manti, Utah, petroglyphs at 117-118 

Maori Indians, genealogical board of 228 

Maryland, petroglyphs in 83-86 

Maco manuscript ...673-674 

Many, pictograph for 596 

Mason. Charles S., drawings furnished 

by-— 77 

Massachusetts, petroglyphs in 86-87 

Materials by which pictographs are 

made 218-222 

Mato-Sapa tBlaek Bear), chart made by. 268 

Matthews, Washington, cited 210 

on ceremonial use of colors by Navajo 623 

Maya Indians, gesture signs of 645-647 

symbolic characters of 645 

written characters of 756 

McCall's Ferry, Pennsylvania, petro- 
glyphs at 108 

McChesney, Charles E., account of battle 

of Little Bighorn by ._ 563 

McWhorter, L. V., petroglyphs reported 



by- 



126 



Meath county, Ireland, cairn in 171-172 

Medicine-arrow, pictographs of 503 

Medicine-man, pictographs of 463,464,466 

Megaque's last battle.. 560-561 

Menonioni Indians, myth of 481 

grave posts of 521-522 

Merriam, C. Hart, petroglyph photo- 
graphed by 61 



Page. 

Merriam, Col. Henry C, petroglyphs de- 
scribed by .... 122-123 

Message sticks ..369-371 

Meteors, pictographs of 722-724 

Mexican Emperor Ahuitzotzin, picto- 
graph for ....134-135 

Mexican Indians, method of preparing 

accounts by.... 264 

military insignia of 431-432 

personal names of 460 

mythic figure of ( Ahuitzotl) 488 

superstition of 500 

customs of, pictographically illus- 
trated 542-647 

hieroglyphic record of 567 

ideographic illustration of small-pox 

by 589 

ideographic illustration of snow by . . 606 

symbols of 613-614, 644 

symbolic colors for cardinal points.. 625 

color in the codices of 636 

conventional pictograph of 656 

Mexican and Central American picto- 
rial writing 665 

Mexico, petroglyphs in 131-136 

Aztec inscription from 133-134 

Micmac Indians, work on pictographs of XII 

birch-bark pictographs by. 201 

rock scratchings of, imitated 218 

notice of direction by . _ 341 

pictographs of fishing by 530-531 

tribal emblems of 379 

insignia dress and masks of 424-429 

medicine lodges of 509-511 

mourning color s of 629 

hieroglyphics of 666-671 

catechism of ...667-668 

Lord's prayer, as written by 669 

various printed words of 670 

Middleton, James D., work of XI 

petroglyphs reported by 80, 81 

Mide lodges, ceremonies of 508 

Mide rites, birch-bark roll of 202-203 

Midewiwin, or Grand Medicine Society 

of the Ojibwa, investigated XIII 

ceremonial chant of .232-246 

Migration record of 566, 567 

Millsboro. Pennsylvania, petroglyphs at 110 

Minabozho, tradition of _ 252 

Mindeleff, Cosmos, work of XXII-XXIII 

Mindeleff, Victor, work of ...XVII, XXI, XXII 
description of Pueblo prayer ceremo- 
nies by 511 

on ceremonial use of colors by Pueblo 

Indians 622 

Minitari, Gros Ventre, or Hidatsa tribal ' 

designations 384 

Mitmeconjou myth 482 

Minnesota, petroglyphs in 87-90 

Minnesota valley, traditions concerning 

rock inscriptions in 34 

Mississippi river, signals of peace by In- 
dians on 361 

Mnemonic picture writing 223-264 

Moghar, Algeria, petroglyphs at 178-176 

Modoc women, tattoo of 406 



INDEX. 



817 



Page. 

Modoc war color 631 

Moj ave desert, California, petrogly ph in . 61 

Mohave Indians, inscriptions by 95 

pigments used by - 221 

tattoo of women of _ 406 

painting of body by 620 

Mold Indians, notices on rocks by 329-330 

mythic drawings by 488, 506 

ceremonial by priests of 512 

ceremonial use of colors by 623-624. 62* 

conventional device of, for rain and 

symbol of Aloseka 662 

gesture signs of 643 

devices of 746,748 

Mongols, magic drums of 514-517 

Montana, pictured rocks in 90 

Mooney, James, work of ...XV-XVI, XIX, XXI 

petroglyphs reported by 99 

pictograph described by. 208 

on use of colors by Cherokees 624, 634 

Morgantown, "West Virginia, petro- 
glyphs near 124-125 

Mormons, petroglyph near Manti, Utah, 

as interpreted by 118 

Mortuary practices 517-527 

Mosher, Lieut., petroglyphs reported by. 51 
Mosman, Mrs. A. T., clay articles loaned 

by ._ XXII 

Mound canyon, Arizona, petroglyphs in. 51 

Mound explorations, work in X-XI, XXII 

Much, pictograph f or 596 

Muskhogean bibliography, work on XX 

Muskoki Indians, numeration marks of. 258 
Myths and mythic animals pictured 468-490 

IS". 

Naqomqilis (Wakashan) Indians, picto- 

graphs by 213 

Najowe valley, California, petroglyphs 

in 65-68 

Nanibe\ New Mexico, petroglyph at 98 

Names, Indian personal, work on XIX 

Nasquapees of Labrador, notices of di- 
rection, etc., by 310 

birch bark, letter by 341 

Natchez Indians, method of recording 

appointment by 257 

declaration of war by . _ 358 

ceremonial use of color by 628 

Navajo Indians, work among XVIII 

sand paintings ol 210-211 

ceremonial use of colors by 623-624 

Nebraska, petroglyphs in 90-92 

Negation, gesture sign for 644 

Nelson, E. W., petroglyphs described by . 60-61 

Nevada, petroglyphs in.. 92-96 

Newark, Ohio, fraudulent inscribed 

stones from 760 

Newark Track rock, Ohio 101-102 

New Brunswick, work in XII-XIII 

New Caledonia, drawings from 743 

Newcombe, Cyrus F., petroglyphs re- 
ported by 72 

New Guinea, tattooing of Papuans in ..411-412 

scarification in 417 

mourning colors used in 630 

10 BTH 52 



Page. 

New Hebrides, tattooing in 418 

New Mexico, petroplyphs in 96-98, 353, 682 

New York, petroglyphs in. 98-99 

New Zealand, petroglyphs in 165-167 

tattooing in 409-410 

grave effigies in 525-526 

religious and ceremonial use of color 

in ....627-628 

wood carvings in .685-686 

Nez Perc6 vocabulary obtained XIV 

Nicaragua, petroglyphs in 141,686 

Nicobarese mortuary tablet 527 

Night, signs and symbols for .699-700 

Nikari-Karu Indians of Guiana, mne- 
monic device of 226 

Nipigon bay, Ontario, pictograph on ... . 42-43 
Nootka or Aht Indians, at Vancouver 

island, British Columbia 44 

legend of 44 

Normocs, tattoo of 407 

Norris, P. W., petroglyphs reported by. .87, 125 

pictograph s obtained by 459 

North America, petroglyphs in .37-140 

tattoo in 392-407 

North Carolina, linguistic work in ..XV-XVI 

petroglyphs in 99-101 

war color of Indians in 632 

Notched or marked sticks 227-228 

Notices, pictographic forms of 329-357 

Nova Scotia, work on pictographs in . .. XII 

petroglyphs in 37^42 

Numeration 258-259 

Nye county, Nevada, inscribed rock in.. 94 

O. 

Oakley spring, Arizona, petroglyphs at. 329-330 

Obscure, pictograph for 597 

Oceanica, petroglyphs in 165-171 

Odanah, Oiibwa village, Wisconsin 126 

Oglala, Dakota, individual designation 

Of '. 424 

Oglala roster 420-424 

description and history of ...420-421 

pictographs from ._ 641,642,652 

Ohio, petroglyphs in 101-104 

Ojibwa Indians, work among XIII 

concentric circles used as symbols 

by 199-200 

hieroglyphic writing of 202 

pictographs on copper by 212-213 

birch-bark pictographs of 213 

instruments for birch-bark picto- 
graphs used by 218 

instruments for drawing on wood 

used by 219 

wampum belt of 230 

ceremonial songs of 232-250 

songs of Midewiwin 232-246 

song for Metai or medicine hunting. 2k>-250 

musical notation of 250 

Mide records of 252-255 

tradition of, concerning origin of In- 
dians ..255-256 

bif .h '.ark record of treaty by 256-257 

notice of direction used by 337-338 



818 



INDEX. 



Page. 

Ojibwa Indians, illustration of battle- 
field by , 342 

topographic signs employed by 345 

notice of condition by 347 

notice of warning by 353 

declaration of peace by 360 

letter- writing by 362-363 

invitation sticks of, and ceremony of 

invitation and acceptance 365-366 

summons to Mide ceremony of 367 

tribal designation of 385 

tattooing of women of 395 

shamanism of 466-467, 474, 475, 495-496 

manidos, or spirits, illustrated by. . . 480 

mythic wild cats illustrated by 481-482 

thunder-birds represented by 487 

hunting records of 532, 538 

records of battle by 556-557. 559 660 

record of migration of 566-567 

biographical record of.. 577-578 

ideographic illustrations by 585-605 

Bad, 586; sickness, 590; fear, 591; 
great, 596; see.COl; cold, snow, 605. 

ceremonial use of colors by 6:J6 627 

conventional devices of 653 

devices of, for life and death 660 

tribal and national emblems of 747 

weapons of 753 

drawings of .757-758 

Ojo de Benado, New Mexico, petroglyphs 

at 97-98 

Ojo Pescado, New Mexico, petroglyphs 

Oliver, Alice M., aid by XVII 

Omaha Indians, personal names of, list 

obtained XIX 

tribal designations of 385 

tattoo designs of 395 

insignia worn by police of 420 

record of war expeditions by 552 

ceremonial colors used by 625, 628 

Onas, Mohawk name for William Penn. 443 

Oneida. Idaho, petroglyphs in. 77 

Onontio, Iroquois name for governor of 

Canada 443 

Ontario, petroglyphs in 42-43 

Opposition, pictograph for 597-598 

Oregon, petroglyphs in ._ 104-106 

Origin of Indians, tradition of 255-256 

Orongo Indians of Easter island, houses 



of.. 



169 



Osage Indians, coloring matter used by 

mythic tradition and chart of 351-252 

practice of tattoo by 394 

mourning custom of 519 

war color of 632 

colors used by, for social or military 

distinction 633 

Ottawa Indians, instruments used by, 

for birch-bark pictographs 218 

pictograph by 529-530 

Ottawa and Pottawatomie Indians, pic- 

tographic notices by 350 

Owens valley, California, petroglyphs in 56-60 



Page. 

Pacific coast, tattoo on 396-407 

Passamaquoddy Indians, pictographs of, 

examined XII 

shop accounts of 259-262 

pictographic notice of direction by. 339-340 
pictographic notice of condition, or 

wikhegan by.. 347-350 

wikhegan, or message to the Presi- 
dent from 367 

tribal emblem of .378-379 

birch-bark drawing by 474 

record of battle by 560-561 

conventional device of 652 

Painted caves, Crocket county. Texas ... 116 
Painted rock, Indian personal name .... 35 

Painting upon robes or skins 219 

Painting on the human body ...618-619 

Paint rock, North Carolina, petroglyphs 

on 99-101 

Pai Ute Indians, in Owens valley, Cali- 
fornia 60 

topographic illustration by 342, 343 

Palestine, cup sculptures in 198 

Papuans, notice of warning by 357 

mourning colors of 630 

Parsons, F. H., aid by XXI 

Partridge creek, Arizona, petroglyphs 

on 50 

Passes Indians of Brazil, dyes use:! by.. 222 
Pawnee Indians, pictographs on wood 

by... 214 

tribal designations of 386 

medicine arrow of, pictographically 

represented 503 

Pawnee Loup Indians, notice of war 

party by.... 336 

Peach Springs, Arizona, petroglyphs 

near 50 

Pedra Lavrada, Brazil 157 

Peace and friendship, profession of, pic- 
tographically represented 359-302 

Peale, A. C, aid by XXI 

Penn wampum belt, history of 231 

Pennsylvania, petroglyphs in 106-113,678 

Penobscot Indians, pictographs by, ex- 
amined — XII 

vocabulary of, obtained XVII 

notice of direction by : .. . .338-339 

tribal emblem of 379 

Piasa rock, near Alton, Illinois, descrip. 

tion of 77-79 

definition of name 78 

Pictorial tribal designations 377-388 

Pictographs of Abnaki and Micmac In- 
dians examined XII, XIII 

Pictographs on stone, imitated 218 

Pictographs in alphabets 674-675 

Pictured cave near La Crosse, Wisconsin, 

copies made of pictographs at . . . XIV 
Picture writing of the Americanlndians, 
notice and summary of paper 

on XXVI-XXX 

paper by Garrick Mailery on 1-807 



INDEX. 



819 



Page. 

Piedra Pintada (Painted rock) creek 

canyon, Colorado, pet rogly phs in - 72 

Piegan Indians, notice by 356 

Pilling, James C, work of... X,XX 

Pinart, Alphonse. pictographs reported 

by . 62 

Pipestone, Minnnesota, petroglyphs 

copied at XIII, 87-88 

Piute Creek, California, pictographs at. 62 

Piute map of Colorado river 342 

Plains tribes, notices by 340 

Plancarte. F.. Indian relics donated by. XXII 
Playsanos Indians of California, grave- 
stones of 519 

Pokinsquss. myth of 469-470 

Polynesia, tattooing in 408 

Ponka Indians, personal names of XIX 

tribal designations of 386-387 

Pontiac. wampum belt of 230 

Pope, George, petroglyphs described by. 117 
Portsmouth, Khode Island, petroglyphs 

at _ — 113 

Possession, pictographic signs for _ 598 

Potomac river valley, work on pottery 

of - — . XXI 

Pottawatomie Indians, mnemonic songs 

of 250 

Pottery of the Potomac valley, work on. XXI 

Powell. J. W., work of XVHJ 

cited, concerning Indian personal 

names 444 

Powhatan tribes of Virginia, work on... XX 

Powhatan, deerskin mantle of 209 

Prairie du Rocher. Illinois, petroglyphs 

Prayer sticks 508-509 

Praying beads of Buddhists 226 

Prisoners. Indian treatment of 552 

ideographically represented 598-600 

Provo river, Utah, petroglyphs on 117 

Profession of peace and friendship 359-362 

Property, division of, among North 

American Indians _ 441 

Property marks 441-442 

Proudfit. S. V., pottery from the Potomac 

valley loaned by _ XXII 

Publications issued and distributed dur- 

Pueblo architecture, work on XXII 

models of. prepared XXII-XXIII 

Pueblo Indians of New Mexico, map 

made by 341 

cosmology of 467-468 

prayer ceremonies of 511 

ceremonial use of colors by 624 

colors for war and peace used by 631 

Pueblo pottery, coloring of 220 

Puerto Cabello. Venezuela, sculptured 

rock near 147-148 

Puerto Rico, petroglyphs in 136-137 

Pnget Sound, Washington, pictographs 

found on 214 

Pyramid lake, Nevada, petroglyphs at .. 92 

Q- 

Quick, J. H., petroglyphs described by.. 20-91 



Page. 

Quipu, a mnemonic device of Indians of 

Peru and Guiana 224-226 



Rain, gesture signs and symbols for 701 

Rattlesnake rock. Mojave desert. Califor- 
nia 61 • 

Record of expedition, battle, migration. 

and other notable events 552-570 

Red Cloud's census, description and his- 
tory of 445-447 

pictographs from . ..390-391, 421-423, 463-465, 
486, 494, 534-535, 585-598, 639-641, 652, 653, 657 

Red Horse petroglyph, England.. 173 

Red lake, Minnesota, birch-bark record 

obtained at . XIII, 252 

Religion, pictographs concerning 461-527 

general discussion and classification 461-527 

Religious ceremonies 505-517 

Reno, Nevada, petroglyphs in... 95 

Reveille, Nye county, Nevada, inscribed 

rocks in 94 

Reynolds. Henry L., work of XI,XXII 

pottery from Potomac valley, loaned 

by XXII 

Rhode Island, petroglyphs in... 113 

Riggs, S. R., editorial work on manu- 
script left by XIX 

Rio Mancos, Colorado, petroglyphs on.. 73-74 

Rio Negro, Brazil, petroglyphs on 152 

Roche Perce, Souris river, Manitoba 43 

Rock creek, Colorado, petroglyphs on ... 72 
Rock-paintings. Indian superstition con- 
cerning 466-467 

Rockhill, W. W., notice of Paul Vial's 

work by 674 

Rocky Dell creek, New Mexico, rock 

paintings at _ __ 96 

Rock hill, Calif or nia, pe trogly phs on ... . 52 
Rogers, Charles, remarks by, on cup 

sculptures 200 

Romans, custom of tattooing among 408 

emblems of 525,618 

ceremonial use of color by 628-629 

Rowe canyon, Arizona, petroglyphs in .356-357 
Running Antelope, Dakota chief, biogra- 
phy by ...571-575 

Russell, I. C, pictographs sketched by.. 117 

S. 

Sac Indians, mourning ceremonies of ..518-629 

conventional devices of 658 

Sacred rock paintings .466-467 

Salish Indians, work on language of.. XXIII 

■ tattoo among.. 407 

funeral customs of 524 

mourning colors of. 630 

Samoa, tattooing in. 410-411 

Samoyed message of demand 375 

Sand, pictographs on 210-212 

San Antonio springs, New Mexico, petro- 
glyphs at 97 

San Bernardino. California, pictographs 

reported near 62 

San Diego county, California, petro- 
glyphs in 63 



820 



INDEX. 



Page. 

San Francisco mountain, Arizona, petro- 

glyphs near.... 48-49 

San Marcos pass, California, petroglyphs 

near 64 

San Juan river, Colorado, petroglyphs 

petroglyphs on 74-75 

Santa Barbara, California, coloring mat- 
ter of pictographs in 221 

Santa Lucia Cosumalhuapa, Guatemala, 

sculptures of 226 

Sapiel Selmo, Passamaquoddy chief 338 

Satsika (Blackfeet) Indians, insignia of 

Tail Bearer of 429 

societies of 528-529 

Sawyer, Wells M.. acknowledgments^- . 30 
Scandinavian colors for war and peace.. 633 

Scarification 416-418 

Schoolcraft, Henry R., exaggerated ac- 
counts of Ojibwa pictographs by . 202 

Scotland, cup sculptures in... 193 

Scythian declaration of war 362 

Seeman, Berthold. remarks by, on cup 

sculptures ..193-194 

Serpent, pictographs of ..476-477 

emblematic use of.. 617 

Serrano Indians of California, property 

marks of 441 

face mark of _ 621 

Shafer, P. W., pictographs published by. 106-10 

Shaman, definition of term 490-499 

Shamanism 490-500 

Shastika Indian women, face decoration 

Of 220 

Shawnees, battle of, with Cherokees 122 

Shells, pictographs on 203-210 

Shinumo canyon, Arizona, petroglyphs 

in ..51-121 

Short, pictographs for. 600 

Shoshoni Indians, petroglyphs interpre- 
ted by 128, 129 

use of notched sticks by, for record- 
ing time 227 

pictographic notice of hunt by 331 

pictographic notice of guidance by .353-354 

tribal designations of .387-388 

biographical record of 578 

gesture signs of, for cold 606 

petroglyphs by 680-682 

Shuswap Indians of British Columbia, 

notices by 340 

Siberia, use of knotted cords for mne- 

menic purposes in 226 

petroglyphs in ....186-188 

tattooing in 414 

Siberian and Tartar inscriptions 188 

Sicasica, Peru, writings found at 672 

Sierra Leone, scarification in... 417 

Sight, pictographs for 600-601 

Signs, symbols, and emblems 607-618 

classification of 607-609 

Simons, A. B., clay articles loaned by... XXII 

Siouan dialects, work in.. XIX 

Siouan family, divisions of 272 



Page. 

Sioux or Dakota Indians, paper prepared 

on camping circles of _ XIX 

tribal designations of.. 379-388 

origin of name of 272 

message of, to Ojibwa 360 

exploit marks of 433-435 

sign of mourning of 519 

cult societies of 528 

record of battle by 563-566 

mourning color of 629-630 

colors far victory used by 632 

Six Nations, deed from, toKing of Great 

Britain 378 

Skins, pictographs on 206-207 

Slow, pictographs for 601 

Snanaimuq Indians, war paint of 632 

Snow, pictographs for ..605-606 

Social and religious missives 362-374 

Songs, order of 231-250 

explanation of 231-232 

Sonora, Mexico, petroglyphs in ...131,749 

South Africa, petroglyphs in 180-183 

South America, petroglyphs in. ..142-160 

tattoo in 407 

South Carolina, war color of Indians in.... 632 

South Dakota, petroglyphs in 114 

South Sea Islanders, mnemonic devices of ..224 

Spain, petroglyphs in.. 177-178 

Spaniards, ceremonial use of color by 629 

Spanish and Brazilian petroglyphs 690 

Special comparisons 676-744 

Stephen. A. M., work of XVII-XVIII 

Stevenson, James, notice of death and 

biographic sketch of XXIV-XXV 

on ceremonial use of colors by Zuni...623 

paper by, mentioned 210 

Stone of the Giants, Mexico 133 

Stone, pictographs on. 205-206 

Strings used for mnemonic purposes 223 

Substances on which pictographs are 

made 205-217 

Supernatural, symbols of the .462-468 

Susanville, California, pictographs near. 69 
Swan, James G., contribution by, on 

tattoo 402 

Sweden, petroglyphs in 173-175 

Symbolism, development of 609-610 

Symbols of the supernatural- 462-468 

Syllabaries and alphabets 664-675 

development of 664-665 

Syrian symbols 61S-618 

T. 

Taboo 504-505 

Tall, pictograph for 601-602 

Tallies or notched sticks, in Great Brit- 
ain 228 

Tamanaques Indians, legend of. 33 

Tartars, use of notched sticks as rec- 
ords by 228 

notice of warning by 357 

magic drums of 514-517 

Tassin, A. G., drawing and explanation 

of petroglyphs by 95 



INDEX. 



821 



Page. 

Tattoo, significance of 391-419 

use of, by ancient monarchs 407-108 

in ancient Rome 408 

among Arabs 414 

summary of studies on ..418-419 

Taylor. H. R., sketch furnished and in- 
formation communicated by 83-83 

Tazewell County, Virginia, petroglyphs 

in ....121-122 

Temple Creek canyon, Utah, petro- 
glyphs in _ 116-117 

Tennessee, petroglyphs in _ 114-115 

Tepumereme, Venezuela, sculptur e d 

rock of.. 148 

Teocuauhxicalli, Mexican sculptured 

stone 135-136 

Teton Dakota, translations made from 

dialect of XIX 

insignia of police of.. 419-420 

shield device of 436 

Texas, petroglyphs in 215-217 

Textile fabrics, pictographs on ..215-217 

The-Flame, winter count of 268 

The-S wan, winter count of. 268 

Thlinkit (Tlinkit) Indians, shamanistic 

emblem of 612-613 

war colors of 632 

Thomas, Cyrus, work of X, XXI, XXII 

cited. _ 209 

on Mexican and Maya symbolic col- 
Thompson. Gilbert, petroglyphs reported 

by 92 

Thunder bird, pictographs of .... 58, 479, 483-187 
Ojibwa, 58.487; Kwakiutl, 479: Da- 
kota. 483-485: Haida, 485; Twana, 
485; Micmac,487; Venezuelan, 487; 
Haida, 399. 

Tibeto-China.mode of declaring war in 359 

Time records of Apache Indians 258-259 

Tiverton, Rhode Island, petroglyphs in.. 113 
Tlalmanalco, Mexico, Inscribed rock 

near _. 132-133 

Topography represented in pictographs. 341-347 
Torres straits islanders, scarification of . 417 

Totemic system, explanation of .388-389 

Totems, titles and names ..376-391 

Trade, pictographs for 602 

Treaties, mnemonically recorded 256-257 

Trees, pictographs on ^13 

Trempealeau, Wisconsin, petroglyphs 

at 127,128 

Truckee river, Nevada, petroglyphs on.. 

Tsimshian Indians, pictograph by 

tattooof _ 

secret societies and ceremonies of 

Tualati Indians, tradition of 

Tule River agency, California, petro- 
glyphs at 52-56 

Turf monuments in England... 172-173, 212 

Turkish 'ove letter ._ 368 

Turner, LucienM.. work of... ....XXIV 

Turner, H. W„ petroglyphs described by 52 

Tusayan pueblos, work among XVII-XVII 

Tuscarora Indians, legends obtained XVII 

linguistic work among. XX 



Page. 

Twana Indians, thunder bird of 435 

warpaintof 632 

Tyout, Algeria, petroglyphs at 178, 179 

XT. 

Umatilla vocabulary obtained XIV 

Unalaska, relics of art found in... 220 

Uncpapa Dakota, personal name 445 

Union, pictographic signs for 602. 603 

Utah, petroglyphs in 116-121, 681 

Ute Indians, declaration of peace by 360 

United States, petroglyphs in 45-130 

United States of Colombia, petroglyphs 

in 143,144 

Vancouver island, British Columbia, 

petroglyphs on 44-45 

Venezuela, petroglyphs in 147-150 

cup sculptures in 195 

mythic pictographs in 487 

color stamps used by Piaroas of 621 

petroglyphs in,compared with Ojibwa 

and Shoshonean types 688 

Voice and speech, pictographically illus- 
trated 717-719 

Victory, pictographic record of 557-558 

Virginia, petroglyphs in 121-122 

tattooed figures on Indians of 393 

W. 

W akashan Indians, pictographs by 215 

Walker Lake, Nevada, petroglyphs near. 93 
Wall, J. Sutton, pictographs described 

by 110,111 

pictographs copied by . _ ill 

Wampum, used in treaty 231 

forms and uses of 228-231 

significance of colors in 229, 230 

War, pictographic form of declaration 

Of .358,359 

Warning and guidance, pictographic 

notices of ..353-357 

Washington, petroglyphs in ...122, 123 

Washington, Pennsylvania, petroglyph 

near. 109 

Washoe Indians in Nevada 93 

Water, gesture signs for 642-643 

Watterson's ranch, Owens valley, Cal., 

petroglyphs at 59 

Weasel girls, myth of 471-472 

Webster, North Carolina, petroglyphs at. 99 

Wellsville, Ohio, petroglyphs near. 104 

West Indies, petroglyphs in 136-140 

West Virginia, petroglyphs in ....124-126,475, 
676-678 

Whipple, Lieut., pictographs reported 

by ._ 61-62 

Whirlwind, pictographs f or . 603-604 

White Earth reservation, Minnesota, 

work at _ XIH 

Ojibwa Mide cermony at 254 

White Horse petroglyphs, England 172 

Whitney, Willard J., petroglyphs re- 
ported by ._ 62 

Wichita Indians, practice of tattoo by.. 375 



$22 



INDEX. 



Page. 

Wikhegan, deflnition of 35, 330 

Wilkesboro, North Carolina, petroglyphs 

at 99 

Wind River valley, Wyoming, petro- 
glyphs in ..128-129 

Winnebago personal names, list ob- 
tained XIX 

Winnebago Indians, coloring matter 

used by 221 

pictographic notice by 334 

signs o£ exploit by 440 

mythic animal of. ._ 482 

record of battle by .558-559 

mourning color of 630 

Winslow, E., relation by, concerning In- 
dian records 250 

Winter, pictographs for 605-606 

Winter counts of the Dakota Indians ...266-328 

history and explanation of 266-273 

comparison of. 270 

pictographs from .273-328,380-387, 

447-465, 494-495, 503, 523, 535 -538. 540, 547, 
553-554, 561-562, 567-570, 578-581, 585-598, 
600-605, 634-642, 650-661, 716-717, 721, 751 

Wisconsin, petroglyphs in 126-128 

Wood, pictographs on .213-214 



Page. 

Woodthorpe, Lleut.-Col., account of 

tribes in India by 361 

Wright, Charles D., petroglyphs de- 
scribed by __ 72-73 

Writing and drawing, original identity 

of.. 664-665 

Wyoming, petroglyphs in 128-130,678-680 

Y. 

Yampais spring, Arizona, petroglyphs 

at 50 

Yenesei river, Siberia, petroglyphs on.. 186 
Yokut Indians, pictographs on baskets 

by 217 

Young, William, cited 378 

Yuma Indians, map of Colorado river by 342 

religious ceremonies of ...505-507 

Yuris Indians of Brazil, dyes used by 222 

Z. 

Zulu tattoo marks 415^16 

Zuni Indians, study of architecture ot...XVII 

tally sticks of 259 

sand paintings of 210-211 

coloring materials used by 221 

symbols used by _. 612 

ceremonial use of color by 623-624 



© 



